Christian Trade Unions Research Articles

The Christian Trade Union Movement in the Weimar Republic according to Apostolic Nuncio Eugenio Pacelli’s Assessments

This article focuses on the opinions of Eugenio Pacelli, the Apostolic Nuncio in Germany, regarding the German Christian labor movement in the 1920s. During the Weimar Republic, there were two types of organizations for Catholic workers: the interconfessional Christian Trade Unions and the Catholic Workers’ Associations. In his reports to Rome, Pacelli mainly emphasized the Church’s loss of contact with workers, as well as the spread of «misconceptions» regarding economic theory among them. In comparison to the Catholic Workers’ Associations, the Christian unions seemed more «moderate and reasonable» to the Nuncio, as he believed that the latter were more susceptible to radicalization.

“In God We Trust”—The Contribution of Christian Trade Unions in European Integration

Since World War II, the countries of Western Europe have gradually gone towards economic, social, and political integration. This was influenced by states, institutions, social partners, and churches. The Christian trade unions also contributed to that end. This contribution was the result of the interaction between the laborers’ religion and their desire to act collectively. Those unions followed the social doctrines of the Catholic Church and/or Protestant Churches while strongly disagreeing with socialist or communist unions. During the Interwar period, their members were subjected to the violent actions of the totalitarian governments in many European countries. Those governments eliminated Christian unions and, in some cases, persecuted their leaders. After the war, Christian unions embraced the “Peace Project”, advocating for European and global peace. They also cooperated with many political and social leaders during the formation of the EEC. Christian unions aimed at improving political systems in Western Europe, promoting freedom of religion, and defending the Communist threat. In this article, we describe the ways in which the Catholic and Protestant labor unions tried to promote political, economic, and social cooperation in Europe. To this end, we will examine their pertinent material and actions on the Old Continent. Finally, we will discuss the current challenges faced by the Christian unions and their stance towards neoliberal capitalism and globalization—these new developments in the long history of Christian Europe.

Contributo alla storia del cattolicesimo ‚integrale‘ nella Germania guglielmina

Abstract During the early years of the 20th century, attempts at dialogue with modern culture and practical collaboration with the Protestant majority in the Kaiserreich emerged in German Catholicism in order to overcome the condition of ‚inferiority‘ that characterized the Catholic population. In the context of the anti-modernist repression enacted by the Roman Curia of Pope Pius X, however, the proponents of forms of interdenominational organization, the autonomy of the laity from the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and openness towards secularized modernity more generally attracted the criticism of the so-called integralist Catholics. The latter saw a danger to the Catholic faith and to the prerogatives of the Roman Church in these developments and, ultimately, a manifestation of modernist ‚heresy‘. Among the targets of the integralist accusations were the Volksverein and the Centre Party, as well as the interdenominational Christian trade unions. The paper aims to shed light on the contents and characteristics of German Catholic integralism in the years following the encyclical Pascendi (1907): to this end, the specific case of the Cologne priest Andreas Müller (1862–1938) is examined; through dozens of letters addressed to the Nuncio of Munich and the Holy See itself, he denounced the (alleged) infiltration of Modernism in Germany.

Christelijke vakbonden van hoop naar ontgoocheling : Het Wereldverbond van de Arbeid en de transformatie van het voormalige Oostblok na 1989

Abstract The implosion of Communism between 1989 and 1991 in Central- and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the following socio-economic transitions had a strong impact on Western European social movements. The international trade union movement and trade unions in Belgium and the Netherlands were galvanized to support the changing labour landscape in CEE, which witnessed the emergence of new independent unions and the reform of the former communist organizations. This article explores the so far little-studied history of Christian trade union engagement in post-communist Europe. Focusing on the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) and its Belgian and Dutch members, it reveals how Christian trade unions tried to recruit independent trade unions in the East by presenting themselves as a ‘third way’ between communism and capitalism and by emphasizing the global dimensions of their movement. The WCL ultimately failed to play a decisive role in Eastern Europe because of internal disagreements, financial struggles and competition with the International Confederation of Trade Unions.

Political Training and Social Change in the 1960s and 1970s: The Educational Activities of the Latin American Central of Workers (CLAT)

AbstractThis article reconstructs the educational policies of the Latin American Confederation of Christian Trade Unions (CLASC)—the name of which was later changed to the Latin American Central of Workers (CLAT) —in the context of the Latin American Cold War. It provides an empirical description of its pedagogical praxis, showing how it was shaped in constant dialogue with the region's conflictive context. It explores how they viewed political training in relation to both their organizing efforts and struggles, applying a conception that brought together “action, organization and training” as integrated elements, in the run to foster class awareness, build up a “new society,” and “workers’ organized power”.

Une conférence méconnue du père Sertillanges : Le travail unanime (1919)

The article focuses on an unknown lecture given in April 1919 by Father Antonin-Dalmace Sertillanges in the Madeleine church in Paris and dealing with the subject of work. Since the pre-war years the Dominican had fought for the establishment of Christian trade-unions and was concerned by problems relating to women’s work. DuringWorldWar I, he realised that industrial production was a key factor in resisting the enemy and he insisted on the need for cooperation between workers and soldiers if victory was to be achieved. After the armistice, strikes and the rise in social tensions drove Sertillanges to remind his compatriots that working together ('travail unanime') was a fundamental element, during both war and peace, in preventing foreign aggression and in returning to a Christian way of life.

Christian Trade Unions and European Integration

Christian trade unions of the countries of « Little Europe » have established organizations to coordinate their European activities and to represent their interests before the agencies concerned with European economic integration. They have been forced to seek allies in order to increase their influence. In this search they have two major alternatives: they can work closely with the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, or they can try to increase their influence within the Christian Democratic political milieu. This article describes the supranational structure of the International Federation of Christian Trade Unions and analyses the problems of orientation with which its supranational activities has confronted it. The present article was suggested by a broader study of Christian trade unionism in the world. A grant from the Social Science Research Council enabled the author to visit several European countries during the summer of 1959, and this assistance is gratefully acknowledged. Additional research was accomplished in Europe in the summer of 1961.

Pacifying the social: Creating the French citizen worker, 1968–1975

Faced with strikes that shook the government during the French social crisis of 1968, French employers' associations feared that the economic and political crisis would destabilize both firms and factories. Employers regarded the strike wave as a movement that could not be resolved by conventional collective bargaining but as a crisis that demanded a new social settlement. The negotiations around job classification were viewed as one of the tools of this new social settlement. In the steel industry they endured for seven years, from autumn 1968 to 21 July 1975. The negotiation of the new job classification was led by the employers' Union of Mining and Metallurgical Industries (UIMM) and involved negotiations with the Federation of Metalworkers (CGT), the General Federation of Metallurgy (CFDT), the Federation of Christian Trade Unions of Metallurgy (CFTC) and the Federation of Executives, Master Technicians (CGC). In 1972, the employers accepted the principle of a common classificatory grid applicable to all workers, including technicians and supervisors. This evolution was driven by legislation that wanted all workers to be able to pursue a career within a particular firm. The government wanted to pacify workers by integrating them into consumer society through the provision of life-long careers. Career management as a means of restoring long-term social order in French factories produced a form of governmentality. Statistical definitions of skill were projected outwards from the state to the sector, and then to the firm. Labour statistics shared a common logic, language and authority. Governmentality was operationalized through managerial tools to simultaneously create new populations and individuals to be known and governed. Paradoxically, the universal career system was designed to be dynamic, to create both active liberal individuals and a population rendered docile.

The Legend of Compulsory Unification: The Catholic Clergy and the Revival of Trade Unionism in West Germany after the Second World War

Many issues proved controversial in Germany in 1945, but not the decision by most trade unionists to unite in a single labor federation for workers of all political and religious backgrounds. Laborites in exile from the Third Reich and those who met within Germany to discuss the future all agreed that their division before 1933 into rival unions for socialist, Christian, and liberal workers had gravely weakened democratic forces and facilitated the rise of Hitler. When democracy was restored, they insisted, one of its pillars must be a unified labor federation. The surviving leaders of the Christian trade unions in particular all agreed on the need to unite with their former rivals in the much larger “Free” (i.e., socialist) unions. Thousands of former Christian trade unionists were founding members of the unified trade unions that eventually banded together in the German Labor Federation (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, or DGB). Their role was especially important in Rhineland-Westphalia, where the Christian labor movement had always offered serious competition to the Free unions.1 These veterans of the Christian trade unions also threw their

The Changing Character of the Christian International

It can hardly be doubted that the International Federation of Christian Trade Unions has undergone a profound transformation. Not only has it ceased to be an exclusively European movement, but it is rapidly growing secular and also becoming a radical or revolutionary type of trade unionism.

The Pope, Labour, and the Tango: Work, Rest, and Play in the Thought and Action of Benedict XV (1914-22)

Ever since Leo XIII promulgated his encyclical Rerum novarum, ‘On the Conditions of the Working Classes’, in 1891, successive popes have added to the corpus of Catholic teaching on social/ labour questions. Pius X, for example, published an encyclical specifically addressing the vexed question of ‘interconfessional’ Christian trade unions in Germany, and Pius XI published no fewer than three encyclicals on social questions in the space of twelve months – Quadragesimo anno of May 1931, Nova impendet of October 1931, and Cantate Christi compulsi of May 1932. Recent popes, John XXIII, Paul VI, and John Paul II, have been equally prolific in their commentaries on the labour question.

Die katholische Arbeiterbewegung in Bayern nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (1945-1963) (review)

Die katholische Arbeiterbewegung in Bayern nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (1945-1963). By Dietmar Grypa. [Veroffentlichungen der Kommission fur Zeitgeschichte Reihe B: Forschungen, Band 91.] (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schoningh. 2000. Pp. 594. DM 150.00.) A thoroughly researched study of efforts to organize Catholic labor after 1945, Dietmar Grypa's published dissertation completes a trilogy of works on the Catholic workers' movement in Bavaria. Begun with Hans Dieter Denk's Die christiche Arbeiterbewegung in Bayern bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg (Mainz, 1980) and continued with Dorit-Maria Krenn's Die christiche Arbeiterbewegung in Bayern vom Ersten Weltkrieg bis 1933 (Mainz, 1991), the story is continued as Grypa's work skips over the National Socialist years to bring it through the Adenauer era. Like many works about the postwar era in Germany, Grypa starts at a Stunde Null (Zero Hour) from which all begins anew, referencing his predecessors' work in passing and assuming readers' familiarity with the issues laid out by Denk and Krenn. He does, however, reference more than twenty archives, more than fifty newspapers and other contemporary publications, and over five hundred secondary sources. He also utilizes interviews with eleven surviving leaders from the movement. The documentation of the movement in this time period is nothing short of exhaustive, and his work, as with his predecessors', stands as a necessary foundation for any further research on this subject. The strength of the research leads Grypa into discussions of several important topics concerning the Catholic workers' movement. He begins with the question of whether the old Catholic workers' associations should be simply reestablished as self-standing parish clubs or rather re-founded on a new basis as part of a larger regional organization (the latter won out) and details the organizational structure and activities of the movement. He then goes on to discuss in detail relationships between the Bavarian Catholic Workers' Movement and other regional Catholic workers' movements, Catholic youth organizations, secular and Christian trade unions, and various political parties. Ignored until the end of the work, however, is the political context of the movement, the continuing division between southern and western German Catholics, the American occupation, the intricacies of Bavarian politics under the Christian Social Union, and the Adenauer era as a whole. Grypa assumes the reader has an extensive background in the history of postwar Germany as well as Bavaria, one that a reader with more of an interest in the labor or Catholic sides of the story, not the German, may not have. For those with the requisite background, Grypa successfully highlights both the continuities and changes in the thinking of Catholic labor leaders, many of whom had experience in the Weimar Republic, concerning numerous issues, three of which stand out. First, they still sought the reformation of German society along the lines of Catholic social thought, hence the leaders' active participation in the grass-roots foundation of the Bavarian Christian Social Union (although not in its leadership). …

Het arbeidsprotest gebreideld?: kwantitatieve analyse van de stakingsvergoedingen uitbetaald door de ACV-centrale weerstandskas tijdens de periode 1948-1997 (een halve eeuw Centrale Weerstandskas)

When analysing the strike phenomenon quantitatively, researchers usually use the following variables: the number of stoppages (strike frequency), the number of companies involved in the strike (extent), the number of striking workers (scope) and the length of the strike (number of days’ strike). These data can be used to calculate the strike volume: the total number of days lost through strikes (length of the strike multiplied by the number of strikers). The volume of the strike phenomenon is seldom - if ever - calculated on the basis of the strike pay given to strikers by the resistance fund. This information is not available, because it is confidential and not released for research, However this is not the case for the Confederation of Christian trade unions of Belgium (1.4 million members in 1997), We have had the chance to calculate the expenditure of the central resistance fund over the past 50 years and to break it down among the various sectors (trade union federations) and regions. In this way we were able to analyse how the strike pay handed out annually differs in accordance with trends in unemployment, wages and the restrictions placed on free wage negotiations by the government. In addition, it may be noted that the tendency to strike differs substantially in the various branches of industry. Finally the results of this empirical analysis are internationally compared with the research results of other quantitative studies.

Der Volksverein für das katholische Deutschland, 1890-1933: Geschichte, Bedeutung, Untergang by Gotthard Klein

132BOOK REVIEWS The bibUography, despite some inexactitudes, is impressive.The nature of his cross-referencing in the index of names, however, is not very helpful. Despite these observations Grubb's book definitely makes a substantive contribution. Marvin L. Brown,Jr. North Carolina State University Der Volksvereinfür das katholische Deutschland, 1890-1933'- Geschichte, Bedeutung , Untergang. By Gotthard Klein. [Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Zeitgeschichte, Reihe B: Forschungen, Band 75.] (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh. 1996. Pp. 597. 98.00 DM.) The People's Association for CathoUc Germany, the Volksverein, was one of the largest lay organizations inWilheLmine Germany, attaining a membership of more than 800,000 by 1914.Although it was founded in 1890 as a consequence of the Kulturkampf and in response to the formation of the explicitly antiCathoUc EvangeUcal League, the Volksverein was less concerned with combatting Protestantism and "freethinkers" than with confronting sociaUsm. Its primary goal was to educate German CathoUc workers in social, economic, and poUtical matters in order to arm them against the attractions of Social Democracy and keep them in the Church. Many of its leaders were clergy, but the association was never under the direct supervision of the hierarchy and often clashed with individual bishops, as it did for example in the prolonged controversy over the ChristianTrade Unions. Gotthard Klein devotes only thirty-six of 416 pages of text to the prewar years, those of the Volksverein's greatest success ; thus his book is clearly intended as a sequel to and not a replacement for Horstwalter Heitzer's 1979 Der Volksvereinfür das katholische Deutschland im Kaiserreich 1890-1918. Most of Klein's attention is focused on the Volksverein's decline in the Weimar RepubUc and its ignominious coUapse in the years 1928-1933, which began with the bankruptcy of its extensive publishing operation.The reasons for the financial disaster were obvious: in the face ofprecipitous losses in membership (down to half the 1914 figure by 1928) the leadership not only did not retrench but actuaUy expanded the association's enterprises, hoping to recoup the losses from dues by opening new presses and bookstores, more local branches, and even venturing into film production. When the deficit became alarmingly large, the General DirectorWilhelm Hohn compounded the problem by his overly optimistic and imaginative schemes for refinancing the debt. Klein describes these maneuvers in painful detaU, including the years and years of convoluted arrangements which were eventuaUy required to pay off the creditors (one loan from a Dutch bank was not fuUy discharged until 1974!). The underlying reasons for the Volksverein's collapse were more complex. Why did so many of its supporters abandon this popular and effective organization in the 1920's? First, according to Klein, in a sense the association was a book reviews133 victim of its own success. Its adult education courses had taught a whole generation of CathoUc workers how to compete in German's economic Ufe, turning out labor leaders for the interconfessional Christian Trade Unions and poUticians for the ranks ofthe Center Party.These men no longer needed paternaUst guidance from theVolksverein. Second, the association faced increasing competition in the repubUcan years from a number of other CathoUc organizations, most of which attracted more speciaUzed demographic groups than "CathoUc Germany." Organizations for CathoUc women and youth flourished in the repubUc; the Volksverein had never tried very hard to recruit women even after their participation in pubUc associations was legaUzed in 1908.The CathoUc School Organization was a formidable rival, concentrating on the protection of the confessional school system which was threatened by the terms of the Weimar Constitution. Both the CathoUc Women's League and the School Organization were poUticaUy more conservative than theVolksverein and were more closely aUgned with the hierarchy , which was often at odds with Volksverein social poUcy. It is noteworthy that neither the bishops' conference nor the competing lay organizations were eager to contribute financially to the baU-out of the association. Third, even its most loyal members from the prewar years were put off by a radical shift in theVolksverein's ideology.The long-time inteUectuaI and spiritual leaders August Pieper and Anton Heinen had always stressed the practical goals of adult education; now...

Catholic-Marxist Competition in the Working-Class Parishes of Cologne During the Weimar Republic

Catholic-Marxist competition for the political and spiritual loyalties of Catholic workers constitutes one of the central themes of German labor and religious history before 1933. Since 1884, when Franz Hitze charged the Catholic labor movement to organize our Christian workers before it is too late. . before the enemy is within out walls, church leaders struggled to isolate their working-class followers from socialist and, after 1918, communist influences. To retain workers' loyalties to the Church and the larger confessional community, Catholic labor leaders established clerically led workers' clubs (katholische Arbettervereine), which aimed to immerse members into a wholly Catholic cultural milieu through a mixture of religious, social, and material services. Including the nominally interconfessional Christian Trade Unions, the Catholic labor movement represented the single largest alternative to the Marxist movements, and was even able to mount a challenge for primacy in key industrial districts in the Ruhr and the Rhineland.2 Even before World War I, however, the limits of Catholic hegemony were apparent. The walls of religious identity and clerical authority failed to prevent an estimated 800,000 Catholic workers from joining the Social Democratic Party (SPD) or the allied Free Unions by 1914, enabling the SPD to capture the Catholic strongholds of Cologne, Dusseldorf, and Munich by the last prewar elections of 1912.3 Under the Weimar Republic, this trend accelerated and took a still more radical course with the advent of the German Communist Party (KPD). By the mid-1920's, the deterioration of personal and institutional religious loyalty among workers was so pronounced that Catholic labor leaders warned openly of an impending crisis in workers' commitment to the larger confessional community in its religious, political, and cultural dimensions. This article explores Catholic workers' growing ambivalence toward the confessional community in the 1920's, their rising tolerance or active support for Social Democracy and Communism, and the fears and frustrations that troubled the clergy forced to confront this situation. Specifically, the study will focus on conditions in working-class parishes in and around Cologne as described by local pastors in ecclesiastical visitation reports. Previous work on Catholic workers' troubled role in the confessional community under the republic has concentrated on institutional studies of the Center Party and the various elements of the Catholic labor movement.4 Little effort has been made to reconstruct the relationship between workers and the Church at the level of the local parish. This was, however, the most crucial setting of all in the battle for labor's loyalty, for it was here where workers formed the social relationships based upon work, neighborhood, class, and confession that their sense of social and political identity was decisively shaped. Cologne was a singularly appropriate site for an initial case study: the metropolis of the Rhineland was the seat for both one of Germany's most important archdioceses and a powerful regional branch of the Center Party. Given Cologne's religious and political importance for German Catholicism, the evidence of strong socialist and communist penetration among the local Catholic working-class population is especially striking. The Cologne visitation reports contain a wealth of material that allow a detailed reconstruction of the quality of religious life in working-class parishes, the tactics employed by the clergy in their desperate struggle to maintain, or rather to regain, a degree of influence among workers, and the Church's long-term prospects to overcome broad popular indifference joined with fierce competition from the Marxist parties. Fundamental to understanding the clergy's difficulties in the battle for Catholic labor is the realization that developments in the 1920's were essentially an intensification of a pattern of deteriorating trust between workers and the religious and political institutions of German Catholicism dating from the turn of the century. …

Der Katholische Gesellenverein in der Diözese Rottenburg von 1852 bis 1945: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Katholizismus in Württemberg by Ansgar Krimmer

268 BOOK REVIEWS change between Bishop Jules-Marie Courcoux and Dom Fulbert Glories: the bishop chagrined that a secretary of Charles Maurras—thus an important member of the condemned Action française—should be allowed to receive Communion publicly at the parish church. And the writer Max Jacob has an important walk-on part, in that this flamboyant gay and earnest convert treasured his moments at the ancient abbey. (For another off-angle look at the convert Jacob, see the extraordinary Correspondence ofJean Cocteau and Jacques Maritain with essential notes by Michel Bressolette and Pierre Glaudes [Paris: Gallimard, 1993]). After the drôle de guerre (here again, readers can view localized experience of a nationally traumatic event), the modern Benedictine community at St.Beno ît-sur-Loire was established, finally, October 11, 1944. Important examinations of the reputed relics of St. Benedict (and St. Scholastica) were conducted by church and medical authorities, verifying that the bones were those chronicled at the founding of the monastery in the seventh century. The results of the brief, sound reports of these examinations, previously available only locally, are reported by the author. This is a necessary book. We cannot understand the significance of major events if we cannot see how they impinged on individual lives and concrete events of local significance. Fortunately for us, St.-Benoît-sur-Loire has an erudite chronicler and a genial interpreter in Alphonse de SaintVincent. Joseph F. Byrnes Oklahoma State University Der Katholische Gesellenverein in der Diözese Rottenburg von 1852 bis 1945:Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Katholizismus in Württemberg. By Ansgar Krimmer. [Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Zeitgeschichte, Reihe B: Forschungen, Band 66.] (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh. 1994. Pp. xxx, 306.) This is a well-researched regional study of the Catholic journeymen's associations , which were of considerable, if underappreciated, significance in the development of working-class culture and consciousness in the nineteenth century. The socialist August Bebel, for example, first came to an awareness of the plight of German workers while a member of various Catholic journeymen 's associations in southern Germany. Krimmer's work is an important contribution to our understanding of this long-neglected aspect of both Catholic and working-class history in Germany. The work gives a thorough introduction to the history, organization, and work of the journeymen's associations. The Gesellenvereine were clerically led organizations devoted to preserving religious faith and providing economic assistance among the young artisans ofGermany . The milieu of the Catholic journeymen's associations is also well fleshed out: the function of the various association houses as meeting place, temporary BOOK REVIEWS 269 shelter, and employment register; the creation of savings and insurance funds; and the sponsorship of libraries, lectures, theater presentations, dances, and athletics. Krimmer does an excellent job delineating the serious organizational conflicts between journeymen's associations, Catholic Arbeitervereine (workingmen 's associations), and Christian trade unions. Krimmer's perspective on the divisive Gewerkschaftsstreit (trade union controversy) of the early twentieth century reveals how the journeymen's associations were jealous of their role and skeptical of the democratic and interconfessional practices of the unions. About 1907, a compromise was reached wherein religious-cultural work was left to the journeymen's associations, and economic work delegated to the unions. At the same time, an accommodation with the workingmen's associations was established, transforming the journeymen's associations into organizations for young, unmarried workers of all kinds. The delay in resolving the crisis, as Krimmer rightly points out, severely damaged the entire Catholic labor movement. Krimmer falters, however, on two counts. First, the consistently positive portrayal of the internal life of the associations glosses over any conflict between the clerical leadership and the artisanal/working-class members. Krimmer presents the question ofwhether the associations functioned as charitable welfare organizations, or as instruments for the emancipation of craftsmen, as a nonquestion , arguing that these two perspectives worked hand-in-hand with each other. If the history of the Catholic workers' associations is any indication, such peaceful relations within the associations were an illusion. Workers and journeymen wanted organizations that were more than paternalist bulwarks for the defense of traditional occupations and religion; yet this conception was what the...

BOOK REVIEWS

Books reviewed in this article: To the Lengths of God: Truth and the Ecumenical Age. By B. R. Brinkman. The Trinitarian Faith: The Evangelical Theology of the Ancient Catholic Church. By Thomas F. Torrance. The Mystery of the Triune God (Heythrop Monographs, n.6). By John J. O'Donnell. Ecumenical Theology and the Elusiveness of Doctrine. By Paul Avis. Ambiguity and the Presence of God. By Ruth Page. Feminist Interpretation of the Bible. Edited by Letty M. Russell. Problems of Old Testament Theology in the 20th Century. By Henning Graf Reventlow. Revelation and Theology: The Gospel as Narrated Promise. By Ronald F. Thiemann. Studying the Old Testament: From Tradition to Canon. By Annemarie Ohler. Form and Vitality in the World and God: A Christian Perspective. By Trevor Williams. Jesus and Community: The Social Dimension of Christian Faith. By Gerhard Lohfink. Church, Charism and Power. By L. Boff. Theological Dialogue between Orthodox and Reformed Churches. Edited by Thomas F. Torrance. The Practice of Faith: A Handbook of Contemporary Spirituality. By Karl Rahner, edited by Karl Lehmann and Albert Raffelt. Let This Mind Be In You: The Quest for Identity Through Oedipus to Christ. By Sebastian Moore. St Francis: A Model for Human Liberation. By L. Boff. The Sacred in a Secular Age. Edited by Phillip E. Hammond. Sickness and Sectarianism: Exploratory Studies in Medical and Religious Sectarianism. Edited by R. Kenneth Jones. Sacrifice in Africa: A Structuralist Approach. By Luc de Heusch. Theoretical Explorations in African Religion. Edited by W. van Binsbergen and M. Schoffeleers. Cult Controversies: The Societal Response to the New Religious Movements. By James A. Beckford. Apocalypse Delayed. The Story of Jehovah's Witnesses. By M. James Penton. The Lawful Rights of Mankind: An Introduction to the International Legal Code of Human Rights. By Paul Sieghart. The Theory and Practice of Human Rights. By L. J. Mcfarlane. Should the Baby Live? The Problem of Handicapped Infants (Studies in Bioethics). By Helga Kuhse and Peter Singer. Life in the Balance: Exploring the Abortion Controversy. By Robert N. Wennberg. Abortion: The Catholic Debate in America. By Hans Lotstra. Philosophy for Understanding Theology. By Diogenes Allen. Parmenides of Elea: Fragments. Edited by David Gallop. Theophrastus of Eresus, on his Life and Work (Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities). Edited by William W. Fortenbaugh (et al.). Scepticism or Platonism? The Philosophy of the Fourth Academy. By Harold Tarrant (Cambridge Classical Studies). Greek Religion, Archaic and Classical. By Walter Burkert. History, Society and the Churches: Essays in honour of Owen Chadwick. Edited by Derek Beales and Geoffrey Best. Scotland and the Crusades, 1095–1560. By Alan Macquarrie. Religious Toleration and Social Change in Hamburg, 1512–1819 By Joachim Whaley. Churchmen and Philosophers By Bruce Kuklick. Nietzsche and Pascal on Christianity (American University Studies, Series V, Philosophy). By Charles M. Natoli. Science Reorganized: Scientific Societies in the Eighteenth Century. By James E. McClellan. Monsieur Portal et les siens (1855–1926). By Regis Ladous, preface by Emile Poulat. Progress and Pessimism: Religion, Politics and History in Late Nineteenth Century Britain (Harvard Historical Studies 104). By J.P. von Arx. The Social Vision of William Blake. By Michael Ferber. Christian Trade Unions in the Weimar Republic, 1918–1933: The Failure of‘Corporate Pluralism’. By William L. Patch, Jr. Theologians Under Hitler: Gerhard Kittel, Paul Althaus and Emmanuel Hirsch. By Robert P. Ericksen. Westminster, Whitehall and the Vatican: The Role of Cardinal Hinsley, 1935–43. By Thomas Moloney. The Triple Myth: A Life of Archbishop Alojzije Stepinac. By Stella Alexander. The Nun, the Infidel and the Superman. By D. Felicitas Corrigan. A Basic Grammar of the Ugaritic Language with Selected Texts and Glossary. By Stanislav Segert.

Christian Trade Unions in the Weimar Republic, 1918-1933: The Failure of "Corporate Pluralism". William L. Patch, Jr.

<i>Christian Trade Unions in the Weimar Republic, 1918-1933: The Failure of "Corporate Pluralism"</i>. William L. Patch, Jr.

Reviews and Short Notices

Reviews and Short Notices

Christian Trade Unions in the Weimar Republic, 1918-1933: The Failure of “Corporate Pluralism,” by William L. Patch, Jr.

"Christian Trade Unions in the Weimar Republic, 1918-1933: The Failure of “Corporate Pluralism,” by William L. Patch, Jr.." Canadian Journal of History, 22(1), pp. 139–140