Christian Names Research Articles

МАТРОНІМІЧНІ ПРІЗВИЩА(НА МАТЕРІАЛІ УКРАЇНСЬКИХ ВАРІАНТІВХРИСТИЯНСЬКИХ ІМЕН)

The article is devoted to the study of the methods of creating matronymic surnames, the most common derivative bases of which are the Ukrainian variants of the female Christian names Maria, Iryna, Elena, Melania, Evdokia, Paraska, from which a large part of the surnames of the inhabitants of Ukraine are formed, although the most popular in Ukraine are the names: Maria (2 076 561 women), Hanna (1 723 839 women), Valentina (1 267 461 women), Olga (1 203 052 women), and Galina (1 150 500 women). The most productive method of creating matronymic surnames was determined to be suffixation: out of 139 studied matronymic surnames, 124 were formed by the suffix method, while 7 were formed by the unaffixed method, and 8 by other methods (adding the inflection –o to the base; identity of the surname of the first name). Comparative characteristics of microsystems of anthroponyms “Matronymic surnames” and “Patronymic surnames” allowed us to draw conclusions: the majority of surnames originate from male names and only one in four – from female ones; the compared microsystems of anthroponyms have common and specific suffix formants for each of them. 27 suffixes are used to create surnames from male names, 16 suffixes – from female names, but only 4 of them are typical for creating surnames only from female names, while other 12 suffixes are common for creating surnames from male and female names. The study also confirms the opinion, previously expressed by Ukrainian linguists, that the vast majority of surnames (both matronymic and patronymic) that come from Ukrainian variants of Christian names are formed with the help of the suffixes –енк- (-єнк-) and –ук (-юк). According to the frequency analysis, suffixes -енк- (-єнк-) form the word-forming structure of 45 surnames, while suffixes -ук (-юк) – 39 surnames.

Raguvos parapijos demografiniai aspektai 1700–1800 metais

DEMOGRAPHIC ASPECTS OF RAGUVA PARISH IN 1700–1800 This article uses a demographic method to study the parish register of births at Raguva Church of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary. Most of these parish register records are stored in the Rare Books and Manuscripts Department of the Martynas Mažvydas National Library of Lithuania. Some of them have been digitized and published on the website www.epaveldas.lt. The chronological sample of the study consists of the eighteenth century (1700–1800) parish register records data, which recorded 10,071 individuals born during the analysed period: 4,891 women and 5,180 men. The tasks of the research are: to determine the distribution of births by gender and class, to determine the number of children born to married or unmarried women; identify the most popular names for each class and gender by separately examining individuals baptized with two or more names. Of the 10,071 births recorded during the period in analysis, 4,891 women and 5,180 men were identified. The distribution of children born by class is as follows: peasants – 9,688 (of which 4,715 girls and 4,973 boys), nobles – 383 (of which 176 girls and 207 boys). The names of 57 peasant women and 67 peasant men were identified during the study. The names of 48 women and 46 men of the nobility were identified. The most popular Christian names of peasant women were Kotryna, Ona, Dorotėja, Marijona, Elžbieta, Ieva, Barbora, Apolonija, Kristina; men – Jonas, Kazimieras, Juozapas, Jurgis, Jokūbas, Motiejus, Mykolas, Simonas, Stanislovas. The most popular names of noblewomen: Ona, Marijona, Kotryna, Teresė; men – Juozapas, Mykolas, Jonas, Ignotas, Antanas, Kazimieras. 95% names of the baptized individuals were common to both classes. Analysis of the sources revealed that 434 individuals were given 2 or more names. These are 225 peasant children (104 girls and 121 boys) and 204 nobility children (85 girls and 119 boys). Most actively two and more names were given in 1781–1800. Two names are common to both nobles and peasants; three names – more common among nobility. After analysis of the problem of giving a Christian name it can be concluded that only in 10% of cases the choice of a Christian name was determined by the names of godparents, 7% by parents' names and only 3% by the names of the saints of that day. Other reasons accounted for 0.1% of all naming cases. In as many as 80% of all cases the reasons for choosing the names have not been identified. After examining the data on the number of illegitimate children it was concluded, that in 1700 to 1800, 113 illegitimate children were registered in Raguva: 108 peasant children (50 girls and 58 boys) and 5 nobility children (2 girls, 3 boys). Most illegitimate children were born between 1761 and 1800. Keywords: demographics, births, metrics, name.

Scholia to Volume 9—Subscription List

Although in each instance identification remains uncertain, the additional information offered here (*) may eventually lead to a positive identification, or at least a likely one.*p. 293 AUCHMOUTY, MISS (1766)Unidentified. The surname, with multiple variations, has ancient connections with the historic Scottish county of Fife. One possibility would be the Miss Auchmuty whose death is recorded in the London Gazetteer of June 22, 1769): “Tuesday evening died at her house in Park-Place, St. James, Miss Auchmuty, a lady of considerable fortune.”*p. 346 CRAMMMOND, MISS (1769)[A typo in the Florida Sterne for CRAMMOND.] Unidentified. One possibility is a Miss Cramond who later married Hugh Inglis, a “Portugal Merchant of Mile-End” (August 18, 1776), described in the General Evening Post (August 20, 1776) as “a young lady of a large fortune and creole by birth.” Hugh Inglis and Mrs. Inglis subscribed to two sets of Samuel Green’s Sermons and to Helen Maria Williams’s Poems, both published in 1786. Alternatively, Elizabeth Cramond of Langley Lawn, Essex, daughter of Robert (d. 1762); “Miss Cramond” subscribed to Robert Bacon, Miscellaneous Pieces in Verse and Prose in 1790.*p. 485 PINE, ESQ. (1769)Unidentified. To the two suggestions offered, Robert Edge Pine, the painter, and John Pine, an attorney, we might add Simon Pine (d. 1772), brother of Robert Edge Pine and a miniaturist, also from Bath, although living in Dublin, 1762–1771. He exhibited in London in 1768–1771, so may well have been available for solicitation. He subscribed to Charles Bulkley, Oeconomy of the Gospel, (1764), and to James Foster, Discourses on all the principal branches of natural religion and social virtue 1749–1752). As “Sim. Pine, Esq.” he seems to have appeared in the amateur but extraordinarily well-known production of Othello in Drury Lane in 1751, directed by Charles Macklin, s.n., and staged as a showcase for his theatrical students, including Francis, Robert, and Edward Delaval, s.n. Samuel Foote, s.n., another student, was expected to appear but did not. See E. A. Parry, Charles Macklin (London, 1891), 88–89.The habit of passing Christian names through generations is exemplified by the Pine family, where John, Robert, Simon, and Thomas Jr. all subscribed to Joseph Morris, Sermons in 1743; John may well have been the father of the artists Robert Edge and Simon, but they would have been too young in 1743 to be subscribers themselves.*p. 518 MR. SMITH (1766, 1768), —— SMITH (1769)Unidentified. Given the fifteen theatrical personalities possibly subscribing to Sterne, including several attached to Covent Garden, we might suggest William Smith (c. 1730–1819), known as “Gentleman Smith” and associated with Covent Garden from 1753 until a clash with Charles Macklin, s.n., in 1773. John Beard, s.n., and George Colman, s.n., were both managers of Covent Garden during the period in which Smith was part of the company.

Naming System of Kėdainiai Women in Local Register Books of the 17-18th Centuries

Municipal register books, inventories, and church registers are among the key historical anthroponymic sources of Lithuanian townspeople. The most notable among these sources are 24 register books of Kėdainiai written in the Latin and Polish languages. The data of research are 148 recordings of Kėdainiai women. The article aims to establish and compare the naming system (of women) used in Kėdainiai of the 17th–18th centuries, underlining more characteristic Polonisation events of their personal names. The Polonisation of Lithuanian anthroponyms are among the main factors affecting their records. The following major research methods are used to discuss the data of historical anthroponymy: descriptive, reconstructive and comparative. In the 17th century, women were mostly recorded using four anthroponyms, and in the 18th century, only two personal names (i.e., a first name and a surname or replacing the latter with an anthroponym) were used. Traditional Christian names were predominant among the studied recordings.

Discrimination by politicians against religious minorities: Experimental evidence from the UK

Are Labour party politicians anti-Semitic, and are Conservative party politicians Islamophobic? In this correspondence study we measure the responsiveness of elected local representatives in the United Kingdom to requests from putative constituents from minority religious groups. We send short email requests to 10,268 local government representatives from each of the main political parties, from stereotypically Islamic, Jewish, and Christian names. Response rates are six to seven percentage points lower to stereotypically Muslim or Jewish names. The two major political parties both show equal bias towards the two minority group names. Results suggest that the bias in response may be implicit. Bias is lower in more dense and diverse locations.

Imiona chrześcijańskie w Synodyku nowogrodzkim z końca XIV–XV wieku

The article contains an analysis of Christian names selected from the oldest synodicon written in the Lisitsky monastery near Veliky Novgorod. The analysis comprises 3190 names of laypeople, amongst which are 208 male names and 58 female names. The author discusses the group of given names (basic forms, their phonetic, morphological variants and frequency, as well as rarely used names that occurred in the synodicon).

Par viduslejasvācu valodas pēdām latviešu īpašvārdos

Searching the traces of Middle Low German in Latvian proper names The great impact of Middle Low German on the Latvian language during the 13 th –16 th centuries is a well-known and rather widely researched fact. However, the main focus of linguists’ attention has so far been on the apellative vocabulary. This article therefore aims to highlight the traces of Middle Low German in Latvian proper names – placenames and personal names (both first names and surnames) – during the time of their appearance and also nowadays (also touching upon the issue of onyms that have disappeared during previous centuries). The system of Latvian personal names (as the ancient Baltic two-stem personal names gradually disappeared during the 13 th –14 th centuries) was largely built on the basis of Christian names in their Middle Low German versions. Among these Latvian names, borrowed from Middle Low German and still in use in the 21st century, we can note Ģederts , Indriķis , Jurģis , Tenis , Ints , Inta etc. In the context of placenames, one must take into account the historical diglossia that lasted until the 1st half of the 20th century. Between the German (initially Middle Low German) and Latvian names of cities, villages and manors there has been a diverse and manifold interaction. Meanwhile, in the names of farmhouses which were mostly coined in Latvian, one can observe many onymized borrowings from Middle Low German. The oldest Latvian surnames used in Riga during the 15 th –16 th centuries can sometimes be (and are) interpreted as the first documentally attested instances of some Middle Low German borrowings in the Latvian language. Among the main conclusions of this article, one can point out the fact that most Middle Low German elements have entered Latvian proper names indirectly, through borrowed common nouns. Moreover, it is essential to continue the research (especially in the field of surnames) and to reevaluate the impact of Middle Low German borrowings in the Latvian language.

Hypocoristic forms of Old Russian Christian names

Hypocoristic forms of Old Russian Christian names

Genealogy of the Morleys in South Wales: Tracing the Pearce Connection in Cornwall

The origins of individuals or families who moved to Glamorgan from Cornwall during the Industrial Revolution are often unknown, as official records did not appear until 1838 and often the older parish registers are incomplete. This study is concerned with the study of the origins of one such family, called Morley, which was well established in Glamorgan by the mid-nineteenth century. In 1848 in the parish of Michaelston-super-Avon, Thomas Morley, a roll turner in the Copper Miners Tinplate Company located there, married an Anne Pierce who came from Ludgvan in Cornwall. The lineal descendants of their large family, and the antecedents of his family, have been discussed in detail previously, but very little is known about the origins of Anne’s family in Cornwall. This account attempts to correct this omission by exploring her antecedents using the accepted English genealogical practice of tracing the family by following the sequence of family Christian names. This process has enabled the antecedents of her family to be unearthed in southwest Cornwall. Her father, John Pearce (M)1 has been unequivocally identified as a miller from Ludgvan, who was born in 1766 and died in 1827. He married Margaret Winnan of St. Erth in 1800 and they had nine children most of whom were born in Ludgvan. Tracing the identity of John’s father has proved more difficult, as there are several possible candidates born in the expected timeframe. With, it is thought that he was a William Pearce of Gulval who married Elizabeth Gilbert of Helston in 1765. His father in turn was a John Pearce (L) who married Triphosa Donithorne of Gulval in 1727 and they had nine children. The identity of John’s father has not been established with the same degree of certainty and there are two possible contenders, both called John Pearce (K), one born in Lelant in 1692 and the other born in Paul in 1699. On balance, it is thought that the person born in Lelant was the antecedent of John (L) and it is suggested that his father in turn was a John Pearce (J) who was also born in the same parish.

THE IMPORTANCE OF NAMES IN T. S. ELIOT’S POETRY


 
 
 Names are of great importance in Thomas Stearns Eliot’s poetry. He chooses titles to provide a general overview of a particular poem. The author used a variety of names in his literary activity to intrigue the reader’s curiosity. In this article, we will discuss the titles related to musical terms. Here proper names will be analyzed in detail. Names the poet utilizes in his poetry are of different origins: some of them are mythological heroes, others are formed just by combining the letters, and some are acquaintances or place names. Due to T. Eliot’s conversion, the naming of personages underwent a religious transformation. The character names with negative meanings preoccupy his early poems. They are associated with animals who only rely on their basic instincts, the living deads who only exist physically, infertile and unloving creatures that betray each other. After changing of faith, he added Christian names to power his poetry. We will lay stress on the formation, usage, relation of titles, and analyze how they identify the poetry.
 
 

Ancient names in Ukrainian surnames

In modern Ukrainian surnames one can find the diverse elements: Slavonic autochthonous names, Christian names, nicknames, etc. Ukrainian last names derived from the ancient Christian names are studied in the article. These names, getting into the Ukrainian language ground, underwent the phonetic transformation, the substantial quantity of folk variants were created from them. Currently the part of these proper names is out of the active use – functioning specifically as official variants of names, – however, they are preserved as folk variants of names, as well as modern Ukrainian surnames. The etymology of last names, deriving from the Christian names, is researched in the current article, names from which they were formed are defined, spreading of the names and the deriving surname forms from them is highlighted, and also the list of last names and geography of their usage is provided.

Christian names as creating stems of archaic oiconymy of Ukraine

Proper names of people as creating stems are represented in oiconymy of Ukraine. Anthroponymy separated from o iconymy of Ukraine ending in *-inъ is only a small fragment of a large amount of proper names and their variants. The actual problem is creating the dictionary of personal names of people, which would contain anthroponymy derived from archaic oiconymy. It would enrich not only the Ukrainian anthroponymicon but AllSlavonic one. 251 anthroponym of canonical origin is distinguished from geographical names of Ukraine ending in *-inъ. Most of Christian anthroponyms are represented in dictionaries as names of people or as bynames/proto-surnames. It is found out that 30 names (12%) are not represented in lexicographical works: Аврата (< Гаврило), Горпа (< Агрипина//Горпина), Демх(ш)а (< Дем’ян), Домашла (< Домна, Домнікія, Домаха), Ільпа (< Ілля), Кузята (< Кузьма), Макиш(х)а (< Матвій, розм. Макій), Макош(х)а (< Матвій, розм. Макій), Манята (< Марія), Мар’ята (< Мар’яна), Матюш(х)а (< Матвій), Митула (< Дмитро), Михла (< Михайло), Мишера (< Михайло), Мишута (< Михайло), Нита(я) (< Нит), Ол(ъ)ма (< Олъма), Панчоха (< Пантелеймон), Парута (< Парасковія), Пилипчата (< Пилип), Савара (< Север, Северин), Стеська (< Степан), Таша (< Наталія), Теола (< Теофіла, Феофіла), Тимота (< Тимофій), Томара (< Тамара), Фетюха (< Федір), Юриця (< Юрій), Якота (< Яків), Янкулиха (< Ян).

콘스탄티누스 대제의 기독교 주화와 정치 종교적 함의

Constantine the Great was the first ruler to mint Christian coins. His Christian coins typically bear images of the cross, Christ’s name (key-ro) and images of the “Hand of God,” which are generally the most numerous coins in largest volume. Cross coins were issued by Constantine the Great from 319, but the total quantity was not large. It still suggests that the cross was not yet a central symbol of Christianity until the time of the Great Era. Instead, various Christian symbols were used in coins. The name of Christ was also used frequently on the coins.BR The Christian coinage of the Great Empire contributed greatly to the spread of Christianity, which clearly served as a decisive factor in the social and economic internalization of Christianity in the Roman Empire. Among the coin-making directors of Christian cities such as Ephesus and Constantinople, obviously there were a large number of Christians, so they were able to publish Christian coins in cooperation with the high priest. Crosses on coins issued in these cities can be seen as clearly meaning Christianity.BR Nevertheless, Constantine generally took a gradual attitude and a hybridist approach in issuing Christian coins. In terms of the rate of coin issuance, many coins sought to follow the traditional form. In the early days of the reign, the issuance of castings, including pagan images and phrases, was also permitted, and the quantity was gradually reduced. The characteristics of Constantine’s Christian coinage are a mixture of pagan gods and crosses, and a mixture of pagan phrases and Christ names. This reveals the religious syncretism of the great emperor. In the 30-year reign of Constantine, the total number of coins issued is about 500. A total of 11 kinds of all coins included the cross, and 10 coins were named Key-roh. The type of cross coins was comparatively small, but the amount of issue was considerable. In other words, rather than various symbols, they repeatedly published coins of focus on crosses and slogans.BR In the Constantine coinage, Christian patterns, such as crosses, Christian names, and religious phrases, were used in the margins, as well as in equipment such as pitches, shields, and military flags. This style of coinage is also consistent with the records of Eusebios’ writing. If many of the 4th century Christian coins included Christian symbols, the 5th century coins that followed became many independently engraved Christian symbols, apart from the items such as flags or weapons. If the Christian symbol in the fourth-century Constantine coinage gave the impression of religious decoration, it can be said that the sixth-century Christian coins showed not only decoration, but also Christianity itself as the center of empire and politics.

PERSONAL NAMES AND NICKNAMES OF MEDIEVAL TVER

The article analyzes a regional system of personal names in the Pre-National period. With reference to the anthroponyms recorded in «Patrol book, Tver 1616», the authors focus on the ways of structural changes of the full forms of male Christian personal names in everyday communication. The article also describes the composition and frequency of the Christian and pre-Christian names and nicknames, which were used by the inhabitants of Tver this period.

Semantic and Word-Formation Features of Horse Names in the History of the Russian Language (Based on the Inventory Books of Vologda Monasteries in the 16th — Early 18th Centuries)

The paper considers a historical aspect of zoonymic studies which has not been sufficiently developed. The history of Russian horse names (hipponyms) is explored using zoonymic data from the inventories of the Vologda monasteries in the 16th — early 18th centuries, the materials from Listings of horses (Moscow, 1665), and archival documents of the Soviet farms of Sevmaslotrest from 1930s. The author identifies the lexical structure of Early Modern Russian hipponymy, delves into the meaning of names and appellatives they derive from, analyses the structure of horses’ names, and describes the name formation techniques. The studied sources bring the picture of the general development of lexical patterns in the Russian hipponymy. As it turns out, the vocabulary of Early Modern Russian hyponymy is almost identical with the Old Russian anthroponomy, which attests to their genetic unity. At the same time, the use of Christian names is noted, with these becoming more popular in the given period. The article also deals with structural types of Early Modern Russian hipponyms: zoonyms having a substantive form (nicknames formed from onomastic, agential, zoological, and object nouns; zoonymic compounds; suffixal compounds); adjective-based zoonyms; mixed names. In monastic scripts of the 16th — early 18th centuries, the vast majority of units used as hipponyms are “prefabricated” traditional names, the cases of creating original animal names are rare. In the latter case, zoonyms are usually formed using suffixal patterns peculiar for agentive and anthroponomic vocabulary. The word-building patterns include the onymisation of appellatives (sometimes by metaphoric transfer), substantivisation (nominalization) of adjectives, transonymisation of personal and place names. Due to the semantic, structural, and word-formation proximities between Early Modern Russian zoonymy and Old Russian anthroponomy, zoonymic vocabulary of the 16th–18th centuries provides a reliable source on Old Russian onomasticon, as well as explains the “anthroponymic” nature of modern Russian zoonymy and the active use of personal names for animals at present. This practice turns out to have deep historical roots.

Tracing the Origins of the Morleys found in 18th Century Glamorgan

The origins of many families who moved to Glamorgan from the West Country and the Midlands during the early part of the Industrial Revolution are often unknown, as the parish registers are incomplete and official records did not appear until later in 1838. This study is concerned with tracing the origins of one such family, called Morley, who appeared in the Vale of Neath in the early eighteenth century. They were yeomen whose descendants became involved in the fledgling tinplate industry there as the family expanded. Links between early family members have been established by exploring their wills, where available, and original source material from the National Library for Wales. Further connections have been made possible by using the accepted English genealogical practice of tracing the family by following the sequence of family Christian names. This process has successfully enabled connections to be made between the family in Glamorgan and their antecedents in Carmarthenshire. The progenitor of this family has been identified as originating from Bayton in Worcestershire and it is believed that the family originallydescended from the Morleys of Norfolk in the thirteenth century.

ON REFERRING TO CHRISTIANITY SANCTUARIES 
 IN TABLE MOUNTAIN (MAT-LOM)

The article aims to verify some of the assertions made about attributing sanctuaries of Mount Stolovaya (Myat-Loam) in Ingushetia to Christianity. The principal tasks of the study are to conduct critical analysis of some of the statements of pre-revolutionary and soviet authors, related to those shrines; to check the conformity of the said shrines to the Christian places of worship; to compare rituals of the sanctuaries with the Christian ones.Pre-revolutionary imperial and soviet authors associate sanctuaries of Mount Stolovaya in the mountainous regions of Ingushetia (Myatzetli, Myattar-Dyala, Susol-Dyala) to Christianity, describing them as churches or chapels. For this purpose, names of the shrines were often distorted and then attributed to Christian saints. Those statements, without any scientific reasoning, were most likely aimed to legitimize the Russian Empire on the Caucasus’ territory, as a former Christian space. However, the study analysis of the sanctuaries, carried out by the leading experts in places of worship (architect A. Goldstein, archeologist M.B Muzhukhoev, ethnologists V. N. Basilov, V.P. Kobychev et al.) reveals that they do not comply with the established criteria of Christian monuments; rituals of praying at the sanctuaries also show no conformity to Christianity (it was forbidden for anyone to be inside the Ingush shrines except the priest; the absence of altar; animal sacrifice; feasts and dances, etc.).The analysis of architectural, ritual and ethnographic aspects of the sanctuaries on Mount Stolovaya provides the conclusion that Myatsil, Myattar-Dyala, Susol-Dyala are pagan shrines, associated with crypts as attributes of the cult of ancestor veneration. Basing on the analysis, it has been established that Myatseli and other distinctive Ingush sanctuaries, located in Kistin community of Ingushetia, were never Christian churches or chapels; attempts at associating Christian names of St. Mary or St. Matthew to the name of Myatseli and the sacred Ingush mountain Myat-Loam are unfounded. The results of the study refute the attempts of false attribution of Ingush national places of worship to Christianity and carry not only gnoseological, but also practical relevance.

Epigraphik und Neues Testament

The present volume is the result of the efforts of epigraphist and NT exegetes gathered for a conference at the University of Vienna in February 2014. The purpose of the conference was to bring together “two often separate worlds.” As the editors (two NT scholars and one epigraphist) note, NT scholars avoid epigraphy for one of three reasons. First, the amount of epigraphy is too numerous and difficult to handle. Second, the benefits of research in the parallel texts do not match the effort. Third, the relevant information from already-translated material is “enough.” The contention of the editors is that NT scholars and epigraphers alike may have missed key insights. The nine essays, seven in German and two in English, set about the task of proposing ways forward in this difficult subject.Walter Ameling begins the volume with a general overview of some of the history and problems faced by those who have sought a relationship between the NT and inscriptions. Ameling provides a fascinating and singular example from John 19:19, illustrating how the NT can help understand epigraphy. Peter Arzt-Grabner begins his essay with some of the benefits and challenges of exegeting inscriptions. He offers seven criteria for evaluating this material: (1) the inscription must be from the historical context of the NT; (2) the dating of the material must be within close proximity to the proposed parallel; (3) parallels are stronger with geographical proximity; (4) parallels are stronger with shared cultural and social conditions; (5) parallels must have similar semantic ranges and text types; (6) shared historical and social preconditions heighten parallels; (7) parallels only show a range of possibilities, not a single and final understanding of the texts in question. Thomas Corsten’s essay explores the use of onomastics for the study of the NT. The essay traces the development of “name-giving” and concludes that Christian names did not become prevalent until well after the fourth century. Before this time, the individual names of Christians were synonymous with pagan onomastics. Hans Taeuber provides an illuminating analysis of graffiti found in Ephesus to show that Christians were not a “hidden, persecuted minority” but played a role in the social complex of their city. Eva Ebel analyzes the symbiotic relationship of politics and religion in the Roman Empire. Ebel shows how the inscriptional evidence suggests that emperors would refer to themselves with divine titles. The essay concludes with a mirror reading of the inscriptional evidence against the backdrop of the NT’s “Son of God” references. Richard S. Ascough offers a proper understanding of τόπος inscriptions and Christian presence in public settings. The essay provides a helpful discussion concerning the reciprocal relationship between the NT and inscriptions. Ascough notes that the direction of influence changes the questions that the interpreter pursues, and therefore the reader must humbly approach inscriptional parallels. Imre Peres showcases his expertise in funerary inscriptions. He offers an eschatological reading of Greek funeral inscriptions and argues that this information is critical for NT interpretation. John S. Kloppenborg uses the inscription evidence to illuminate how membership worked in the ancient world. The essay explores how early Christian gatherings financed Eucharist meals (1 Cor 11:17–34). Markus Öhler concludes the collection of essays with an examination of how confessional inscriptions aid in understanding the social world of the NT. Specifically focusing on sin, confession, and atonement, Öhler offers a fresh reading of 1 John 1:5–2:2 and 5:14–21.After considering the current volume, I would agree that detailed and laborious study of these two worlds is a necessary step forward in the study of both the NT and inscriptions. These essays offer the reader an indispensable service in collecting the info thus far made available. Eager researchers will find the indexes particularly helpful. The essays will also excite those who are looking for a niche in the growing field of NT backgrounds and epigraphy. However, it is to be seen whether the task will remain too daunting and inscriptions too numerous for most NT scholars. Strangers to epigraphy might do well to read some of the work of Adolf Deissmann, as he is a forerunner to the book’s subject matter and is quoted often throughout the volume.

From Enslavement to Emancipation: Naming Practices in the Danish West Indies

AbstractIn most contexts, personal names function as identifiers and as a locus for identity. Therefore, names can be used to trace patterns of kinship, ancestry, and belonging. The social power of naming, however, and its capacity to shape the life course of the person named, becomes most evident when it has the opposite intent: to sever connections and injure. Naming in slave society was primarily practical, an essential first step in commodifying human beings so they could be removed from their roots and social networks, bought, sold, mortgaged, and adjudicated. Such practices have long been integral to processes of colonization and enslavement. This paper discusses the implications of naming practices in the context of slavery, focusing on the names given to enslaved Africans and their descendants through baptism in the Lutheran and Moravian churches in the Danish West Indies. Drawing on historiographical accounts and a detailed analysis of plantation and parish records from the island of St. Croix, we outline and contextualize these patterns and practices of naming. We examine the extent to which the adoption of European and Christian names can be read as an effort toward resistance and self-determination on the part of the enslaved. Our account is illuminated by details from the lives of three former slaves from the Danish West Indies.

Wołosi/Vlasi z terenów Hercegowiny w świetle defterów osmańskich z XV i XVI wieku

Defter's are an excellent source for historians, especially in demographic and socio-economic research, they are also very useful in researching the Vlachian communities.Analysis of material contained in Ottoman defter's from the Herzegovina area leads to the following conclusions:1. In the area of Herzegovina, in the second half of the fifteenth century, Vlachs lived in a mostly nomadic lifestyle. Their number was at least sixty thousand people.2. In the second half of the fifteenth century, many abandoned villages were recorded. Abandoned villages were gradually settled by migratory Vlachs, which contributed to their change of lifestyle on semi-settled and settled. In 1585, Vlachs - shepherds who were not associated with a village were rare.3. In the Ottoman state, Vlachs those who lead an nomadic way of living, as well as those living in the Vlachian villages, were tax-favored, paid only a lump grazing tax for the state (a filuria with allowances), and did not pay any benefits to the timar owner. In the event that they served as derbenci's or vojnuc's, they were exempted from all taxes.4. Settling in the former agricultural villages, in particular related to undertaking agricultural activities, was most often associated with an additional burden of tithing for the sipahi. Departure from pastoralism meant degradation to a group of raya, most often in these villages mixed-agricultural-pastoral management was conducted. Newly settled villages rarely received the status of the vlachian villages, because such status freed residents from additional benefits even in the case of agricultural classes.5. The flat-rate grazing tax, filuria, in the fifteenth century had a fixed value and equaled 45 akçe, while at the end of the sixteenth century it was different for various Vlachs groups and could range from 60 to 200 akçe. Considering the fact that additional fees for sheep or tents were liquidated and that the value of employment fell akçe significantly compared to the fifteenth century, the real amount of taxes did not increase, and in some cases it decreased.6. Not much on the basis of defilers can be said about the language used by the Herzegovina Vlachs. In defeats from the fifteenth century they bear mostly Slavic names, but sometimes there are also names only in the Vlachs: Radu, Bratul, Dabija, the same also applies to local names.7. Gradually, Islamization processes took place. In the fifteenth century, they are almost invisible among the Vlachs, almost all of them wore Christian names. At the end of the sixteenth century, a significant percentage of Vlachs wore Muslim names. The Islamization process seems to be faster among the Vlachs settled than the Vlachs nomads, but there is no rule.8. In the light of the defters in the area of Herzegovina, there is no difference between Muslims and non-Muslims in burdens to the state, but defters do not include the cizye, or headship, collected from non-Muslims.