Chinese Project Research Articles

Turkey's Strategic "Development Road" Project: Geopolitical Impacts and Regional Opportunities

Transportation and economic development are indispensable elements for states. Road projects, which are used for trade purposes and have countless returns when the balance of exports and imports is under control, prepare the ground for the formation of political power and shape foreign policy in the process. This article focuses on the “Development Road” initiative on the “Belt and Road” project, which is planned by Turkey in cooperation with Iraq. This route project, which extends from the Persian Gulf through Iraqi territory and Turkey to Europe, constitutes an alternative to the project planned to open a space for the southern flank of the Chinese route or through the Suez Canal. Within the framework of the “Development Road” project, the study, which investigates the strategic goals, risks, opportunities, regional politics and their effects on countries, reveals an objective trend. Although the “Belt and Road” project, which is a Chinese breakthrough, has attracted much attention in the scientific field, the transit routes of the project have not been sufficiently emphasized. The conclusion of this study is that the “Development Road”, which is carried out jointly by Turkey and Iraq, has the aim of directing the Chinese project and becoming indispensable for the general route. The research is based on qualitative methods, literature review and analysis. It is thought to contribute to the studies on the subject.

Unlocking sustainable project management: The role of project managers' competencies in resource bricolage from a stakeholder engagement perspective

AbstractSustainable project management practices have garnered increasing attention in recent years. Consequently, in the age of digitalization and globalization, numerous studies extensively explore the relationship between digitalization and sustainable practice. While optimism abounds, there is insufficient research into how and what types of project managers effectively manage resources to enhance the sustainability of projects when stakeholders are engaged. Therefore, we aim to address this gap by analyzing a sample of 211 Chinese project managers involved in the China‐Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Our findings indicate that project managers with digital literacy and experience are effective at managing existing resources to promote sustainable project management practices, while project managers with financial literacy do not directly exhibit sustainable practices. Furthermore, digitally literate managers are more likely to engage in bricolage (effective resource management), whereas experienced project managers are less likely to do so in the presence of stakeholder engagement. Moreover, stakeholder engagement does not appear to moderate the relationship between project manager financial literacy and bricolage. Based on these findings, our research recommends that organizations focus on employing digitally literate and experienced project managers to effectively manage their limited resources for sustainable project management. Further practical implications are discussed.

Assessing Structural Transformation and the Potential Impacts of Belt and Road Initiative Projects in Africa

Infrastructure development, central to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), is crucial for facilitating structural transformation. However, numerous critics contend that the Initiative serves as a tool for China to engage in debt-trap diplomacy, which fails to deliver actual development in Africa. Therefore, assessing whether BRI projects will facilitate the necessary structural transformation in these countries requires meticulous analysis. Given the extended project cycle typical of infrastructure development, evaluating the overall socioeconomic impacts of the BRI is challenging. Nonetheless, these projects are likely to be implemented as part of the expansion of China's existing model for overseas infrastructure projects. This model is characterized by a reliance on concessional loans and credit facilities for financing, and state-owned enterprises as contractors. Contrary to the debt-trap diplomacy narrative, our findings, based on panel data and staggered difference-in-differences analysis, indicate that Chinese projects have positively impacted multiple aspects of Africa's structural transformation process.

Джибути в геополитической стратегии Турецкой Республики (2012–2020 гг.)

The presented article provides comprehensive analysis of bilateral relations between Turkey and Djibouti for the period of 2012–2020. The author has identified Ankara’s economic and geopolitical interests in Djibouti, taking into account Turkey’s foreign policy strategy in Somalia. Particular attention is paid to the humanitarian component of bilateral relations with Djibouti. For the purpose of comparison, the article also examines the policies of other regional players, such as China, Japan, the USA, as well as the EU and Middle East countries. Conclusion dwells upon the fact that Ankara’s economic and humanitarian projects in Djibouti have been car-ried out over the 2012–2020 period, with the main geostrategic objective being to strengthen its position near the Gulf of Aden-Bab el-Mandeb Strait strategic logistics hub. Due to the presence of foreign bases of other countries in Djibouti, Ankara is inferior to its competitors in military-political terms. Despite the weak economic position due to the presence of Chinese projects, the economic and humanitarian direction of bilateral relations between Turkey and Djibouti showed positive dynamics.

Steering the Belt and Road’s Energy Mix: A Steering Theory Perspective on Chinese Energy Investments in Pakistan and Indonesia

This article contributes to discussions on why Chinese investments in Pakistan cover a wide variety of energy sectors, whereas capital allocation in Indonesia is concentrated in a narrow set of actors and energy sources (coal). While others have highlighted micro-, macro-, and meso-level dimensions, this research looks at the Chinese Ministry of Commerce’s (MOFCOM) communication as a further factor to steer Chinese project financing. By exposing a set of 281 MOFCOM statements to quantitative and qualitative discourse analysis, my findings reveal that MOFCOM publications offer more incentives for private participation in Pakistan than in Indonesia, as represented by the greater number of actors and projects listed, as well as the types of public policy instruments deployed. Besides theoretical contributions to steering theory, the study offers practical suggestions on how China can diversify investments to create more sustainable energy outcomes along the Belt and Road.

Social Power Antecedents of Knowledge Sharing in Project-Oriented Online Communities

While previous research has explored a number of knowledge sharing factors in project teams, little is known about antecedents of knowledge sharing in the context of communication visibility. Against this background, this article attempts to deepen our understanding of knowledge sharing antecedents in project-oriented online communities (POCs) characterized by communication visibility. Specifically, employing social power theory, this article identifies antecedents of knowledge sharing behavior and knowledge quality and examines hierarchical distance as a moderator between expert power and knowledge sharing. Data collected from 205 Chinese project members in the construction industry are used to test our proposed hypotheses. Results indicate that both expert power of others and oneself are positively related to knowledge sharing behavior and knowledge quality, respectively. Hierarchical distance hinders knowledge sharing behavior but does not significantly influence knowledge quality. In addition, hierarchical distance weakens the magnitude between expert power of others and knowledge sharing behavior but strengthens the magnitude between expert power of oneself and knowledge sharing behavior. Besides, the moderating effect of hierarchical distance for knowledge quality is found to be insignificant. Theoretical implications for project team knowledge sharing and practical implications concerning improving knowledge sharing in POCs are discussed.

Application of BIM in project management in China

As a nation that is quickly developing, Chinas construction industry faces a variety of issues. Despite the size and technical complexity of some Chinese projects, the old paper documents and two-dimensional drawing techniques are no longer adequate to meet demand. Chinas construction sector has enormous potential. Therefore, effective digital technology and the best project management are crucial for the growth of Chinas construction business. Throughout the whole life cycle of a construction project, including all phases of planning, design, building, operation, and maintenance, Building Information Modelling (BIM) can be used. This study intends to investigate the use of BIM in project management in China with a particular emphasis on how BIM impacts project design, construction, and operation. By analysing the successful cases of BIM in Chinas project management, the prospect and development of BIM in Chinas construction industry are discussed. In the whole process of project management, BIM improves quality, efficiency, sustainability and maintainability through various applications. It is intended to provide Chinas construction industry with a tool to promote the modernization and long-term growth of the industry.

China in Africa, environmental governance and civil society: the case of the Kua Forest in Burkina Faso

ABSTRACT Along with China's rapidly expanding economic links with Africa, Chinese projects on the continent are increasingly the subject of environmental controversies. The decision by Burkinabé authorities to declassify a portion of the Kua forest – a state forest – to house a new Chinese-sponsored hospital engendered an environmental polemic. Civil society actors’ persistent opposition to the project compelled the government to adopt a more participatory approach, conduct an environmental impact assessment and, finally, find a different location for the hospital. This article examines the contribution of the domestic political context to the rise of the movement and its successes. It shows that, in environmental conflicts surrounding Chinese projects in Africa, the domestic political context within which civil society contestation takes place explains the outcome of their mobilisation, hence the nature of environmental governance in these projects. The paper also reflects on China’s lack of engagement with African civil society.

Framing China: The Belt and Road Initiative in Argentine national media outlets

This article studies how Argentine national media outlets reported on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) between 2013 and February 2022 (this covers the period from the launch of the BRI to Argentina’s official accession to the initiative). Based on a framing analysis of 272 articles, this study argues that national media outlets tend to reproduce two frames about the BRI: they either present it as an opportunity or as a threat. The balance between them matters when attempting to understand how media organisations shape citizens’ perceptions of China and the BRI. In the case of Argentina, even though its political and economic relations with China have become closer, reports on the BRI were quite polarised. Indeed, national media outlets’ portrayal of the BRI as an opportunity has been slightly more prevalent than negative portrayal (41% vs. 35%). However, national media firms covered the BRI in different ways. Some organisations conveyed largely positive frames, some chiefly presented negative ones, and others were more balanced. The specific editorial lines of the newspapers and their affinities to national political alliances explain these different patterns. Furthermore, although articles citing Western sources were indeed more negative about the BRI, many of the op-eds and reports criticising the BRI were produced by Argentine journalists and other local actors. Thus, Chinese academics exaggerate Western media sources’ influence on Argentina’s national media critical coverage of China while overlooking reasonable concerns about the impacts of Chinese projects.

The Belt-Road Initiative and prospects, Iraq as a model -Strategic Vision

The Chinese Belt and Road initiative is a revival of the idea of ​​the ancient Silk Road, which dates back to the second century BC, and was a network of roads traveled by caravans to transport commercial goods between China, Central Asia, Persia, the Arabs, and Europe, and silk was one of the most important goods that China exported. China believes that this road serves most of humanity and is based on the development of a large number of regions. It is not limited to 68 countries through which roads and sea lines pass, but rather it will revive global trade and raise growth rates.
 The importance of Iraq and the Arab region, in general, emerged in the Chinese strategic perception as a source of energy. Historical studies indicate that China's relationship with the Arab region dates back to 2000 BC. The location of the Arab region in an important global strategic region near Asia and North Africa and its enjoyment of a long history, honorable civilization, and abundant natural resources, created exchanges between both the Arab-Chinese sides in various fields through what was called (the Silk Road and the Perfume Road by land and sea ). China has sought to regard Iraq as a starting point for it in the Arab world and in the Asian continent, which can serve its strategic objectives in the African continent as well and express its prestige as a great Asian power. And since Iraq is a producer and exporter of oil, therefore China views it as a country of strategic importance, and Iraq can establish a foreign policy with diverse relations and reduce the status or level of its relations with Washington and focus on increasing its cooperation with China, which does not show more interest in political affairs than in economic affairs. In addition, Iraq's relationship with China does not harm the United States of America.
 China seeks to gain Iraq as a strategic ally in the region on the one hand and to preserve the source of oil supplies and investment projects on the other hand. The Chinese project ((The Belt and Road)) provides Iraq with a strategic opportunity to achieve its national interests in terms of economic and trade (transit through Iraq) towards the continent of Europe and the Levant region and vice versa, as Iraq needs to diversify the sources of national income and thus strengthen the Iraqi economy in addition to selling imports oil. Therefore, Iraq is supposed to adopt a strategic approach based on seizing the opportunities available in the international strategic environment and employing the Chinese interest in it to benefit from the initiative. Especially since China has become a center of attraction in the environment of international alliances and alliances. security, including Iraq.

China's Belt and Road Initiative in Myanmar: Governance and State-Society Implications

Abstract: Sino-Myanmar relations entail a complex and deep-rooted web of connections linking state and non-state actors with state and private capital. Based on qualitative fieldwork conducted in 2019, this article argues that Chinese investments in Myanmar have exacerbated the precarious state-societal relations. Our argument is based on three interconnected reasons: the lack of engagement and corporate social responsibility in Chinese projects, China's engagement with Myanmar's Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), and the large presence of Chinese capital in the country's informal and often illicit economy. Such dynamics have increased the anti-China sentiment and heightened frictions in an already fragmented political and economic situation. As a result, contrary to China's "win-win" claims, Belt and Road Inititative projects have not contributed to equitable socioeconomic developments but have exacerbated state-society tensions. We conclude by considering the implications of the 2021 coup d'état, its impact on Sino-Myanmar relations, and the prospects for BRI implementation.

How Chinese Capital Exacerbates Structural Violence: Externalization, Extraction, and Reaffirmation against Ethnic Minorities in the Global South

Abstract: How does Chinese capital exacerbate structural violence against ethnic minorities in host countries? While a growing number of works examine the effects of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and non-BRI Chinese projects, these works focus on economic effects, political impacts, or negative socioenvironmental ramifications on communities. However, there has yet to be work on the specific relationship between Chinese capital and ethnic relations in the host country. In the form of major BRI and non-BRI projects, we suggest that Chinese capital acts as an external stimulus that gives ethnic coalitions, which often comprise host country elites who represent the majority ethnic groups, the power to design and finance large-scale ventures. We argue that three mechanisms, particularly externalization, extraction, and reaffirmation, exacerbate structural violence against ethnic minorities. Through field research, analysis of government documents, and literature review, the cases of the Philippines, Pakistan, and Myanmar illustrate our argument. The shadow case of Xinjiang strengthens our argument as well.

Foreign Investment, State Capitalism, and National Development in Borneo: Rethinking Brunei–China Economic Relations

Faced with dwindling oil and gas reserves, Brunei has been hard-pressed to diversify its reliance on hydrocarbon. China has emerged as an attractive prospect to the Brunei government, especially since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative. This article analyses a few major Chinese projects in Brunei and postulates three interrelated arguments. Firstly, Chinese investors have targeted Brunei's natural resources and fiscal incentives. These firms have minimal interest in the Sultanate's small domestic market as they eye the export sector. Secondly, these projects have been orchestrated by China's provincially-owned state-owned enterprises (SOE) and private firms, instead of centrally- controlled SOEs. State support has generally been channelled to these projects in an at-arm's length manner. Thirdly, while Brunei is relatively skilled in attracting Chinese investors to further its own political economic goals, at least in the short-run, it is uncertain whether such capital exports have helped in ameliorating the structural limits of the country’s economy.

China’s Grand Strategy for Asia-Pacific: an analysis of the regional and global actors’ perspectives

The regional order of Asia-Pacific is changing dramatically; it attracted the world’s attention, especially after China’s rise as a significant emerging global power and one of the influential regional powers in Asia-Pacific. China announced its Grand Strategy (GS) in 2013 for the Asia-Pacific region. It aims to convert China into a prosperous society, establish good relations with neighbouring countries and make the region more prosperous and developed. This paper deals with how regional and global actors behave towards China’s rise and its GS in the Asia-Pacific region. What regional order is China proposing for the stability and peace of the region? Moreover, what is the expected regional order in the coming years? This article overviews the proposed Chinese GS, focusing on the goals to be achieved in the Asia-Pacific region and the regional states’ reaction towards China’s rise, its GS, and the New Regional Order while using qualitative research methods. China attempts to coordinate with the regional states through bilateral and international mechanisms as they express strategic and security concerns. Despite their worries, all the regional states are backing Chinese GS because they believe Chinese projects can satisfy their infrastructure demands and other security and economic requirements.

Meaning in Life, Social Axioms, and Emotional Outcomes during the First Outbreak of COVID-19 in Hong Kong.

Social unrest, coupled with the outbreak of COVID-19, was a double-hit for Hong Kong in early 2020. Those stressful societal situations not only trigger negative emotions, such as anxiety and/or depression, but also consolidate a person's belief towards oneself (i.e., meaning in life) and society (i.e., social axioms). The study included 2031 participants from the Formation and Transformation of Beliefs in Chinese (FTBC) project dataset. The data were collected in Hong Kong from February 2020 to March 2020 (double-hit). Path analysis and multiple regression were used to examine the mediating and moderating effects of the presence subscale (P) of the Meaning in Life Questionnaire (MLQ) on the relations between social axioms and negative emotions. Results showed that low MLQ-P mediated the associations between cynicism and negative emotions and between low religiosity and negative emotions and moderated the relation between social cynicism and emotional outcomes. Exploratory analyses showed that MLQ-Search (S) mediated the relations between reward for application and negative emotions, between social complexity and negative emotions, and between fate control and negative emotions, and moderated the relation between religiosity and stress. As far as we know, this study reported the first evidence of the role of meaning in life in explaining and modifying the associations between social axioms and mood states. The presence of and search for meaning in life seem to work differently with respect to the relations between social axioms and negative emotions, with important implications for understanding the dynamics of social and personal beliefs in affecting mental health in times of large-scale public crisis.

The Lure of Technocracy? Chinese Aid and Local Preferences for Development Leadership in Africa

AbstractShould politicians, technocrats, or the free market guide the economic development of a developing country? The historical development paths of countries vary widely. Public opinion concerning development models also differs across space and over time. Using Chinese aid data from AidData and the second round Afrobarometer survey, we study how Chinese aid affects local preferences for economic leadership in sixteen African countries, 2000–2005. Our causal identification strategy is to compare the preferences of respondents who lived near an aid project site where a Chinese project had been implemented at the time of the interview (treated group) to individuals who lived close to a site where a Chinese project would be initiated shortly after the interview (control group). We find that Chinese aid increases the local population's support for economic experts to run the economy. World Bank aid, on the other hand, has no impact on local preferences for economic leadership.

Chinese aid and social ties in Africa: Evidence from sub-national aid projects

Is there any possibility that foreign aid may negatively affect African social ties? To answer such a question, this paper examines the impact of local Chinese aid projects on social capital in Africa. China or Chinese contractors directly control or operate Chinese projects in Africa. This feature may disengage Africans from participating in their own local development activities. Likewise, China gives unconditional aid, which may nurture corruption. By creating losers and winners, corruption may make people unhappy. Because of these features, Chinese aid projects may hinder the formation of social capital. This paper puts this claim to an empirical test using data from the Afrobarometer surveys and AidData. Conditional on a set of controls, I find several interesting results. First, Chinese aid is negatively associated with generalized trust. Second, Chinese aid projects are related to disengagement from associational life. Third, no similar pattern is found when the main analysis is replicated on aid from the World Bank. Finally, neither the Chinese nor the World Bank’s aid is related to subjective wellbeing. The results suggest that Chinese aid may wither local social ties through social disengagement. Overall, the findings imply that it is vital to engage local citizens in the design and implementation of Chinese aid projects.

Chinese aid and crime: Evidence from Africa

AbstractWe study how the allocation of resources impacts localised crime rates. Recent studies on the effects of Chinese aid in Africa have increased rapidly, and this paper contributes by showing the mechanism by which aid increases crime. Using a geo‐referenced dataset of subnational allocation of Chinese projects, geographically matched with 145 701 respondents of four rounds of Afrobarometer surveys from 36 African countries, we use a difference‐in‐difference‐in‐difference (DDD) approach and an instrumental variable (IV) identification strategy to account for endogeneity and capture the effect of living near projects under implementation before or after a survey against those with no projects. We find that Chinese aid projects significantly increased crime rates in the immediate locations where the projects were implemented. The main channel of effect is the increased local economic activities leading to the availability of employable opportunities. There is a similar but smaller magnitude of the effect regarding projects funded by other donor agencies.

Партнерство по глобальной инфраструктуре и инвестициям: задачи и перспективы развития

The article is devoted to the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII). This initiative is a part of the common approaches of the United States and its G7 partners. The prerequisite for its creation was implementing the Chinese “Belt and Road Initiative” (B&R), which the U.S. and its allies consider a severe challenge to their interests in the world economy. The PGII will focus on soft infrastructure development in middle- and low-income countries. It will contribute to introducing modern digital technologies and evolution of Industry 4.0 in developing regions. Furthermore, the following priorities are within the framework of the Partnership: climate and energy security, digital communications, healthcare, and social equality. The most important difference from the “Belt and Road” is the model of development and financing of projects. Unlike the Chinese public funding approach, the PGII will attract private investment. However, it requires active work with governments of the recipient countries to adapt their institutions and legislations. It is a prerequisite for reducing sovereign risks and attracting Western investors. At the same time, implementing necessary standards creates the risk of time lags against the backdrop of dynamically developing Chinese projects. The competition between the PGII and B&R can lead to opposing political and economic blocs, negatively manifesting the emerging international relations system. Such a division can take the form of developing incompatible standards and requirements of political loyalty in exchange for access to goods, services, and technologies for the PGII recipient countries.

The Belt and Road Initiative is a new impetus for the development of the Central Asian region

The article examines China’s global economic and logistics project “One Belt– One Road”. The long-term project is aimed at promoting the economic integration of the Central Asian region. The concept proposed by the PRC shows that China’s political relations are not aimed at creating an alliance against any countries. The global project provides transparency in terms of economic interaction. China demonstrates its readiness to coordinate this initiative with the development strategies of other parties and the mechanisms of its regional cooperation. The structural basis of the Chinese project is that all participants use a winning format of cooperation. In the economic analysis of the concept, it becomes obvious that the countries located in the belt and road zone have rich resources, their economic bases complement each other and have great potential and space for the development of cooperation. The Central Asian countries have a great transit potential. Due to its geographical location in the center of Eurasia, Kazakhstan can connect Europe and China by land transport. Get the opportunity to become a major logistics center for cargo flows from Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Iran and receive income from the transit of cargo transportation. Beijing may strengthen its influence in Central Asia and block the cargo flow from Southeast Asia to Europe. An additional advantage of the project is significant financial resources to. In the course of the study, the author tried to determine the economic mechanisms and political patterns of the global Belt and Road project ten years after the publication of the mega project.