Chinese Politics Research Articles

Razvoj savremenog kineskog koncepta konvencionalnog odvraćanja

Deterrence strategy has always been an interesting topic for many international relations scholars. The concept was the hallmark of the USSoviet politics during the Cold War and rightly became an important aspect of other countries' politics, as well. The Chinese idea of deterrence is somewhat unique compared to the "standard" model of deterrence, which is often seen in the Western literature. In the Chinese case deterring the enemy from attacking you is a part of the strategy, while the other part can be focused on accomplishing political goals using coercive approaches. In other words, deterrence can be used as an offensive-active strategy, in Schelling terms, that strives for compellence among adversaries. In the following paper we shall analyze the Chinese idea of deterrence and how it was developed with other strategic approaches in the past three decades. The PLA strategies such as winning local wars based on information, assassin's mace and anti-access/area denial to a larger extent are intertwined with the idea of deterrence. Our goal is to explain these strategies and how they correlate with deterrence, as well as to point out some potential problems or misperceptions that can occur due to the ambiguous character of the Chinese deterrence and regional interests. This, in essence, represents the crux of the problem. The changes in the Chinese politics that have been ongoing in the last ten years influence the perceptions of its intentions among other regional actors and the Chinese idea of detterrence. If we consider the Chinese detterrence in broader theoretical framework that implies compellence as well, we can easily understand that growing concern among regional actors is not unfounded. Growing geopolitical ambitions among the Chinese policymakers are a reflection of the state's growing military capabilities. In recent policy papers we could see that the Chinese regional interests imply some kind of a change in the regional balance of power that could, over time, reflect on the global balance of power, as well. In such geopolitical environment the primary goals of deterrence could be put in question, in terms of whether the strategy is deterring a rival or trying to compel him in order to gain political concessions. During the last ten years the Chinese Armed Forces have been transformed from a strong land power to a growing sea power, whose capabilites imply the development of the blue-water Navy that can contest other regional powers, primarly the US. Such military developments inevitably change the perception of threat among regional actors, as well as their perception of the Chinese concept of deterrence.

The Party and the People: Chinese Politics in the 21st Century, by Bruce J. Dickson. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2021. x+315 pp. US$29.95/£25.00 (cloth).

<i>The Party and the People: Chinese Politics in the 21st Century</i>, by Bruce J. Dickson. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2021. x+315 pp. US$29.95/£25.00 (cloth).

О философском значении сообщества единой судьбы человечества

The paper reveals the historical and philosophical foundations of the concept of “commu­nity of the common destiny of mankind”, which was put forward by Chinese politicians and scientists as a response to the most acute and urgent threats of the modern era – to be or not to be humanity on the planet. The author of the paper emphasizes that the emer­gence of this concept was the result of more than 5000 years of development of Chinese philosophical thought and traditional culture. Its important aspects were outlined, in par­ticular, in the work of the great Chinese thinker Confucius “Lun Yu” – Conversations and Judgments. A presentation of the content of the idea of ​​“datong” or the society of Great Harmony is given. Further, the paper shows that the modern theoretical basis of the concept of “community of the common destiny of mankind” is Marxism. In the era of world history, the global nature of human communication has acquired a comprehen­sive character. And the formation of a “community of the common destiny of mankind” corresponds to the progressive direction of the development of human society. In conclu­sion, the article talks about the joint contribution that China and Russia should make in creating a better future for all countries of the world, for the coexistence of the entire diversity of civilizations present in the modern world.

MCROBBIE'S THEORY OF POST-FEMINIST DISARTICULATION AND THE PRECARIOUSNESS IN CHINESE CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY

This paper analyzes the theoretical transferring of post-feminism and the concept of “disarticulation” from western feminism discourses to the Chinese contemporary media landscape. By introducing the connotation of post-feminism and its disarticulated precarious consequence to the feminism agenda, the paper argues that Chinese native feminism discourses represented the precariousness of post-feminism in the way which de-politicized, decentralized and self-governed individualization has dominated the narratives of feminists. The paper proposes that there is a new Chinese feminist ecology widely growing on media platforms with the characteristics of stigmatization of feminists, breaking down the unity of all feminist groups as well as women as a whole by labeling and gazing upon them, and further disarticulated feminist groups from the primary activism agenda and political alliance. The paper warned that due to the peculiarity of Chinese politics, namely, the long absence of official recognition of feminism and authoritative oppression of it, the precarious consequence of disarticulation pervades contemporary Chinese media landscapes by saturating the online feminism discourses and interrupts its developmental courses.

The idea of "Heaven and man are one" in ancient Chinese aesthetic thought and its positive meaning

"A characteristic feature of the Eastern model of comprehensive thinking is a common concept and universal connection /…/ The statement about "Heaven and man are one" is the highest and most complete embodiment of the Eastern comprehensive model of thinking " [2, p.149]. The idea of "Heaven and man are one" is one of the main spirits of traditional Chinese culture. This main idea influenced ancient Chinese politics, ethics, life art, and also penetrated into ancient Chinese aesthetic thought and works of art.The idea of "Heaven and man are one" is the traditional wisdom of the ancient Chinese people.This idea was widely promoted by Chinese society in the 21st century. Comprehensive promotion of the idea of ”the unity of heaven and man" can improve the artist's understanding of the dimension and form of beauty, help break the old paradigm and promote cultural development and progress. This is embodied in artistic creativity, especially in the artistic creativity of Chinese painting, which focuses on the “artistic concept”, which allows artists to pay attention to understanding the general spirit of works of art without destroying the overall beauty because of a certain part. From this it can be seen that the idea of ”the unity of heaven and man" has strong guidance and significance in the field of aesthetic practice, such as artistic creativity. The purpose of this article is to correctly interpret the idea of “the unity of heaven and man” through the analysis of ancient Chinese literature and records in combination with philosophy, aesthetics and other fields. And thanks to the analysis of representative Chinese paintings that adhered to this idea in ancient China, it provides an example of how this idea can be applied to aesthetic practice. In conclusion, we will combine the experience of that time in order to see the positive meanings of this idea in the future.

A Global Turn in Chinese Legal Ideology?

The Chinese approach to law and development has been perceived in terms of experimentalism and resistance towards globally applicable development models. In recent years, however, Chinese Communist Party (CCP) ideologues and pro-establishment legal scholars have become increasingly ambitious about the global significance of Chinese legal thought. CCP ideologues and Chinese legal scholars’ global ambitions are particularly evident in writings on “Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law.” According to these ideologues and scholars, Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law is the “height of world history and global thought,” and provides a new governance model for developing countries. Yet, while Party ideologues espouse the globally pathbreaking nature of Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law, they are often unconcerned with describing the specific legal theoretical advantages of this form of legal thought in comparison to existing modes of legal thought. This article argues that CCP ideologues’ global ambitions and the discrepancy between Party ideologues’ ideological and theoretical ambitions should be understood as consequences of domestic Chinese politics. While globally ambitious speech in CCP ideology and pro-establishment legal scholarship reflects China’s international aspirations, it does not aim to persuade foreign audiences about the advantages of Chinese legal thought. Instead, this form of ideological speech aims at producing and reproducing political relationships within the Chinese body politic. Insisting on the global relevance of Chinese legal thought is one method for achieving this goal. At least for now, globally ambitions CCP ideology is domestic in its aspirations.

19세기 동아시아 중화질서의 변동과 한‧중 상호인식의 기억과 변용

In the 19th century, Lee Eu-june's 『MongyooYeonhaengrok(夢遊燕行錄)』 and Bo Jun's 『FengshiChaoxianyichengriji(奉使朝鮮驛程日記)』, in examining the changes in the Chinese order in East Asia, the relationship of Korea-China, the memory and transformation of mutual recognition, and the aspects of literary exchange can be said to be a historically and academically meaningful material. This thesis was conducted in three main parts based on the above contents. First, the changes in the 19th century East Asian Chinese order and the relationship between Korea and China were studied in Lee Eu-june's 『MongyooYeonhaengrok』 and Bo Jun's 『FengshiChaoxianyichengriji』. Second, the memory and transformation of mutual awareness between Korea and China during this period was explored, and finally, the exchange of intellectuals between the two countries was considered based on the poems found in these works. Traditionally, the key factor in the relationship between Korea and China is the Chinese ideology. Relations between Korea and China had been settled in the framework of Chinese ideology, and Chinese ideology dominated the consciousness of intellectuals. However, as a new international relationship was formed in East Asia in the 19th century, the relationship between the two countries began to show cracks and changes. In addition, the perceptions and attitudes of intellectuals toward China and Chinese culture are also changing. Lee Eu-june's 『MongyooYeonhaengrok』 presents a shift and change in the traditional relationship between Korea and China, and a change in perception. In addition, Lee Eu-june's critique of China can be said to reflect the universal perception of the Joseon intellectual society in the 19th century. In particular, in the relationship between Korea and China during this period, the consciousness of ‘small-China’ and ‘Chosun-Chinese’ acted as an important variable. On the other hand, it can be said that the perceptions and attitudes toward the relationship between Korea and China and the Sino-Chinese order in Bo Jun's 『FengshiChaoxianyichengriji』 reflect the traditional perception of the historical center and periphery, and the relationship between tribute and tribute. Bo Jun recognizes the relationship between Korea and China in terms of China, which is still the ‘center’ and the ‘periphery’, Joseon. Second, in relation to the memory and transformation of mutual awareness between Korea and China, the composition of the center and the periphery in the traditional relationship between Korea and China works as a mechanism to understand the memory and transformation of mutual awareness. In fact, it can be said that the recognition of 'centre-periphery' provides a useful framework for understanding the implications of Chinese culture and their perceptions and attitudes toward Joseon intellectuals. However, after Oing(淸) ruled the Central Plains, the concept of China began to expand. This is because it was necessary to explain in detail the superiority of China to the ‘barbarity’ of Qing, which was a miracle. And this leads to Joseon intellectuals' concerns about the current reality. In 『MongyooYeonhaengrok』, Lee Eu-june reveals the historical events, people, regions, and perceptions of Chinese politics and society in Joseon and China. 「ChaoXianZhuzhici(朝鮮竹枝詞)」 recorded in 『FengshiChaoxianyichengriji』 records the history and culture, customs and geography of Joseon, and the life of the people. Here, Bo Jun reflects on the history of Korea and China and reveals his awareness of Joseon. Third, Lee Eu-june and Bo Jun expressed their views through an exchange of poems and, on the other hand, had literary exchanges. Considering this, the poems of Lee Eu-june and Bo Jun provide a cross-section of literary exchange between Korea and China during this period.

The Party and the People: Chinese Politics in the 21st Century

The Party and the People: Chinese Politics in the 21st Century

Chinese Literature and Culture in the Age of Global Capitalism: Renaissance or Rehabilitation? by Wang Xiaoping

Reviewed by: Chinese Literature and Culture in the Age of Global Capitalism: Renaissance or Rehabilitation? by Wang Xiaoping Gal Gvili Wang Xiaoping. Chinese Literature and Culture in the Age of Global Capitalism: Renaissance or Rehabilitation? Leiden and Boston: Brill. 2021. Pp. x+388. US$167.00 hardcover, US$167.00 ebook. Wang Xiaoping is a prolific scholar of modern and contemporary Chinese literature, [End Page 568] cinema, and culture and a keen observer and interpreter of contemporary academic debates in China. In English alone, Wang has published four books and numerous articles, and his output in Chinese far surpasses these numbers. In Chinese Literature and Culture in the Age of Global Capitalism, Wang embarks upon an ambitious endeavour: mapping the contours, the premises, and the impetus fueling Chinese literature, cinema, and cultural criticism from 1976 to the present. Wang reads poetry, films, short and long fiction, as well as a robust set of critical works in English and Chinese that all, in his thesis, engage an acute identity crisis China has been facing. Namely, Wang investigates literature, culture, and academic debates to search for an answer to the question: what constitutes Chineseness in the current era, in which China is both a Communist country and a major player in global capitalism? The answer is given through an extensive discussion and close readings of Chinese new poetry, 1980s Avant Garde Fiction, 1990s Historical Fiction, Six Generation Cinema, and critical essays and books by thinkers associated with the Chinese New Left and Liberal camps. Wang argues that Chineseness today is refracted in cultural texts as a dialectic between a socialist consciousness that harks back to the Mao era while looking forward to envision new possibilities, and a liberal mentality that draws upon both the Chinese pre-modern, mostly Confucian ethos and Western liberalism to forge a future for the Chinese nation. In a dense analytical narrative, Wang moves chronologically from the late 1970s to contemporary times, and examines each cultural phenomenon by loosely employing Raymond Williams’s concept of Three Cultures. Williams suggested, as early as the late 1950s, that the complex dynamic underscoring national cultures can be understood as a dynamic of triangulation between the dominant hegemonic culture, residual culture-a culture of a previous age that resides within the dominant national culture either as a fortification of or as a disruption to its values-and an emergent culture that generates new social structures and values and thus becomes a new force that challenges dominant culture. Wang adopts this framework for one main use: detecting residues of socialist culture in poetry, fiction, and cinema that had often been misread, in his view, as emblems of a new “free” expression that the end of the Mao era supposedly enabled. In the impressive array of texts examined, Wang identifies a slow “disappearance of idealism” (18) that nevertheless remains a fait accompli. Socialist themes, aesthetics, and value continually inform Chinese language literature and cinema even though they have diminished over the years. Juxtaposing, for example, in Chapters Six and Seven, the films Dirt (Toufa luanle 頭髮亂了, 1992) and The Making of Steel (Zhangda chengren 长大成人, 1997) with Lust/Caution (Se/Jie 色戒, 2007) demonstrates how, in Wang’s reading, even as thematic eulogizing of the revolutionary generation made way for more so-called universal engagement with espionage and sex, residues of the CCP/KMT conflict, with their radically different ideologies, still shaped the artistry and the reception of Ang Lee’s 2007 work. Indeed, as Wang states in the opening pages of the introduction, this academic study promotes a political agenda, which is calling for a “socialist re-orientation” [End Page 569] (313) that could carry forward, revitalized, the values of China’s socialist revolution. One way to move in this direction, this book suggests, is by revisiting contemporary culture and reading it through a lens that is sensitive to socialist undercurrents: While China’s postsocialism is, to a certain extent, characterized by pragmatism-a political principle practiced by Chinese politicians in the post Mao period in general, as well as the living conditions and life philosophy followed by the Chinese populace in their daily activities in particular-we must still pay close attention to...

What Can Comparative Authoritarianism Tell Us About China Under Xi Jinping (and Vice Versa)?

This paper evaluates the progress and impact of the literature on comparative authoritarianism, showing not only how its development over the previous two decades can help us understand China’s authoritarian politics better, but also how the latter can move the former forward. We focus on two important topic areas in the literature: authoritarian power-sharing and autocratic politics of information (e.g., partial media freedom and government censorship). For the first topic, we shall review the literature on the authoritarian power-sharing between dictators and their allies and explicate how this conceptual innovation helps us understand the institutional foundation of China’s regime stability and phenomenal economic performance before Xi Jinping. The analysis then provides us a baseline for assessing China’s economic and political future under Xi Jinping given his clear departure from the pre-existing power-sharing framework. Finally, this paper also assesses the relevance of the literature on authoritarian politics of information to the Chinese context. In sum, we not only emphasize the conceptual contributions of the literature of comparative authoritarianism to the field of Chinese politics, but also identify lacunae in the current literature and avenues for future research that post-Xi political developments have made visible to us.

Genocidal processes: social death in Xinjiang

ABSTRACT Genocide is a series of long-term processes emerging from “states of emergency” to convert targeted groups and secure the nation. This paper builds on Critical Genocide Studies literature to historically contextualize China’s “fusion” policy, a narrative of emergency officially explaining extra-legal internment camps and inter-generational separation in Xinjiang. Although China’s policymakers traditionally frame “one-nation-one-state thinking” as Western colonialism, critical approaches to Chinese politics show the party-state frames ethnic identities through colonial binaries of backward/modern and savagery/civilization. How does the party-state’s “historic mission” to overcome colonial “humiliation” promote colonialism? The paper analyses how routine, dehumanizing official narratives of identity and danger enable genocides, conceptualized as planned processes of social death by attrition. It argues that contemporary “fusion” policy interweaves cultural superiority and ethnocentric developmentalism, seeking to resolve China’s “ethnic problem” and decolonize Xinjiang through social death of Turkic Muslims.

Emergent nationalism in China's sociotechnical networks: How technological affordance and complexity amplify digital nationalism

AbstractNationalism today interacts in complicated ways with advanced information and communication systems, regularly leading to unanticipated consequences. Popular online nationalism in the People's Republic of China (PRC) is a case in point: In the PRC, digital nationalism has become a central feature of political discourse and decision‐making, at times powerfully shaping the state's policy efforts. This article explores a missing puzzle piece in how state‐led and popular nationalism interact in Chinese politics: the role that advanced information and communication technologies play in such processes. This is a question that is not only relevant to scholars of China but also to anyone interested in the role that digital media and communication play in the formation and spread of contemporary nationalism. How do interactions in complex sociotechnical systems affect nationalism today? To answer this question, the article analyses and traces interaction and feedback loops in Chinese digital environments during Sino‐Japanese disputes over the East China Sea. It shows how the interactions between humans, organisations and technologies create unexpected variations in outcome that resonate through China's internet and create the conditions from which digital nationalism can powerfully emerge to shape legitimation and policy‐making processes.

From “Sea Turtles” to “Grassroots Ambassadors”: The Chinese Politics of Outbound Student Migration

International student migration/mobility (ISM) has long come under the spotlight in migration and education studies. Previous research has focused primarily on inbound students in Western host countries, with much less attention on sending countries’ policies. Based on evidence from interviews, ethnography, and policy analysis in China, the world’s largest source country of student migrants, I argue that outbound student migration can be integrated into the home country’s broader diaspora politics to serve economic, governmental, and geopolitical policy objectives. These diverse, sometimes-clashing, interests are predicated upon China’s domestic politics and global positioning. To establish a conceptual bridge between ISM and diaspora studies, I depart from the mobility paradigm’s emphases on neoliberalism and de-regulation and, instead, foreground nation-states’ changing, yet-unabating, interests in regulating and strategizing about overseas students. I find that following decades of prioritizing the economic and governmental impacts of student returnees ( haigui, or colloquially “sea turtles”) in boosting the domestic economy and maintaining political stability, China now attaches growing importance to student migrants’ geopolitical value as “grassroots ambassadors” ( minjian dashi) in expanding China’s global influence and enhancing its national image abroad. This geopolitics-focused national reorientation, however, may not be well received by student migrants themselves or fully implemented by street-level migration bureaucrats. By examining tensions between the central Chinese state, student migrants, and frontline local officials, this article sheds new light on ISM as a dynamic policy arena where state ambitions crosscut individual desires and national grand plans are confronted with flexible local improvisation.

Chinese Politics in the 2016 Sarawak state elections: Case Studies of Dudong and Bawang Assan Seats

This article examines local Chinese electoral politics in Sarawak during the 2016 Sarawak state elections based on a case study of two Chinese-majority marginal seats in Sibu district, namely Dudong and Bawang Assan. It examines the discourse and strategies deployed by the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) and the opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP) and other independent candidates in the two constituencies. Candidates of the former in both seats were prominent leaders who had left the Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP) – a major BN component party – to form a rival splinter party called the United People’s Party (UPP) and had contested as “BN direct candidates.” The article provides insights into how the intricate political dynamics on the ground shaped the electoral outcomes. Analysis of the voting patterns in polling districts provides a more nuanced understanding of the purported “increase” in Chinese support, revealing an urban-rural contrast. Both DAP candidates retained majority support in urban Chinese areas, albeit with reduced vote shares and absolute numbers due to abstention. Rural Chinese voters, on the other hand, manifested a clear surge in their support for BN, both in absolute numbers and vote share, contributing decisively to the victories of the two BN direct candidates. The findings are based on field observation, in-depth interviews with party leaders and informants, as well as analysis of polling district results of the two constituencies.

"China" as an Analytical Concept: A New Beginning for Chinese Political Science

The emergence in recent years of a large number of institutional concepts in the world of Chinese political science indicates that Chinese political science is experiencing an "internal shift" that is different from the complete Westernization of the past. Chinese political scientists are seeking theoretical explanations for China's political development based on China's internal context and are looking to provide intellectual arguments for China's modern state building. In this paper, it is proposed that the core of this internal shift of Chinese political science is the consciousness of "China" as an analytical concept, and that China is not only an object of description, but also an analytical perspective for explaining "what is China". Such a view is different from that held by the European and American left and pure traditional researchers or reactionists. On the one hand, this paradigm provides more universal political knowledge in the sense of comparative political science; on the other hand, it can advance Chinese political research by drawing a clearer and more accurate knowledge map of Chinese politics. The emergence of institutional concepts in Chinese political science implies that Chinese political science as a discipline is increasingly moving from the "form" of discipline establishment to the "content" of "what is China". This signifies a real new beginning.

Examinations and Chinese educational politics: historical reflections on China’s recent ban on school tutoring

Examinations and Chinese educational politics: historical reflections on China’s recent ban on school tutoring

Yang Guangbin and New Agenda for the Chinese Political Science

Yang Guangbin and New Agenda for the Chinese Political Science

Chinese politics and comparative authoritarianism: institutionalization and adaptation for regime resilience

AbstractChina's authoritarian regime under the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) remains resilient and responsive to domestic and international threats to its survival, especially considering the inherent instability of other authoritarian regimes. What strategies allow the CCP to stay in power? How do institutions help the CCP to sustain one-party rule, if at all? How does the regime maintain centralized rule over its vast population and territory? Finally, how does the regime respond to the people's demands and dissatisfactions? This review essay discusses how the growing literature of comparative authoritarianism helps (or does not help) us to answer these questions. It discusses three books – one on comparative authoritarianism and two on Chinese politics. InHow Dictatorships Work: Power, Personalization, and Collapse, the authors (i.e., Barbara Geddes, Joseph Wright, and Erica Frantz) test various hypotheses exploring the issues regarding the central political processes that shape the policy choices of authoritarian regimes, such as seizing power, consolidation of elites, information gathering, and how dictatorships break down. Are their findings consistent or contradictory with observation of Chinese authoritarian politics? To answer this question, we draw empirical evidence from Bruce Dickson'sThe Dictator's Dilemma: The Chinese Communist Party's Strategy for Survivaland Min Ye'sThe Belt Road and Beyond: State Mobilized Globalization in China, 1998–2018. These books suggest why China's authoritarian regime remains resilient.

Embodied ‘emancipation’: architects, technocrats, and the shaping of the Canton Fair in 1970s China

The year 1971 was a turning point for modern Chinese politics. Several years after the initiation of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), repressed Party cadres and technocrats were gradually rehabilitated: politicians realigned with the capitalist West, public officials rationalised the government, administrators liberalised the economy, economists promoted foreign trade, technicians advanced science and technology, and architects and engineers engaged with creative practice. Perhaps nothing embodies what I describe as ‘the return of technocracy’ more strikingly than the Guangzhou Foreign Trade Project of the 1970s, an economic and architectural endeavour to expand exhibition venues, and build new hotels and department stores, in response to the growing number of international visitors attending the Canton Fair. This article examines how contention and cooperation between architects and technocrats noticeably shaped Lingnan Modernism as specifically embodied in the Foreign Trade Project. In doing so, I investigate the social, economic, and political background of the emergence and expansion of the Canton Fair, focusing on two representative buildings, the Exhibition Centre of the China Exported Commodity Fair at Liuhua Road and the West Wing of the Dongfang Hotel. Both projects demonstrate an extraordinary synthesis of Modernist vocabularies, climate-responsive design, and indigenous garden culture. I argue that the Guangzhou Foreign Trade Project embodied multiple forms of emancipation, both as a passive product of social, economic, political, and diplomatic liberation and as an active vehicle to further spatial, perceptual, and mental emancipation. This embodied emancipation reveals a productive, mutually respectful collaboration between progressive architects and enlightened technocrats, demonstrating the sharp contrast of the rule of expertise with domination by politics.

The party and the people: Chinese politics in the 21st century

The party and the people: Chinese politics in the 21st century