China In Response Research Articles

Cellular Automata: Simulating Alpine Tundra Vegetation Dynamics in Response to Global Warming

ABSTRACTThis study attempts to model alpine tundra vegetation dynamics in a tundra region in the Qinghai Province of China in response to global warming. We used Raster-based cellular automata and a Geographic Information System to study the spatial and temporal vegetation dynamics. The cellular automata model is implemented with IDRISI’s Multi-Criteria Evaluation functionality to simulate the spatial patterns of vegetation change assuming certain scenarios of global mean temperature increase over time. The Vegetation Dynamic Simulation Model calculates a probability surface for each vegetation type, and then combines all vegetation types into a composite map, determined by the maximum likelihood that each vegetation type should distribute to each raster unit. With scenarios of global temperature increase of 1 to 3°C, the vegetation types such as Dry Kobresia Meadow and Dry Potentilla Shrub that are adapted to warm and dry conditions tend to become more dominant in the study area.

China's Diplomatic Manoeuvring on the Question of Darfur

This article assesses China's response to the violence in Darfur. Whereas the People's Republic had already been taking a constructive stance towards international interventions in various intra-state conflicts, the mayhem in Darfur compelled China to take the lead in engaging Khartoum. Beijing's engagement evolved from a rather passive posture, to taking a clear position, and finally, to active persuasion and mediation. During these negotiations, Beijing departed from the interests of the local political elite and tried to meet its concerns, not by imposing measures, but by clarifying the different options and creating trust to find a feasible consensus. From the Chinese perspective this approach was highly successful as it increased its moral influence, reassured its partners in Africa and the West, safeguarded its oil empire in Sudan and upheld its prerequisite of sovereignty and state consent.

Education, Globalisation and the Future of the Knowledge Economy

The dominant view today is of a global knowledge-based economy, driven by application of new technologies, accelerating shift to high-skilled, high-waged European economies. This view is reflected in expansion of higher education and key role of higher education in national and European economic policy. The Lisbon agenda seeks to make European Union the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in world, capable of sustainable economic growth with more and better jobs and greater social Not only is education believed to hold key to international competitiveness but to foundations of social justice and social cohesion. This article outlines underlying assumptions of this mantra, which in many respects has changed little since 1960s when human capital theory gained increasing prominence in education and economic policy (Halsey, 1961). It examines prospects for creation of high-skills economies throughout Europe in light of new realities of global economy. This analysis is based on interviews with senior managers and executives in leading transnational companies and government policy makers in seven countries including China and India. In conclusion, authors outline a series of issues as a contribution toward a new agenda for education and knowledge economy within European Research Area. Following this essay are two responses: (1) Expanding Higher Education System and Building World-Class Universities: China's Response to Globalization and Knowledge Economy. (Wang Yingje); and (2) Education, Globalisation and Future of Knowledge Economy: Three Comments (Stephan Vincent-Lancrin). (Contains 1 figure, 1 table, and 25 notes.)

中国による鉱物資源の輸出規制をめぐる２００７年までの日米欧の対応について

This paper presents recent development regarding China's export restrictions on raw materials, which brought a strong response from Japan, the U.S. and the EU under the annual Transitional Review Mechanism (TRM) in the WTO. China is a dominant producer of various kinds of raw materials. China produces more than 90% of the world's rare-earths. For this reason, it is vital for major consumers such as Japan, the U.S. and the EU to secure a stable supply of these materials from China. However, China has recently been strengthening export restrictions on raw materials. The measures taken for this purpose include export quotas and export taxes.In 2007, this issue was discussed intensively under the TRM in the WTO. Japan, the US and the EU respectively expressed concern about China's export restrictions on raw materials. They also raised a lot of questions in conjunction with the consistency of China's policy with the WTO rules. China has provided some information, but the three parties still regards China's response as insufficient.Having described the above discussion in the WTO, this paper attempts to investigate whether or not China's policy is consistent with WTO rules. Also, the paper takes a look at the global demand for raw materials to consider why the three parties have particular concern about China's export restrictions. Lastly, the actions we need to take are presented. Mining development, recycling, and R&D activities for material substitution are essential to ensure a stable supply of raw materials.

Nō as Sociopolitical Commentary: Staging Chinese Literati in Medieval Japanese Nō Theatre

One-tenth of the plays in the current nō repertoire retell stories of Chinese origin or feature a Chinese character, raising the role of China in nō theatre. Through a close reading of the two plays, Sanshō (The Three Laughers) and Hakurakuten (Bai Letian), this paper proposes that one major reason for the staging of China is to voice sociopolitical comments. Although both plays feature well-known Chinese literati, they demonstrate contrasting treatment of the foreigners. Such polarity in the portrayals of the Chinese reveals the different presentation of China in response to the changing sociopolitical climates in medieval Japan.

Intellectual Property Right Abuses in the Patent Licensing of Technology Standards from Developed Countries to Developing Countries: A Study of Some Typical Cases from China

While Western countries continually criticize developing countries, especially China, for a lack of effective protection of intellectual property rights (IPRs), the IPR abuses of developed countries in developing countries are also worth paying attention to. This article takes several representative cases that have occurred in recent years in China and discusses the IPR abuses in the licensing of technology standards from developed countries to developing countries. Under de facto standards, the IPR abuses of western enterprises are mainly conducted through blocking competitors by taking advantage of the status of controlling the standards. Under de jure standards, the most urgent antitrust concerns for developing countries are being charged an excessively high patent royalty and being refused independent licensing in practice by the western patent pools under the standards. In addition, this article also shows China's responses, such as improving its legal system to restrict IPR abuses and commonweal intellectual property litigation filed by IPR scholars. A brief analysis on categories of commonweal relative to IPR abuses is also presented.

Causes of Effective Policy Implementation: China's public health response to SARS

This paper studies China's response to the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) epidemic in 2003. It first assesses the current nature, structure and development of the Chinese infectious disease system, and then evaluates the state response to infectious disease epidemics. Turning to the role of non-state actors, it discusses their contributions to the state's efforts. Following a case study of Shaanxi province, it concludes that the SARS outbreak reveals the state's capacity to re-centralize power in the face of high-priority events. However, it also concludes that this government capacity alone, while necessary, is not sufficient to overcome SARS.

Economic liberalisation for high-tech industry development? Lessons from China's response in developing the ICT manufacturing sector compared with the strategies of Korea and Taiwan

This paper argues that China's response to economic liberalisation, which artificially focuses on promoting particular sizes of firms, cannot improve technological capabilities in the ICT manufacturing industry. Not only have historical and economic conditions created difficulties in adopting Korean and Taiwanese style policies, but also competitive ICT firms in the global economy are increasingly moving from manufacturing to innovation activities against a backdrop of increasing economic liberalisation. Given the WTO and ITA agreements, the main path which Korea and Taiwan employed is now unavailable. The government therefore should leave the size of firms to market forces.

Evolution of China's response to HIV/AIDS

SummaryFour factors have driven China's response to the HIV/AIDS pandemic: (1) existing government structures and networks of relationships; (2) increasing scientific information; (3) external influences that underscored the potential consequences of an HIV/AIDS pandemic and thus accelerated strategic planning; and (4) increasing political commitment at the highest levels. China's response culminated in legislation to control HIV/AIDS—the AIDS Prevention and Control Regulations. Three major initiatives are being scaled up concurrently. First, the government has prioritised interventions to control the epidemic in injection drug users, sex workers, men who have sex with men, and plasma donors. Second, routine HIV testing is being implemented in populations at high risk of infection. Third, the government is providing treatment for infected individuals. These bold programmes have emerged from a process of gradual and prolonged dialogue and collaboration between officials at every level of government, researchers, service providers, policymakers, and politicians, and have led to decisive action.

New directions in the study of China's foreign policy

This book brings together several generations of specialists in Chinese foreign policy to present readers with current research on both new and traditional topics. The authors draw on a wide range of new materials-archives, documents, memoirs, opinion polls, and interviews-to examine traditional issues such as China's use of force from 1959 to the present, and new issues such as China's response to globalization, its participation in several international economic institutions, and the role of domestic opinion in its foreign policy. The book also offers a number of suggestions about the topics, methods, and sources that the Chinese foreign policy field needs to examine and address if it is to grow in richness, rigor, and relevance.

Empire and Neoliberalism in Asia

and Neoliberalism in Asia. Edited by Vedi R. Hadiz. London and New York: Routledge, 2006. Softcover: 301pp. and Neoliberalism is the product of a conference held at the National University of Singapore in July 2004. The major focus of the book is on Southeast Asia, the conference re-uniting a number of specialists on the region who have been associated at some point in their careers with the Asia Research Centre at Murdoch University in Australia. In addition, the volume has contributions from specialists on globalization, on China, and on India. I will begin with a familiar lament from reviewers of edited books: the volume is very uneven in the quality of its contributions, and the extent to which they directly address any of the themes identified by the editor. As is often the case in these situations, it seems that the editor might usefully have intervened with a heavier hand--both to insist that some authors link their papers to a set of common themes, and, indeed, to take the hard decision of cutting some papers altogether. The first part of the book examines theoretical issues and the international context, focusing primarily on the current sources of U.S. foreign policy, how the U.S. international role might best be conceptualized, and on where Asia, primarily Southeast Asia, fits within U.S. strategy. Because these are the chapters that are most likely to interest a wider audience, I will discuss these in some detail below. The second part of the collection looks at how the changes in U.S. strategy post-9/11 have affected domestic politics and social relations in states from around the region. The Southeast Asian chapters are generally the strongest, and the ones most closely related to the volume's central themes. Garry Rodan and Kevin Hewison provide an insightful chapter on how the post-9/11 change in emphasis in U.S. policies has affected Washington's relations with Singapore and Thailand, and domestic politics in these two countries. Vedi Hadiz's chapter on the American Empire and authoritarianism in Indonesia is undermined by the delay that has occurred in bringing the conference papers into print: it contains no reference to the administration of S.B. Yudhyono, elected only a few months after the conference took place. Khoo Boo Teik's chapter on Malaysia focuses on the Pan Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) and the meanings of Islamic governance, topics that seem at best peripherally related to the volume's overall themes. Patricio N. Abinales' study of the Southern Philippines does have an explicitly American dimension: it reviews the history of the triangular relationship between U.S. administrations, Philippine national governments and Muslim politicians and rebels. Chaiwat Satha-Anand poses the question of what violence does to democracy through examining the impact of the violence used by the Thai state against Southern rebels, concluding that Thailand is best characterized as an authoritarian democracy. The remainder of the country studies is a very mixed bag. Zhiyuan Cui examines China's response to U.S. neo-conservatism, particularly how is attempting to move beyond the Washington Consensus to promote a Beijing Consensus. Sonn Hochul asserts that neoliberal and armed globalization constitute nothing less than 'a planetary war' against humanity, and argues that the policies of the Bush administration have not only intensified anti-Americanism in Korea but also internal disputes on key issues such as policy towards North Korea and Iraq. Lee Wen-Chih and Yang Der-Ruey's brief chapter reviews how the changing international politics of the Cold War and post-Cold War era, in particular as they have affected U.S.-China relations, have fed ethnic-based conflict on Taiwan. Finally, in the two chapters on South Asia, Habibul Haque Khondker looks at how relations between Bangladesh and the United States have recently improved under conditions of military-dominated authoritarianism, despite Bangladesh moving towards a more Islamic path; and Anand Teltumbde examines the relationship between Hindu fundamentalism in India and U. …

Hoping for the Best, preparing for the worst: China's response to US hegemony

In the post-Cold War strategic environment, Beijing could plausibly have opted for Soviet-style geostrategic competition with Washington, but it has not. Chinese leaders have not thus far, and almost certainly will never, amass thousands of nuclear weapons on hair-trigger alert or deploy significant forces to a network of bases spanning the globe. Nevertheless, the below assessment of China's increasing hard and soft power yields the conclusion that a Chinese challenge to US hegemony cannot be ruled out. The United States must prudently maintain military forces appropriate to facing a potential peer competitor. At the same time, however, Washington must engage in a process of creative diplomacy that simultaneously matches China's soft power and engages seriously with Beijing to create areas of consensus and cooperation.

Severe and Swift Justice in China

One quarter of the world's population live in China. Chinese law is fast shifting into the global arena. China's response to new and emerging crimes over the last decade is now an important international human rights issue. This paper discusses some key concepts for understanding the criminal justice system of a country that is fast becoming the second most economically and geo-politically powerful nation in the world. Thousands of criminals are executed during China's periodic 'Strike Hard' anti-crime campaigns. This paper examines the Strike Hard policy of 'severity and swiftness', seeking to achieve three complementary objectives: to provide insight into the machinations of criminal justice operations in China's anti-crime campaigns, to explain official justifications for the policy, and to give voice to alternative commentaries and opinions of Chinese criminal justice researchers and practitioners.

America's response to the rise of China and Sino‐US relations

This article examines America's response to the rise of China and its impact on Sino‐US relations by putting it in the context of the overall Asia policy of the Bush administration. It first looks at the Bush administration's global strategy and the place of Asia policy in the hierarchy of US foreign policy. Then, the article examines the changing dynamics of American foreign policy towards China and China's response. This study introduces Power Transition theory as an analytical tool behind America's China policy. It further uses two flashpoints in the Asia Pacific — the Taiwan issue and the North Korea nuclear crisis — as examples to analyse recent developments in Sino‐US relations. It also provides assessments of the conditions for a change of tide concerning the future direction of US policy towards China.

Information Warfare: China's Response to U.S. Technological Advantages

Since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the United States has been recognized as the world's sole superpower. Many countries, China chief among them, would lik...

The Significance of the Chinese People's Liberation Army White Paper

In December 2004 the People's Liberation Army issued its status report, the White Paper, summarising its view of the global configuration of forces and projecting its response. The operating assumptions are: (1) while the international situation is stable, there are factors present of instability, uncertainty and insecurity, which are increasing, at the same time that hegemonism and unilateralism are gaining; (2) the tendency towards multi-polarisation is deepening; (3) new changes are altering the existing balance of power; (4) while the developing world is increasing global democratisation with a more vocal say, the gap between the North and the South is ever widening; (5) the world wide revolution in Military Affairs requires both new technology and new doctrines; (6) localised wars of a geopolitical, ethnic and religious nature are a constant threat; (7) any attempt by Taiwan to separate will be crushed; and (8) non-traditional threats are on the increase. To properly position the White Paper in perspective, it is essential to examine the 1999 study by two senior PLA Colonels, Unrestricted Warfare, which was characterised by the US as the doctrine of a technologically weaker China as it confronts the superior US power. A careful examination of this study reveals a thoroughly thought-out evaluation of both US and Chinese strengths and weaknesses in technology, strategy and doctrine. There is little doubt that the wake-up call for the PLA was triggered by the Gulf War—Operation Desert Storm. China's response, it is argued, is multiple—ranging from altering force levels to increasing its educational/technical levels; developing a seamless strategy for a transition from a peacetime to a wartime economy; seeking a leapfrog strategy in military technology; not falling into the trap of seeking superiority in all areas of military technology; and constructing and reinforcing an alliance structure of both multilateral institutional nature as well as on the bilateral level.

Late Neolithic Plant Remains from Northern China: Preliminary Results from Liangchengzhen, Shandong

Late Neolithic Plant Remains from Northern China: Preliminary Results from Liangchengzhen, Shandong

Why the Six Party Talks Should Succeed

ASIAN PERSPECTIVE, Vol. 29, No. 2, 2005, pp. 231-246. Commentary WHY THE SIX PARTY TALKS SHOULD SUCCEED Peter Van Ness Obstacles to Cooperation in East Asia A successful Six Party Talks on the North Korean nuclear programs can serve the interests of all the participants, includ­ ing the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the United States. But, contrary to the Bush administration's expec­ tations, "success" cannot come in the form of a "coalition of the willing" that forces North Korea to agree to America's unilateral demands. As they stand now, the Talks are a coalition of the unwilling. There are two conditions that must be met for success. First, the DPRK must hold back from actually testing a nuclear device, because once a country tests, it is likely to be much more difficult to convince its leadership to give up its nuclear pro­ grams. Second, both the DPRK and the United States must be prepared to engage in the give and take necessary to achieve a peaceful, negotiated conclusion to the crisis. The other four par­ ticipants (China, Russia, South Korea, and Japan) must convince the United States and the DPRK to modify their initial negotiat­ ing positions sufficiently to achieve agreement.1 1. These comments are my own conclusions from participating in a con­ ference on the Six Party Talks, co-hosted by professors Ha Yong-Chool of Seoul National University and Donald C. Hellmann from the Univer­ sity of Washington, Seattle, and held in early June 2005 at Mount Kumgang in North Korea. My thanks to colleagues at the meeting for their 232 Peter Van Ness There is much at stake in the Six Party Talks.* 2 Behind the scenes and away from the newspaper headlines, there is a strug­ gle going on over the future of East Asia. The choice is a right wing, with-us-or-against-us Bush vision versus a more live-andlet -live, multilateral, ASEAN-type accommodation among diverse governments with different interests and priorities. How this struggle will be played out can best be seen in the Six Party Talks and in the plans for the East Asian Summit, scheduled for Decem­ ber 2005 in Kuala Lumpur. The rise of China, on the one hand, and the militancy of the Bush "neoconservative" revolution, on the other, push and pull at the web of ASEAN-based cooperative arrangements in the region. Strategic initiatives from East Asia are being shaped and reshaped by the Sino-U.S. dynamic, the most important bilateral relationship in the region. Some analysts see this relationship as a contest between hege­ mons or as a balance of power; but China is not a hegemon (at least not yet), nor is Beijing attempting to balance U.S. power.3 Instead, the United States and China offer competing visions of Asia's future,4 differing understandings about the role of war in resolving disputes among strategic adversaries, and alternative approaches for achieving international stability in the region. Japan, potentially a major player, remains hesitantly deferen­ tial to American leadership, but most other countries in the region want to engage both the United States and China. They want no confrontation between those two powers. They value good rela­ tions with both, and don't want to have to choose between the two. At the same time, they are no less concerned about the rise of China than is the United States (as a trade and foreign-investment important insights. Any errors, omissions, or misinterpretations are solely my responsibility. 2. For a more extended analysis of the dynamics of the Talks, see Peter Van Ness, "The North Korean Nuclear Crisis: Four-Plus-Two—An Idea Whose Time Has Come," in Mel Gurtov and Peter Van Ness, eds., Con­ fronting the Bush Doctrine: Critical Views from the Asia-Pacific (London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2005). 3. Peter Van Ness, "Hegemony, Not Anarchy: Why China and Japan Are Not Balancing US Unipolar Power," International Relations of the AsiaPacific , vol. 2, No. 1 (2002). 4. Peter Van Ness, "China's Response to the Bush Doctrine," World Policy Journal, vol. 21, No. 4 (Winter, 2004/05), pp. 38-47. Why the...

The Political Thought of Sun Yat-sen: Development and Impact. By Audrey Wells. [London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 256 pp. £50.00. ISBN 0-333-77787-5.

What, another book about Sun Yat-sen? The sceptical reader should not be deterred. He or she will learn much by reading this informative, lucid history of Sun Yat-sen's career, his thinking, and his influence on China as well as on various leaders of developing nations of the last century.Wells portrays Sun as a rare, humane revolutionary who could have unified China and facilitated China's transition to a peaceful, modern society and state. Such achievements were well in his grasp but the foreign leaders of Sun's time preferred a weak, divided China and ignored his pleas for assistance.Although Sun was famous in China immediately after his death, Sun's “synthesis of Eastern and Western ideas” attracted few outstanding Chinese leaders to his cause. As Ssu-yu Teng and John K. Fairbank stated in their China's Response to the West: A Documentary Survey, 1839–1923 (p. 276) “the doom of the Kuomintang was sealed from the time when Dr. Sun failed to convince the scholars of Peita that his “Three People's Principles” could give them intellectual leadership.” Why Sun's political thought did not attract a broad segment of the leading elite to agree with his message and follow his revolutionary path is still a puzzle.

Effect of global climate change and human disturbances on tree diversity of the forest regenerating from clear-cuts of mixed broadleaved Korean pine forest in Northeast China

Studies on the combined effects of global climate change and human disturbances are important for biodiversity conservation and natural resources management. Here we use the modified forest dynamics model to simulate the tree diversity change of a typical mixed broadleaved Korean pine forest regenerating from clear-cuts in Northeast China in response to global climate change, double concentration of CO 2 and human disturbances during the next 50 years. We consider the following climate change scenario: the annual temperature will increase 2 °C, the annual precipitation will increase 10% and CO 2 concentration will increase to 700 μl l −1 linearly in 50 years. Five kinds of human disturbances under climate change are considered: logging which removes all trees with diameter at the breast height of more than 50 cm; removing all individuals of any one species; and removing all individuals of shade tolerant, shade intolerant and medium type tree species, respectively. We find that the index of proportional representation of species ( α index) for the forest growing from clear-cuts increases significantly under climate change, but decreases under climate change plus logging. The index of changing representation of species ( β c index) increases significantly under climate change and climate change plus logging. When any one species is removed α diversity of the forest growing from clear-cuts changes significantly under climate change, but β c index remains almost the same. When all individuals of shade tolerant species, shade intolerant species, or medium type species are removed, respectively, α diversity decreases, but β c diversity changes in more complicated ways. The implications of these results for preserving tree diversity in this type of forest are also discussed.