China-Africa Relations Research Articles

Using the internet to teach China-Africa relations: The China-Africa Project in the seminar room

Compared to resource economies, geo-politics and migration, the internet has not received much attention as a factor in China-Africa relations. This is unfortunate, not only because its influence is growing larger and more complex daily, but also because it increasingly affects many other aspects shaping the relationship. In particular, the internet plays an important role in shaping the international discourse about China-Africa relations; because of online archives it also provides an opportunity to make the development of this discourse understandable to newcomers. This article is an attempt to take a first step towards analysing the value of online resources in providing African students greater insight in China-Africa relations. In particular, it will focus on one set of resources: The China-Africa Project (CAP) and its related China in Africa Podcast.

The Economic Consequences of China-Africa Relations: Debunking Myths in the Debate

This study dissects with great acuteness some of the big questions on China-Africa relations in order to debunk burgeoning myths surrounding the nexus. It reviews a wealth of recent literature and presents the debate in three schools of thought. No substantial empirical evidence is found to back-up sinister prophesies of coming catastrophe from critics of the direction of China-Africa relations. In the mean, the relationship from an economic standpoint is promising and encouraging but more needs to be done regarding multilateral relations, improvement of institutions and sustainability of resources management. A number of positive signs suggest that China is heading toward the direction which would provide openings for a multipolar dialogue. While benefiting in the short-run, African governments have the capacity to tailor this relationship and address some socio-economic matters arising that may negatively affect the nexus in the long-term. Policy implications are discussed.

Approaches for Fostering Civil Society Engagements in Light of China-Africa Relations

This paper has deliberated on approaches to fostering civil society engagements to strengthen China-Africa relations. The central argument being that these two civilizations can cash on the immense civil society potentials in both Africa and China in ensuring that this mutually beneficial engagement is sustained. This is important because by nature civil societies in both Africa and China have demonstrated commitment towards complementing government’s policies and programmes that are meant for the good of the generality of the entire population.

The Forum on China– Africa Cooperation, Ideas and Aid: National Interest(s) or Strategic Partnership?

China is providing the African continent, in terms of aid and trade, with an alternative ‘model of development’. The post-Cold War era marks the re-awakening of China–Africa relations. China’s role as an emerging power has become evident in terms of providing aid and development assistance to Third-World countries, especially to Africa. This new found ‘emerging power’ status makes it an invaluable partner to Africa. Even in the midst of a global financial crisis, China–Africa relations continue to move from strength to strength. Contemporary China–Africa relations are based on the agenda set out by the >Forum for China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in 2000; it provided the ideological premises for future strengthening of the China–Africa strategic partnership. However, it was only in 2006, when leaders of over 40 African states visited Beijing for a Summit Meeting, that the world began to take note of this ever-evolving partnership. The principle objective of this article is to examine the FOCAC in terms of ideas and aid. Central to this investigation is the question: Whether China–Africa relations can best be classified as either national interest(s) or a strategic partnership?

China–Africa Relations: An Analysis of Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) Documents Using Shinn and Eisenman’s Optimist–Pessimist Dual Framework

Using Shinn and Eisenman’s Optimist–Pessimist dual framework this article has analysed contemporary China–Africa relations through documents produced by the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation. This analysis both substantiates and problematises the Optimist and Pessimist perspectives that make up the framework. It identifies zero-sum thinking as a weakness common to key postulates of both the perspectives. In the Optimist perspective, China provides Africa with a political counterweight to the West. In the Pessimist perspective, the strengthening of China–Africa relations constitutes an unwelcome challenge to the West in Africa. In both cases, the gain of one party results in a loss for the other. In the first case, Africa’s gain results in a loss to the West and, in the second case, it is China’s gain as against a loss to the West. In order to rectify this weakness, it calls for greater non-zero-sum thinking in the West in response to the growing China–Africa relationship aimed at realising joint gains for all parties.

Changing China, Changing Africa: Future Contours of an Emerging Relationship

Current China–Africa relations have been statically framed: China invests in the continent and exports resources extracted by its state‐owned enterprises and fuelled by aid flows, while simultaneously undercutting African industry through cheap exports. We frame this debate, then explore how the framework could adjust in response to changing economic realities in China, centered on the “rebalancing” of the growth model toward domestic consumption. We argue that a new wave of private sector‐led, low‐cost manufacturers may find its way to selected African shores, in the process transforming those economies and the way in which China interacts with them, both for the better.

CCTV's Global Outreach: Examining the Audiences of China's ‘New Voice’ on Africa

This scoping article introduces key issues surrounding the globalisation of China Central Television (CCTV), focusing on its African operations, content and reception, specifically in Kenya and South Africa. At a time when the Chinese government is seeking to enhance positive perceptions of China and China–Africa relations, and its associated media outlets are seeking to compete with other major global players like CNN and the BBC, this article takes steps towards understanding the extent to which CCTV may be succeeding in these missions. Some of the challenges identified for CCTV-Africa in our small-scale pilot study include attempting to simultaneously target ‘African’, ‘Western’ and Chinese audience groups, which may detract from its ability to appeal to specific international audiences; competition from other international and local broadcasters who already have a strong spectator base; and a lack of accessibility, awareness and sustained interest in the channel. It calls for more in-depth research into global audiences' reception of CCTV-Africa, and CCTV more generally, in order to track CCTV's brand awareness and assess whether China's global media soft power activities actually have any leverage in enhancing cross-cultural relations and international audiences' perceptions of China in Africa and the world.

China–Africa Cooperation: promises, practice and prospects

Chinese engagement in African states has increased tremendously over the last decade, much in line with Chinese globalisation strategies and supported by state encouragement and financial support. The size and potential of China as a world power leads to the level of expectations the country faces from the developing world. However, some elements of these expectations are also created through political discourses which emphasise differences with Western countries. The types of promises that the Chinese leadership makes to create such enthusiastic welcome amongst African political leaders are linked closely to the discourse on South–South cooperation. Albeit different from Western development assistance promises and parallel attempts to produce moderate expectations, the current discourse is thus partly sowing the seeds for future disappointment. This article takes a closer look at the discussions around South–South cooperation in China–Africa relations and at key rhetorical features (‘mutual benefit’; ‘non-interference’) and at the practice of this cooperation. It concludes that the Chinese discourse is creating large public expectations in African countries and while China delivers on many projects, its impact on development is less certain. The overall development success of this strategy builds on longer-term success and is implicitly linked to the occurrence of more reforms in Africa. Chinese policy thus ‘bets on the future’ in their foreign relations with Africa; the success of this strategy is dependent on political circumstances among the partners that are largely beyond Chinese control. In a number of cases, it can thus be expected that currently up-beat political rhetoric is going to meet obstacles that will require adjustments in a discourse that, in its current form, might undermine Chinese credibility if not the core elements of South–South cooperation altogether.

Whose event? Official versus journalistic framing of the fifth Forum on China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC V)

Abstract The article contributes to the fledgling literature in the China–Africa communications field by approaching the topic from the perspective of an event – the fifth conference of the Forum on China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC V). It proposes that by analysing FOCAC V specifically, and the FOCAC phenomenon generally, new and interesting insights might be gained into the interests of the various players – namely, Chinese officials, African officials and the African media. It also contributes new perspectives in leveraging the framing of a communication theory as a means of drilling down to the motivations, tensions, confluences and divergences inherent in the China–Africa relations – a transnational engagement that continues to draw animated discussions and debate in and out of academia.

Book Review: Li Xing and Abdulkadir Osman Farah (Eds), China–Africa Relations in an Era of Great Transformations

Li Xing and Abdulkadir Osman Farah (Eds), China–Africa Relations in an Era of Great Transformations, Surrey, Ashgate, 2013, pp. xii+ 207, £60.00, ISBN 978-1-4094-6478-5.

China's rising Soft Power: the role of rhetoric in constructing China-Africa relations

As China turns increasingly to the cultivation of soft power in the course of developing its foreign policy, the use of political rhetoric and its explicit and implicit audiences become more and more important, both on a bilateral level and within the international arena at large. Using the case of China's relations with African countries, this article examines key themes within China's diplomatic narrative regarding its role on the African continent and contrasts with Western and African responses.

Economic Statecraft: China in Africa

ABSTRACT: China's investment in Africa is a deliberate policy choice secure Beijing's economic and political objectives. Chinese policies may undermine or discourage US efforts create better governance and improved standards of living in Africa, but these effects are incidental and do not threaten vital American interests. The United States should encourage Beijing's participation in international economic institutions, and thereby facilitate US economic strength and promote African development. ********** In October 2000, China and forty-four African countries established the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) vigorously promote further China-Africa cooperation ... so as promote the common development of China and (1) The subsequent triennial forum ministerial meetings have become elaborate celebrations of deepening China-Africa relations. Concurrently, the Western media heralded China's neo-imperialism, massive investment, and comprehensive strategy secure exclusive access Africa's resources. Beijing's success in Africa contrasts starkly with Washington's approach economic statecraft through the African Growth and Opportunity Act and its annual forums. Congress passed this act in 2000, as China was building the Forum, to assist the economies of sub-Saharan Africa and improve economic relations between the United States and the region. (2) While many extol the positive effects of the act in improving African governance, its annual forums have been lackluster meetings of bureaucrats, and the Western media highlight that most Africans remain disappointed with the amount of US investment. Similarly, President Obama's weeklong visit three African nations in July 2013 pales in comparison the seventeen African nations that Hu Jintao visited during one ten-month span of his tenure as China's president. This article peers through the public veneer of state visits and ministerial meetings examine China's influence in Africa through trade, Foreign Direct Investment, and Official Development Assistance. (3) It argues successful economic statecraft by China does not threaten any vital American interests, and the United States has several possible responses. (4) Many assess that the increase of China's trade, investment, and developmental assistance from 2000-10 as a means secure an economic and political advantage in Africa. While Beijing's economic statecraft may undermine US efforts reform African governance and economics, these effects are incidental; however, Africa would do well evaluate and balance the long-term costs with the short-term benefits of Chinese aid and investment. Recognizing that China's economic statecraft in Africa does not threaten vital US interests, America should adopt an accommodating posture toward Beijing's involvement there. As part of its overall rebalancing toward the Asia-Pacific, Washington should intensify efforts increase Beijing's participation in institutions maintain the global international economic system which facilitates US strength. Simultaneously, the United States should review its approach in Africa find alternative ways advance its interests and mitigate the risk African development inherent in the Chinese approach. Rationale and Scope Beijing's objectives in Africa stem from its going out strategy, introduced in its 10th Five Year Plan for 2001-05. This strategy included China's decision join the World Trade Organization and encouraged businesses invest abroad. (5) The resulting economic statecraft in Africa and concomitant creation of FOCAC support four broad objectives: first, access natural resources which are essential for sustained economic growth; second, new markets for increased domestic production; third, votes in the United Nations and other international forums diminish criticism of Beijing's human rights record and build support for the People's Republic of China's (PRC's) rise; and fourth, reduced diplomatic recognition of Taiwan. …

The economic consequences of China–Africa relations: debunking myths in the debate

This study dissects with great acuteness some of the big questions on China–Africa relations in order to debunk burgeoning myths surrounding the nexus. It reviews a wealth of recent literature and presents the debate in three schools of thought. No substantial empirical evidence is found to back up sinister prophesies of coming catastrophe from critics of the direction of China–Africa relations. In the mean, the relationship from an economic standpoint is promising and encouraging but more needs to be done regarding multilateral relations, improvement of institutions, and sustainability of resources management. A number of positive signs suggest that China is heading toward the direction which would provide openings for a multipolar dialog. While benefiting in the short run, African governments have the capacity to tailor this relationship and address some socio-economic matters arising that may negatively affect the nexus in the long term. Policy implications are discussed.

Beyond the Enclave: Towards a Critical Political Economy of China and Africa

ABSTRACTThis article provides a political economy framework for analysing China's engagements with Africa. It situates the rise of China in the context of the changing balance of power in the world system and particularly China's re‐entry into spheres of influence in Africa that have been the purview of the former European colonial powers for two centuries or more. It begins by arguing that current approaches to China, Africa and international relations are fragmented in particular ways which prevent the development of a more critical political economy. It then examines a pervasive theme in China–Africa relations, which assumes that the Chinese work through enclaved investments to secure the resources of low‐income economies, though in this sense the Chinese are no different from other investors. Where they do differ is in their bundling of aid, trade and FDI and their use of imported labour, which has been termed ‘surgical colonialism’. The article does not dispute the existence of Chinese enclaves but argues that we need more empirical evidence on the levels of labour importation in relation to local labour market conditions. This requires a more nuanced understanding of state–capital dynamics in those countries where the Chinese operate although the model appears to be one of elite brokerage. However, the enclaved investments and inter‐elite bargaining are only part of the story and the closing sections of the article analyse the role of independent Chinese businesses in Africa's social and political development, which moves us beyond the enclave.

Emerging trends and patterns in China–Africa media dynamics: A discussion from an East African perspective

Academic considerations of African communications, media and journalism are in their embryonic stages, to the extent that they trail other strands of engagement within highly dynamic China–Africa relations. Yet, media reporting of China by Chinese, African and global media have been in flux since the inauguration of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in 2000. Three layers of perspective on China–Africa media confluences are discernible: the re-entry of Chinese media into the African media space; China–Africa communication/media scholarship is only now beginning to gain traction; and finally, a distinction can be made between media reporting on China–Africa relations and academic/scholarly considerations. Motivated by these hypothetical perspectives, this article broadly describes and discusses four emerging trends and patterns in China–Africa media links, extrapolating trends in policy documents, recent media reporting and scholarly perspectives on the topic.

China’s Foray into African Security and the Question of Non-Interference

Historically, China-Africa relations have been dominated by economic rationales and the policy of non-interference has restricted its engagement in African peace and security. However, in the past two decades, Beijing’s contribution towards African peace and security has dramatically expanded. In this paper, we seek to ascertain the factors behind China’s growing role in African security at the multilateral, continental, sub-regional and national levels and how it has impacted on China’s foreign policy of non-interference. The paper argues that although the policy of non-interference was a workable model in the 1950s, it is not in sync with current realities. Therefore, Beijing needs to rethink its policy of non-interference in order to protect its economic investments and political interests, which have come under threat in recent years. Undeniably, the increasing role of China also has important implications for the policy and interests of other external actors on the African continent such as the United States of America, the European Union (EU), India, and Canada. To this end, the paper concludes by exploring ways in which China can collaborate and coordinate its activities with these actors to foster sustainable peace and security on the African continent.

Sustainability in China-Africa relations – ‘Greening’ FOCAC

China‟s economic development has been one of the large global development success stories of the last generation: China‟s GNI has grown tenfold over the last 25 years. Given the size of China, not least so its demographic weight, this impressive economic growth is a basis for global political weight (cf. Kaplinsky/Messner 2008). After having pursued a policy of „opening up‟ under Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s, China is increasingly „going out‟ since the late 1990s. Under President Hu Jintao, the country was engaging increasingly with global politics, including increasing cooperation with in African states. One of the challenges in Africa is the work on nature conservation while promoting development at the same time. The UNDP report on progress on the MDG notes that targets for the provision of basic sanitation (which is also related to sustainability questions) is out of reach for the 2015 deadline, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. UNDP continues by clearly stating: “The world has missed the 2010 target to slow the decline in biodiversity. Nearly 17,000 species of plants and animals are currently at risk of extinction, and the number of species threatened by extinction is growing by the day” (UNDP 2012). Specifically in some biodiversity hotspots like South Africa, Madagascar or the DRC, this is a worrying trend (cf. Burgess 2012b). And while deforestation rates might have slowed down, they continue to be particularly high in highly biodiverse forests that, once destroyed, cannot be brought back by tree-planting programmes or the like (UNDP 2012). Development endeavours in Africa thus have to be sensitive to environmental concerns, including investments and industrial developments in the realm of South-South Cooperation.

Job change in Beijing – Zhong Jianhua is China‟s new “Mr. Africa”

A change of staff has taken place in China‟s diplomacy towards Africa. Beijing‟s new special representative for African affairs is Zhong Jianhua, former ambassador to South Africa. Even if only five years his predecessor‟s junior, his style is likely to differ. While Liu Guijin came to the task as a trouble-shooter, Zhong‟s task seems to be a normalisation of further China-Africa relations. Trouble might await him, nevertheless, as one would expect for this position. Chinese diplomacy has become much more deeply engaged in Africa and also more routine than they would probably have predicted themselves only ten years ago. Liu Guijin, China‟ first special envoy for Africa, was called into this trouble-shooter position in May 2007. His very nomination illustrated tensions between China‟s orthodox non-interference policy and the expanding expectations towards a global power in the making. In Sudan, China‟s ally Omar al-Bashir was not willing to stop the conflict in Darfur – and not only in the eyes of non-governmental organisations, China increasingly became accomplice to the crime by continuing economic engagement with what they labelled as a „rogue regime‟. The approaching Olympics in Beijing in 2008 created a sense of urgency in Beijing as negative news coverage threatened to overshadow the millennium event in Beijing. Even if (in Chinese understanding) business was business and sports were sports, and bloody politics in Sudan‟s Darfur were something different altogether, Darfur was a crystallisation point for an overlycautious Chinese approach towards African conflicts. The official hands-off approach to anything and everything that happened in Africa was understood as cynical in the West. Contrary to the very rationale of China‟s non-interference doctrine, China was increasingly perceived as party to the conflict in Darfur. The orthodoxy in noninterference diplomatically backfired and Chinese pragmatism was called for in search of a solution. The solution was a diplomat gifted with dexterity and experience on the African continent.

China-Africa relations in 2012 – Harmony is quite a task in the auspicious Year of the Dragon

As many parts of the world put the recent festive season to rest and clamber into 2012, the world’s most populous country and the second largest economy is busily preparing to welcome the Year of the Dragon. For China, last year, the Year of the Rabbit, was one of careful consolidation and reinforcement of its international stature, from attention to the trembling Eurozone economies, to intermittent face offs with the Federal Reserve in Washington over the value of the Yuan Renminbi, to manoeuvres within dynamic new global alliances such as the BRICS. Sino-African relations similarly reflected this careful atmosphere of consolidation - some feat given the deep political and economic penetration of China in many African states on one hand, and the bitter tumult experienced in a handful of African countries that witnessed violent protests against governments, and even overthrow of those regimes.

Editorial

Dear Reader, Discussion about Chinese investment very often limits itself to the areas that are capital intensive and thus can refer to impressive figures with regard to financial volume. Indeed, the resource-seeking drive for investment in Africa is strong, not least so for Chinese investments. There is, however, more to China-Africa relations than an exclusive look at big numbers would suggest. This issue of African East Asian Affairs | The China Monitor is dedicated to the next layer of interests in Chinese investments in Africa.