Chilean Revolution Research Articles

The Chilean War

The tragic outcome of the Popular Unity (UP) government led by Salvador Allende marked a turning point in the history of Latin American societies. The destruction of the continent's most vigorous and organized socialist movement put an end to the reformist political agenda aimed at overcoming the economic, social, and cultural foundations perpetuating underdevelopment and external dependency in the region. The defeat of the Chilean revolution coincided with significant transformations triggered by the structural crisis of capital. It signified the conclusion of the long cycle of post-war capitalist development and the beginning of a process of globalization in business encouraged by major transnational corporations. The exhaustion of Fordism, the crisis of the Welfare State, and the failure of Keynesianism initiated a period of sustained capital offensive against labor and public policies.

Love, Zeal and Patriotism towards the Construction of the Political Subject: Emotional Politics during the Chilean Revolution of Independence, 1808–23

Abstract Although Chilean independence has been the focus of much historiographical attention, the study of political emotions is still a pending issue. This essay aims to understand the experience and the role of love, zeal and patriotism during the Chilean independence process between 1808 and 1823. By studying these expressions and their associated practices, the essay argues that love, zeal and patriotism were used to imagine and design the characteristics of the desired political subject, which was conceived as playing a fundamental role in the success of the political project aimed to be established. To this end, the essay will make use of a variety of documentation from the period, but taking as a core document the epistolary of Bernardo O’Higgins, one of the most important figures of the Chilean emancipation process, and of the Southern Cone.

The Chilean Revolution and the USSR: Salvador Allende Viewing from the Offices of the CPSU Central Committee

The Chilean Revolution, which began with the rise to power of Salvador Allende in 1970 and dramatically ended with a military coup d'état and the death of the Chilean President on 11 September 1973, is one of the most significant events of Latin American history in the twentieth century, This revolution had an enormous international resonance, particularly on the political left, arousing wariness in the countries of genuine socialism, above all in the USSR, and hope among the European left, which believed in the success of the cause of socialism under conditions of freedom, democracy, and political pluralism. The person of Allende embodied the principles of the “Chilean way to socialism”, loyalty to democracy and freedom. President Allende was at the centre of attention of all world powers, including the USSR, which watched the socialist experiment in the most distant country in Latin America with keen interest. For Moscow, the ideas, political practice and personal characteristics of the Chilean leader were of great importance in determining both state and party-political policy towards the Chilean experiment. This point of view was not voiced publicly, but had a significant influence on decision-making in Moscow. In this study, the author seeks to reveal the evolution of the attitudes towards Salvador Allende on the part of the Soviet party-state apparatus, drawing on documents of the CPSU Central Committee.

1973 — the dramatic collapse of the Chilean revolution. Viewed by the materials of the archive of the Central Committee of the CPSU

The Chilean Revolution is one of the most important events in the Latin American history of the XXth century. Its defeat, its dramatic circumstances, and the brutality of the military regime's repression turned it into a symbolic event that marked the collapse of the illusions of a peaceful, democratic transition to socialism. The course of the revolution itself, the "Chilean path to socialism", the actions of various actors have been studied in numerous historical studies. In addition to Chilean actors, parties, politicians, and representatives of society, external political forces took part in this drama, indirectly and directly. One of these was the Soviet Union, which closely observed and analyzed the Chilean events. With the opening of the Soviet archives, documents became available that reveal many little-known or hidden subjects of the short but intense history of Unidad Popular in Chile. In this text, the author relies on the documents of the Central Committee of the CPSU, reflecting the vision of the Soviet authorities of the events of the Chilean revolution in the most dramatic period of its development, in the last year of the government of Salvador Allende, in 1973.

Маоизм в Чили в 60-е годы. Раскол в Международном коммунистическом движении и чилийские левые

The split in the International Communist Movement and the Sino-Soviet party and state conflict had serious consequences for the left movement in Latin America, and in Chile in par-ticular. In Chile, adherents of the Chinese revolutionary expe-rience, and then the theory and practice of Maoism, stood out from the traditional political parties of communists and so-cialists in the mid-60s. At the heart of their differences with their parent parties were attitudes toward violent methods of revolutionary struggle, criticism of the dominant concept of the peaceful path of the Chilean revolution and the reformist line of the left. Dissident pro-Chinese groups did not immedi-ately accept the Maoist doctrine, limiting themselves to criti-cizing the pro-Soviet position of the Communists, but over time adopted the main provisions of the Maoist doctrine, in-cluding in those of its points that clearly contradicted the characteristics of the country. Maoism's opposition to the al-liance of communists and socialists created serious problems for the latter among their social bases. The strength of Chilean Maoism was limited, which over time led its parties and groups to a marginal position in the left camp. This article of-fers a study of the process of formation and development of the Maoist movement in Chile in the 60s, on the eve of the coming to power of the Government of National Unity.

From ‘we shall prevail’ to ‘weapon of struggle’: Populism, Chile'sUnidad Populargovernment andNueva Canción

AbstractThe Chileannueva canción(‘new song’) movement is one of Latin America's most enduring musical phenomena. Strongly associated with the rise of left-wing political forces in the 1960s, and then with anti-dictatorship protests in the 1970s and 1980s,nueva canciónis deeply embedded in Chilean political consciousness. This article provides a new perspective on the movement by exploring its populist elements and considering these in relation to Communist Party cultural policy. It focuses on a significant historical moment – the Chilean Communist Party's 1971 Assembly on the Chilean Revolution and the Problems of Culture – to ascertain how the political potential of ‘Chilean new song’ was viewed by this key partner in the Chilean coalition government. Through this examination, this article offers new insight into the political positioning of CNS, illustrating the movement's socio-political role in terms of the broader ideological principles and imperatives of thevía chilena(‘Chilean road’) to socialism.

The USSR and the Chilean Revolution: to help and how? Issues of economic interaction during the period of Unidad Popular (1970—1973)

The dramatic experience of the "Chilean path to socialism" half a century ago raised a lot of questions about the fate of the left, socialist project in a modern, pluralistic society, about the combination of national and international factors in the fate of the revolution. This work is devoted to the policy of the USSR in relation to the Chilean revolution in the economic sphere. On the basis of documents from the archives of the Central Committee of the CPSU, it is proposed to analyze the Soviet policy of helping Chile, the process of negotiations between both countries, decision-making and their motives. The work is limited to issues of economic cooperation, which, in the course of the development of the crisis in Chile, have become key to the survival of the Unidad Popular government. Insuperable for greater dynamism of economic relations between the USSR and Chile were not only objective circumstances, vast distances and limited resources, but also the political failure of the government of Popular Unity, which turned out to be incapable of either formulating long-term tasks for the development of international cooperation or putting into practice the agreements reached with the USSR. The Soviet side was not ready for full-scale integration and assistance to Chile, plunging the process into a viscous mire of bureaucracy and the usual illusory. This is a story of bilateral failure, for which both sides are to blame.

The Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the “Chilean Way to Socialism”

This paper offers an analysis of the policy of the CPSU in relation to the government of Popular Unity in Chile (1970—1973) and in general to such a political phenomenon as the “Chilean path to socialism”. Based on the documents of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the archive of the RGANI, the author proposes to explore the view of the Chilean events from the offices of the highest Soviet authorities, the Central Committee of the CPSU, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. We are talking about the forms of political support for the government of Salvador Allende, for the line of the Communist Party of Chile, in the difficult internal and external conditions of the development of the Chilean revolution, including the ambiguous position of Cuba in the domestic policy of Chile. The USSR did its best in the political sphere to support its main ally in Chile, the Communist Party, although it made efforts to strengthen its position among the popular unity parties, primarily the Socialists. Economic assistance from the USSR was limited to the proposal of long-term development projects, while chileans needed concrete immediate financial support. Such a divergence of intentions between the parties has led to empty bureaucratic activity, declarations, exchanges of delegations that are not able to exert any influence on the dramatic state of the Chilean economy. The USSR did not fully believe in the success of the Chilean revolution, moreover, even otherwise it was extremely limited in its ability to help Chile, which was due to both the geographical factor and moscow's economic inability to provide the necessary funds, and not ideological differences about the ways of the revolution.

Cybernetic revolutionaries: technology and politics in Allende's Chile

In Cybernetic Revolutionaries, Eden Medina tells the history of two intersecting utopian visions, one political and one technological. The first was Chile's experiment with peaceful socialist change under Salvador Allende; the second was the simultaneous attempt to build a computer system that would manage Chile's economy. Neither vision was fully realized--Allende's government ended with a violent military coup; the system, known as Project Cybersyn, was never completely implemented--but they hold lessons for today about the relationship between technology and politics. Drawing on extensive archival material and interviews, Medina examines the cybernetic system envisioned by the Chilean government--which was to feature holistic system design, decentralized management, human-computer interaction, a national telex network, near real-time control of the growing industrial sector, and modeling the behavior of dynamic systems. She also describes, and documents with photographs, the network's Star Trek-like operations room, which featured swivel chairs with armrest control panels, a wall of screens displaying data, and flashing red lights to indicate economic emergencies. Studying project Cybersyn today helps us understand not only the technological ambitions of a government in the midst of political change but also the limitations of the Chilean revolution. This history further shows how human attempts to combine the political and the technological with the goal of creating a more just society can open new technological, intellectual, and political possibilities. Technologies, Medina writes, are historical texts; when we read them we are reading history.

The Large Corporation and Contemporary Classes.

Part I The capitalist class: corporate ownership and control - the large corporation and the capitalist class on class theory of the large corporation management control, exploitation, and profit maximization in the large corporation - an empirical confrontation of managerialism and class theory finance capital and the internal structure of the capitalist class in the United States who owns America? - the same old gang. Part 2 The working class in the United States and other places death in Vietnam - class, poverty, and the risks of war how mighty a force? the internal differentiation and relative orgtaization of the American working class political generations in the Cuban working class miners and agrarian radicalism. Part 3 Revolution and reform: Cuba - revolution without a blueprint Chilean revolution - the bullet or the ballot democratic investment.

War Law and the Medical Profession

The regimen I adopt shall be for the benefit of my patients according to my ability and judgment and not for their hurt or any wrong. I will give no deadly drug to any.… Whatsoever house I enter, there will I go for the benefit of the sick, refraining from all wrongdoing or corruption. … Whatsoever things I see or hear concerning the life of men, and my attendance upon the sick or even apart from them, which ought not to be noised abroad, I will keep silence thereon, counting such things to be as sacred secrets. (Hippocratic Oath)It was Reported in july 1979 that Dr. Luisa Mistrali-Guidotti, a missionary doctor serving in Zimbabwe-Rhodesia, had been shot and killed by government troops while making her rounds in her “familiar” ambulance car near Mtoko. She had previously been threatened with arrest for attending to wounded guerrillas. Except for the fact that she had been killed, rather than taken prisoner and mistreated or tortured, her case had much in common with that of Dr. Sheila Cassidy, who in 1976 had been imprisoned and tortured for her services to Allende supporters during the Chilean revolution. Incidents such as these serve to emphasize that the medical profession is as much prone to the risks of armed conflict as is everybody else.

The Chilean Revolution: Conversations with Allende. By Regis Debray. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972. Pp. 201. $6.95, cloth; $1.95, paper.)

The Chilean Revolution: Conversations with Allende. By Regis Debray. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972. Pp. 201. $6.95, cloth; $1.95, paper.)

The Chilean Revolution: Conversations with Allende. By Regis Debray. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972. Pp. 201. $6.95, cloth; $1.95, paper.)

The Chilean Revolution: Conversations with Allende. By Regis Debray. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972. Pp. 201. $6.95, cloth; $1.95, paper.)

The Chilean Revolution: Conversations With Allende by Regis Debray (Pantheon; 201 pp.; $6.95).

The Chilean Revolution: Conversations With Allende by Regis Debray (Pantheon; 201 pp.; $6.95).

The Chilean Revolution: Conversations with Allende

The Chilean Revolution: Conversations with Allende

The Chilean Revolution of 1891 and Its Historiography

The Chilean Revolution of 1891 and Its Historiography

The Chilean Revolution of 1891 and Its Historiography1

ISCUSSION OF THE Chilean revolution of 1891 has been in progress for almost three-quarters of a century, yet, despite this considerable period of investigation and interpretation, the origins, character and consequences of the revolution and the figure of Jose Manuel Balmaceda, protagonist of the revolutionary drama, are still subjects of much dispute among historians.2 This article is in part a study of the historiography of the revolution and in part a contribution to it: it assumes a knowledge of the main outlines of events in Chile during Balmaceda's presidency, 1886-1891, and of the subsequent history of the republic. Historians differ primarily on the question of responsibility for the revolution, but whereas the great majority see the struggle between Balmaceda and his Congress as a battle of political principles in which the contestants were activated by genuine conviction, others, who see the springs of political action primarily in social and circumstances, consider the basic issues in the conflict to have been about the organization and development of the republic. It is, therefore, possible and, indeed, convenient to speak of a dichotomy in the historiography of the revolution between historians on the one hand and economice historians on the other. These terms are not always mutually exclusive, but while the historian may not altogether ignore social and factors in the genesis of the revolution he does consider them relatively unimportant, whereas the economic historian may grant some validity to constitutional factors while still regarding them largely as a veneer.

The Chilean Revolution of 1891: a Study in the Domestic and International History of Chile

The Chilean Revolution of 1891: a Study in the Domestic and International History of Chile

The Chilean Revolution of 1931

The Chilean Revolution of 1931

The Chilean Revolution of 1931

The Chilean Revolution of 1931