Chilean Military Research Articles

Body Composition Classification with Electrical Bioimpedance in Chilean Military by Sex

Body Composition Classification with Electrical Bioimpedance in Chilean Military by Sex

An Assessment of Neoliberal Coups: the 1973 Chilean Military Coup and the 1980 Turkish Military Coup

The article attempts to identify the changes caused by military coups, one of the means of spreading neoliberal ideology, on the political economy of countries and discusses the place of the US hegemony in this context. The influence of armies on the political economy of countries is examined based on the examples of the Chilean military coup of 1973 and the Turkish military coup of 1980, and the place of the army element in the histories of these countries is discussed. Even if a hegemon power has enough economic, military and political power to intervene directly, it can use less costly and more legitimate tools for indirect intervention than a direct one. The policy of instrumentalizing local military forces and exporting neoliberalism to countries, which the US hegemony preferred to apply in the Cold War era and generally in the last quarter of the 20th century, is clearly seen in the examples of Chile and Turkey. Therefore, the main topic of this study is the use of armies as a tool by the neoliberal hegemon USA, and it argues that the military coups of Chile and Turkey were indirect foreign interventions, and that they were the products of the US hegemony as events that served to declare the victory of neoliberalism.

The House of Spirits – The Female Influence and the Chilean Military Dictatorship

The present work is the result of the reflections provided by the classes of the Postgraduate Program in Sociocultural Practices and Social Development, at the University of Cruz Alta - UNICRUZ (RS). Thus, the proposal of analyzing and explaining the literary work "The House of Spirits" by the Chilean writer Isabel Allende was brought forward. Book that became a bestseller in Brazil, after its release in April 1984. This work aims to examine the construction of Isabel Allende's success in the 1980s, through the biographical and historical analysis of the representations of Chile, the Chilean military dictatorship and the reference to the female gender, elements that appear in her writings. The history of the work "The House of Spirits" portrays the life of the Trueba family, which over four generations was part of the social and political movements of Chile. The main figures of the plots are always women, especially the one who embodies the role of the writer, with the function of organizing and recreating the memory of the family in a text that allows establishing deep connections with other narratives of Latin American women.

The desert, the border, and the city: Staging a spectacle on the Chile-Peru border

The 1970s saw Chile and Peru, both headed by military dictators, come to the brink of war. In order to avoid such a war, the Chilean military in the far north engaged in techniques of ‘spectacle’ for two reasons: firstly, to convince citizens on both sides of the border that Chile had a strong military and would succeed in the event of a war with Peru, and secondly, to create the impression of ‘fraternity’ with Peru. To perform these spectacles, the Chilean military employed the geography of northern Chile in three spaces: the desert, the border, and the city. These spaces became stages where acts of military deception could be implemented with the Chileans using fake tanks, military ceremonies, and bogus parades to appear militarily strong. This extends current scholarship by arguing that multiple environments can be harnessed for their specific geographical qualities in order to stage a unified geopolitical spectacle. Previous geographical scholarship has focused on individual environments as military spaces and scholarship on spectacle has treated environments as a backdrop and not a central part of how the spectacle is enacted. Here I show that it was the precise natures of the border, the desert, and the city that were exploited for a multi-scaled, heterogeneous, and fractured form of spectacle. Through the orchestrated control of these three spaces that define the border region, a clear narrative of military strength matched with a desire for peaceful co-operation with Peru was created.

Cobrir e mostrar a cara: a recuperação do romance histórico no século XXI em Torto arado, de Itamar Vieira Júnior e Formas de voltar para casa, de Alejandro Zambra

O retorno ao passado é uma necessidade histórica. Mesmo em tempos que urdem a construção de uma identidade nacional e independente, sobretudo nos países colonizados, é preciso recuperar o passado, avaliar a história oficial e então reconstruí-la, considerando feitos da margem social silenciada até então. A isto se dedica o romance histórico. Este estudo visa analisar a possibilidade de recuperação do passado em dois contextos diferentes: a Ditadura Militar Chilena por meio da narrativa ficcionalizada da memória no romance Formas de voltar para casa, de Alejandro Zambra, de 2003, e a escravidão no Brasil reverberada na obra Torto Arado, de Itamar Viera Júnior, de 2018. Dentro de suas especificidades, essas abordagens do discurso histórico, esteticamente organizado, reverberam a intenção máxima do romance histórico enquanto categoria, ao conceber a história como fator diretivo das ações dos personagens, de maneira a ter na formulação de uma consciência identitária, seu fim último.

Reelaborações da ditadura chilena na narrativa de um homossexual: Tengo miedo torero, de Pedro Lemebel

Pode-se dizer que a literatura latino-americana contemporânea é caracterizada por uma constante reelaboração do passado e da história oficial que nos contam. Nesse sentido, um traço importante do projeto literário de Pedro Lemebel é a reconstrução dos anos de ditadura militar chilena. Nosso artigo apresenta uma leitura do romance Tengo miedo torero, publicado por Pedro Lemebel, em 2001 [2002], com o objetivo de perceber como o referido autor narra o período de autoritarismo no Chile.

칠레의 국가폭력과 미완의 과거사 청산

This study examines the results of the process of the settlement of past history by tracing back the relation between the democratization and confronting the state terrorism during the Military Dictatorship in Chile. After the coup d’etat, the Chilean Military dictatorship committed large-scale state violence against human rights for 17 years. The democratic governments had to investigate and reveal the human right violations under the institutional obstacles that already had been established by the Military Dictatorship. It was impossible to promote trials of human-right violators because of La Ley de Amnistía of 1978 and the Constitution of 1980. In addition, neoliberal economic policy has exacerbated inequality in Chile.<BR>In a difficult situation, the first effort for the settlement of the past history was establishment of La Comisión Nacional de Verdad y Reconciliación and publication of the report under Patricio Aylwin government. It compiled a record of the victims and recognized state violence in the national level. However, there were several definite limits for democratic government to go beyond finding the truth. The arrest and trial of Pinochet in London promoted the demand of justice on state violence in Chile. After the trial, it begun to put an end to impunity for Pinochet. The second effort was establishment of La Comisión Nacional sobre Prisión Política y Tortura under Ricardo Lagos government.<BR>Although the Chilean transition to democracy maintained the basic continuity of confronting the state terrorism during the Military Dictatorship, the problems of state violence still remains. The human right issues with respect to Colonia Dignidad and Mapuche reveal that the problems of state violence is more extensive and deep-rooted in history of Chile. In this sense, the process of the settlement of past history is incomplete.

칠레의 국가폭력과 미완의 과거사 청산

This study examines the results of the process of the settlement of past history by tracing back the relation between the democratization and confronting the state terrorism during the Military Dictatorship in Chile. After the coup d’etat, the Chilean Military dictatorship committed large-scale state violence against human rights for 17 years. The democratic governments had to investigate and reveal the human right violations under the institutional obstacles that already had been established by the Military Dictatorship. It was impossible to promote trials of human-right violators because of La Ley de Amnistía of 1978 and the Constitution of 1980. In addition, neoliberal economic policy has exacerbated inequality in Chile.<BR>In a difficult situation, the first effort for the settlement of the past history was establishment of La Comisión Nacional de Verdad y Reconciliación and publication of the report under Patricio Aylwin government. It compiled a record of the victims and recognized state violence in the national level. However, there were several definite limits for democratic government to go beyond finding the truth. The arrest and trial of Pinochet in London promoted the demand of justice on state violence in Chile. After the trial, it begun to put an end to impunity for Pinochet. The second effort was establishment of La Comisión Nacional sobre Prisión Política y Tortura under Ricardo Lagos government.<BR>Although the Chilean transition to democracy maintained the basic continuity of confronting the state terrorism during the Military Dictatorship, the problems of state violence still remains. The human right issues with respect to Colonia Dignidad and Mapuche reveal that the problems of state violence is more extensive and deep-rooted in history of Chile. In this sense, the process of the settlement of past history is incomplete.

The Chilean Military after Antuco: Shortcomings of a Post-Secular Discourse

In their two hundred years of existence, the Chilean armed forces have had a close relationship with the Catholic faith, especially with a local version of the Virgin Mary (Virgen del Carmen), who is held as the patroness of the military. After its greatest tragedy in peacetime, when 44 soldiers—half of them Christian evangelicals—died buried in the snows of the Antuco volcano, the army and other branches of the military felt compelled to add Protestant chaplaincies to their repertoire of religious assistance, hitherto reserved for Catholics. This has been understood as a move towards a more egalitarian and inclusive understanding of religious freedom, but also as opposing exclusivist versions of liberal neutrality, in which the state fulfils its duty by taking religion out of the public sphere altogether. According to the times’ intellectual climate, the Chilean authorities have been framing these developments—not only in the military, but elsewhere—as the embodiment of a post-secular strategy, in which religion (all religion) should be welcomed back into public life and state institutions. This article presents five concerns with this chosen strategy: (a) whether inclusive secularism is a practical impossibility, since there is no way to accommodate all religious and non-religious expressions; (b) whether a post-secular narrative is adequate for states that that have not gone through the previous (secular) phase; (c) whether post-secular institutional arrangements—which entail welcoming religion in the public sphere—are adequate in countries without religious pluralism; (d) whether post-secular institutional arrangements—which entail welcoming religion in the public sphere—are not actually disparaging for non-religious people; (e) whether sponsored religious expressions and practices within public institutions put undue pressure on dissenters. This way, I offer the case of the Chilean armed forces as a proxy to illuminate the normative problems that an incipient process of growing religious pluralism and a move towards religious egalitarianism, framed as a post-secular discourse, faces in hegemonically Catholic countries.

&lt;i&gt;FORMAS DE VOLVER A CASA&lt;/i&gt; DE ALEJANDRO ZAMBRA: PERSPECTIVA INFANTIL, JUEGO Y ESCRITURA

The novel Formas de volver a casa (2011) by Alejandro Zambra marks a milestone in recent Chilean narrative, by raising the question on the children’s literature, namely the literature of those who were children during the Chilean Military Dictatorship (1973-1989) and became authors in the Post-dictatorship present. The article proposes to analyze the discursive construction of an aesthetical child perspective in the topic of Play by its (auto) representative meaning, of masks and struggles (Huizinga) which becomes operative in three levels of analysis: the child detective, the parents and the struggle of representation in History, and the adult narrator playing as a chilld, who, therefore, becomes a writer.

REVIEW: Scottish workers’ act of solidarity in Chile struggle

Nae Pasaran. Documentary directed by Felipe Bustos Sierra. BBC Scotland/Conejo Nacional de la Cultura y las Artes/Creative Scotland. 2018. 96 minutes.IN 1973, the Chilean military, with the encouragement of US President Richard Nixon and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and the collusion of the CIA, overthrew the democratically elected socialist government of Salvador Allende.In the years that followed, tens of thousands of people were murdered, detained and tortured by the regime, which became increasingly brutal in its repression of opposition. Hundreds of Chileans fled broad, aided and abetted by foreign governments, trades union and church organisations.

Do institutions play a role in the perpetration of torture?

During the late 1960s and early 1970s, most Latin American countries experienced military coups and military interventions in government affairs. In Chile, the military coup of 1973 established a military regime that lasted seventeen years, from 1973 to 1990. As a result of the military dictatorship thousands of people were killed, disappeared and/or tortured. This study examines the influence of the institutional framework on the occurrence of torture and the behavior of torturers. Perpetrators of torture are the main source of information. Depth interviews were conducted with Chilean military and policemen who were active during the military regime, National Reports and judicial files were analyzed. The study traces the realities that a group within in the military regime faced and examines the ways in which participants attempted to cope with the criminal behavior that was encouraged by the institutional framework.

John R. Bawden. The Pinochet Generation: The Chilean Military in the Twentieth Century.

John R. Bawden. The Pinochet Generation: The Chilean Military in the Twentieth Century.

Explaining Torture: A Case Study

During the late 1960s and early 1970s, most Latin American countries experienced military coups and military interventions in government affairs. One of the worst consequences of these military interventions was the torture and murder of thousands of people. This study focuses on the perpetrators of torture and examines group influences on the occurrence of torture and the behavior of torturers. To achieve this goal, we have conducted field research to interview and evaluate individuals who were members of the Chilean police and military during the 1980s. Interviews were conducted with Chilean military and police torturers active during the military regime (1973 – 1990). Group influences are strongly associated with the institutional context. The study identifies common patterns among the perpetrators but also considers the marked differences between them and demonstrates the important role of the group in enabling the perpetration of torture. Few studies have examined torture behavior in an institutional framework, and the identification of these features may allow this type of crime to be prevented.

Impact of Hypothermic Stress During Special Operations Training of Chilean Military Forces.

The Chilean Army considers processes that can optimize physical capacities for responding to the impact of situations and given stressors. The study of the effect of hypothermia as a stressor agent (HSA) and its relationship with cardiovascular, hematological, anthropometric, endocrine, and immunological parameters has not been fully addressed experimentally in military populations. To identify the endocrine, hematological, cardiovascular, and immunological changes caused by HSA and to associate these variables with body composition and physical fitness in the military special operation courses of the Chilean Army. Forty-two male subjects were exposed to remain in cold water (10.6 °C) in the context of regular military operations training, the longest time of exposure was determined by individual volitional limits. The measurements were taken in pre-hypothermia conditions, then 2 d later under acute hypothermia condition, and finally during the course period of lesser physical and psychological stressors where the baseline measurements were taken. The statistical analysis consisted of testing normality of the distribution through the Shapiro-Wilk test, assessing the equality of variances through the Levene test, and variance analysis by applying the ANOVA test (analysis of variance). The Bonferroni test was used for multiple comparison correction and the Pearson test for correlations between two variables. The level of significance was of p < 0.05. The main finding of this study is that HSA has a significant impact at the cardiovascular level and produces an increment in the cell population of the immune and hematologic systems. Significant hormonal changes were observed: ACTH (r = 0.50, p < 0.002), cortisol (r = 0.32, p < 0.03), free testosterone (r = 0.13, p < 0.002), total testosterone r = 0.31, p < 0.002), and anthropometrics (r = -0.51, p < 0.05). However, there is no significant correlation between physical fitness and HAS. All subjects experienced hypothermia stress elicited by immersion in cold water. This was evidenced by the decrease in core temperature as well as cardiovascular, endocrine, anthropometric, and immunological changes. Individual differences exist between subjects and their resistance to hypothermia in cold water. These differences are not explained by the physical fitness profile but rather respond to a greater body adiposity index and minor changes in the adrenocorticotropic hormone and cortisol hormone. An acute hypothermia stress condition also affects the anabolic/catabolic environment. Finally, HSA produces an increase in the cell population of the immune system. The authors believe that this study allows to standardize HSA exposure times during regular military operations training by identifying the physiological impacts under this extreme environment. At present, the availability of intra-abdominal temperature measurement apparatus with capsule thermometers raises the interest of corroborating the findings of the current study through the use of such measuring devices. Likewise, an interesting line of research for the future would be to compare the HSA against a psychological evaluation with the purpose of identifying the stress management mechanisms among subjects of these characteristics and include heart rate variability measurements as an indicator of sympathetic stress.

The Pinochet Generation: The Chilean Military in the Twentieth Century

The Pinochet Generation: The Chilean Military in the Twentieth Century

Civilian inattention and democratization: the Chilean military and political transition in the 1930s

ABSTRACTThe Chilean political transition that took place in 1932 is commonly viewed as positive for civil-military relations. This article argues that the very means used to restore stable civilian rule in Chile in the 1930s also contributed to the slow decay of civil-military relations, especially with the army. The conceptual lesson for the contemporary period is that civilian control entails much more than avoiding coups or rebellion in the short term. Civil-military institutions and civilian leadership matter for democracy. Although civilian strategies proved highly effective in the short term, the failure to strengthen civil-military institutions ultimately carried with it a high cost in the longer term. Compounded over years, civilian inattention can lead to estrangement, which in turn can gradually erode civilian supremacy and, by extension, democracy itself.

Política de patrimonio cultural en dictadura militar. El caso de la región de Magallanes 1973-1990

The refoundational aspiration of the Chilean Military Dictatorship (1973-1990) was interned in the national culture paying special attention to what we understand today as cultural heritage policies, articulating laws and regulations, creating positions and modifying its regulations in order to provide the State with greater margins of action in this matter.In this work, the concept of cultural heritage, cultural studies and heritage is reviewed to la analyze the patrimonialization exercises carried out in the Magallanes region during the period in question, identifying tendencies of valorization and recognition towards certain regional and national phenomena they materialized through the declarations of National Monument, the removal of Public Monuments and the dissemination of some expressions of national folklore.

Memories of Boys, Girls, and Adolescent Victims of Political Prison and Torture by the Chilean Military-Civilian Dictatorship.

This article reconstructs and analyzes the memories of victims of political prison and torture during the Chilean Military-Civilian Dictatorship who were minors when they experienced this violence. Participants in the study were 11 adults, six women and five men from the region of Valparaíso, who were victims of State terrorism during childhood and adolescence. The information production technique used was the focus group. A textual analysis was performed, based on interdisciplinary contributions from interpretation theory and discourse theories. The analysis of the information identified distinctive elements in the traumatic memories according to the sex-gender system associated with the private/public and passivity/agency dimensions. The results of this study reveal the urgent need to recognize boys, girls, and adolescents as people with rights who should be protected by both adults and States. Moreover, these results emphasize the need to implement early intervention programs in people affected by psychosocial traumas and disasters of different types, and improve their quality of life.

From Healing to Hope: The Continuing Influence of the Chilean Arpilleras

Since the 1970s, instances of widespread societal terror and extermination have proliferated. The source of such conflicts may involve entities outside of a country but, often, the parties involved in the conflict are states and their citizens. These types of social injustices and human rights atrocities tear apart the very fabric of a society, often resulting from internal wars which pit people who previously lived side-by-side against one another. A constant in these conflicts is the silencing of communication on many levels which creates an opening for multiple forms of art to function as communicative media, visual testimony, and human rights violations documentation. This paper studies the processes though which oppressed people are able to create and export visual testimonial art and the conditions that may increase the likelihood of success. The 40-year history of Chilean arpilleras, commonly referred to as political quilts, is used as a case study to identify five phases of the arpilleras which directly correlate to the creators’ lived experience: trauma, survival, healing and recovering, and remembering. The role of oppressors (the Chilean military) and supporters (those who created protected spaces and facilitated movement of the arpilleras) is analyzed in two ways: through their familiar form, which gave the impression that the arpilleras were a safe women’s craft; and through their distinctive features, which created openings for the arpilleras to communicate in an international court of public opinion what the oppressors sought to silence. The fifth phase of the arpilleras, continuing circulation, provides an opportunity to examine how the arpilleras are used as models for subversive communication and in healing and reconciliation efforts. This close examination of the Chilean arpilleras as visual testimony and communicative art illustrates their contributions to social justice and peace.