AbstractBACKGROUNDIncreasing numbers of childless men as well as with reduced or no contact with their children have sparked concern about an erosion of fatherhood. Although the general trend is undisputed, claims about men's decreasing family involvement lack a sound empirical basis that enables comparisons between countries and sub-groups of society.OBJECTIVEThis study derives long-term trends in father-child co-residence over the life course in England and Wales, and provides comparisons of these trends by level of education and ethnic origin.METHODSThe paper calculates shares of father-child co-residence from the National Statistics Longitudinal Study (LS) and the British Labour-Force Surveys (LFS).RESULTSThere has been a decline of father-child co-residence in England and Wales for men in their thirties, an even greater decline for men in their twenties, and a small increase in the shares of father-child co-residence at higher ages. The trends for different educational groups were similar, but men with a degree had particularly low rates of father-child co-residence at younger ages, and relatively high ones at older ages. Neither less-educated men, nor men from Black-Caribbean and Black-African origins showed rates of father-child co-residence as low as one might have expected.CONCLUSIONSThe steady decline of father-child co-residence among men born between 1930 and 1979 in England and Wales lends support to claims about an erosion of fatherhood. However, it is unwarranted to generalize findings from other countries about particularly low levels of father-child co-residence among less-educated men to men in England and Wales.(ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.)1. IntroductionIn all developed societies, the Second Demographic Transition (Lesthaeghe 1995, van de Kaa 1987) has changed the structure of men and women's life courses. Among the outcome of these transformations are the declining proportions of men living with children of their own, and the number of years of life that men live with their children. These trends have been well documented for the United States (Eggebeen and Uhlenberg 1985, King 1999, Eggebeen 2002, Goldscheider, Hogan, and Bures 2001, Hogan and Goldscheider 2001). In addition, Jensen (1998, 1999) has presented data for a number of European countries - excluding Britain - about the low shares of men in their twenties living with children.The drop in father-child co-residence is one of main bases of claims about fathers pulling out of family life' ( George and Gold 1991) and of shrinking fatherhood' (Jensen 1999). These claims have been linked to a number of problems at the individual and the societal level. A comprehensive body of literature has studied the potentially negative consequences of father absence for child development and well-being (Amato 2000; Lamb 2010). More recently there have been investigations into how fatherhood affects men's own well-being. The few studies addressing this issue indicated a better social integration and closer family ties of (Eggebeen and Knoester 2001; Keizer, Dykstra, and Poortman 2010). Furthermore, it has been argued that a decreasing involvement of in bringing up their children leads to an increased burden on women, who have to shoulder their stronger labour-market engagement without relief from their roles in the home (Jensen 1999). On the societal level, the concerns about increasing numbers of men not living with children of their own are related to claims of a polarization of society into a declining family sector and a diverse non-family sector (Daly 2005). The problems of combining full employment with bringing up children make families more economically vulnerable than childless individuals. With decreasing numbers of parents among employees, this raises fears that work-place culture might become less family friendly. …