Charles Brown Research Articles

Degree Days: Heating, Cooling, and Growing

ABE-381, a 7-page illustrated fact sheet by Clyde W. Fraisse, John Bellow, and Charles Brown, discusses how growers can use the AgClimate Web site to find out how to predict Growing Degree Day accumulation for the current season, and to review GDD for past seasons. Includes references. Published by the UF Department of Agricultural and Biological Engineering, October 2007. ABE381/AE428: Degree-Days: Growing, Heating, and Cooling (ufl.edu)

African American men in college

Preface. Acknowledgments. The Authors. PART ONE: ISSUES AND IDEAS. 1 African American College Men Twenty-First-Century Issues and Concerns (Michael J. Cuyjet). 2 Enhancing the Academic Climate for African American Men (Fred A. Bonner II and Kevin W. Bailey). 3 The Impact of Campus Activities on African American College Men (Charles Brown). 4 Enhancing African American Male Student Outcomes Through Leadership and Active Involvement (Shaun R. Harper). 5 Developmental Mentoring of African American College Men (E. Michael Sutton). 6 The Role of Spirituality and Religion in the Experiences of African American Male College Students (Lemuel W. Watson). 7 The Role of Black Fraternities in the African American Male Undergraduate Experience (Shaun R. Harper and Frank Harris III). 8 African American Male College Athletes (Kenya LeNoir Messer). 9 African American Gay Men Another Challenge for the Academy (Jamie Washington and Vernon A. Wall). 10 African American Men at Historically Black Colleges and Universities Different Environments, Similar Challenges (Walter M. Kimbrough and Shaun R. Harper). 11 Meeting the Challenges to African American Men at Community Colleges (Myron L. Pope). 12 Helping African American Men Matriculate Ideas and Suggestions (Michael J. Cuyjet). PART TWO: PROFILES OF SOME SUCCESSFUL PROGRAMS. 13 Student African American Brotherhood (Tyrone Bledsoe and Kevin D. Rome, Sr.). 14 Meyerhoff Scholarship Program University of Maryland, Baltimore County (Earnestine Baker). 15 The Black Man on Campus (BMOC) Project Bowling Green State University, Ohio (Kevin W. Bailey). 16 Black Men's Collective Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey (Christopher C. Catching). 17 Black Male Rap Session University of Louisville (Edward Laster). 18 African American Men of Arizona State University (AAMASU) (Alonzo Jones and Lasana O. Hotep). 19 Sons of Alkebulan and the Black Man Think Tank University of North Texas (Pamela Safisha Nzingha Hill). 20 It's Easier Than You Think Central State University, Wilberforce, Ohio (Tobias Q. Brown and Amanda A. Farabee). 21 The Collegiate 100 An Affiliate Organization of the 100 Black Men of America, Inc. (Christian A. Mattingly and Carl Humphrey). Name Index. Subject Index.

Joseph Severn: The Letters and Memoirs by Joseph Severn, Grant F. Scott

2I4 Reviews written in theUnited States, itgives most of its attention to theCaribbean. From the British perspective the eighteenth century was as much concerned with India, and, asWilliam Dalrymple has recently shown (WhiteMughals: Love and Betrayal inEighteenth-Century India (London: HarperCollins, 2002)), there the concept of a shared domesticity between white and black on foreign soil was more likely than in a context where relationships were grievously distorted by slavery.The theme of the book, however, isconcerned not somuch with what happens abroad aswith its impact back inBritain. The dilemma for those at home was tobalance the the desirability of money from abroad with the debauched values of thosewho obtained it.As Harrow points out, writers, and especially women writers, repeatedly negotiate thisproblem of desire and risk. This has been an area of lively discussion inAusten scholarship since Edward W. Said compelled critics' attention toSir Thomas Bertram's estates in Antigua (Culture and Imperialism (London: Chatto & Windus, I993)). Harrow assumes thevalidity of current discussion on thiswithout demur, and adds to it in interesting ways. She stresses the 'dark' qualities ofHenry andMary Crawford, as against the 'fair' colour ing of theBertram girls, as subliminally suggesting a colonial origin for their lapsed moral values, and she suggests that Fanny Price's physical weakness is to be seen as validating her as a proper representative of English bourgeois domesticity, since so much writing on theCaribbean noted the convenient view that thewomen of other nations could do physical work, just as lower-class women inEngland could. This is refreshing, since ithas been commoner to look forpsychological explanations of Fanny's weakness, rather than ones based on policing racial and class boundaries. This book has an interesting theme andmakes some good points. Itnever, however, explains itschoice of texts, leading one to speculate whether those chosen are typical or unique in theirperceptions-the former, I suppose. Its sense of thedomestic isex tremely limited,meaning little more than 'maintainingthe virtue of thewhite woman'. Throughout the writer should have lookedmore incisively at her often rambling chap ters, to ensure that the ideas she is tracing come across with the clarity theydeserve. NEWCASTLE UNIVERSITY CLAIRE LAMONT Joseph Severn: The Letters and Memoirs. Ed. by GRANT F. SCOTT. Aldershot and Burlington: Ashgate. 2005. xxxv+7I6 pp. ?45. ISBN 978-o-7I90-7I58-4. Like Charles Brown and J. H. Reynolds, Joseph Severn has come to be known as 'the friend ofKeats'. Unlike Brown and Reynolds, Severn has the distinction of having been buried next toKeats in theEnglish Cemetery inRome, with a gravestone that visually echoes thatof thepoet.While modern biographies and editions of the letters of both Brown and Reynolds have been published, however, this is the firstscholarly collection of the letters and memoirs of Severn (extracts fromSevern's letters and memoirs were printed inaccurately inWilliam Sharp's i892 Life and Letters, and later in two somewhat novelistic biographies by Sheila Birkenhead: Against Oblivion: The Life of Joseph Severn (London: Cassell, 1943); Illustrious Friends: The Story of Joseph Severn and his Son Arthur (London: Hamish Hamilton, I965)). That Severn was known at all in theVictorian period was a result of Shelley's effusive comments in thePreface toAdonais on his apparently self-sacrificingjourney to Italywith Keats in the autumn of i820, and of the cult of death that surrounded Keats's memory after thepublication of the firstbiography of the poet in I848. The nature of Keats's growing fame in the second half of the nineteenth century was determined in large part by themanner of his early death in Rome, and it is al most exclusively through Severn-through his letters, inparticular-that the factsof MLR, I02.1, 2007 2I5 Keats's final days and weeks gradually emerged. Severn became known as the only friend ofKeats thatwas prepared to travelwith him and nurse him as he died. And as the century progressed, Severn increasingly became 'a kind of livingmonument to his friend', as Grant F Scott puts it (p. 57)-in his care forKeats's grave, inhis repeated return in his paintings toKeatsian subjects, and in his sheer presence in Rome, the citywhere he devotedly nursed Keats in his last illness. But Severn was also a reasonably successful painter in his...

Keats's ‘Bright Star’ and ‘A Lover's Complaint’

THE three earliest texts of Keats's ‘Bright Star’ sonnet are in the handwriting, respectively, of Charles Brown, John Keats, and Fanny Brawne. In this article, I wish to draw attention to the remarkable irony generated by the precise location of Keats's version. First, I give its text. Bright Star, would I were stedfast as thou art – Not in lone splendor hung aloft the night, And watching, with eternal lids apart, Like nature's patient, sleepless Eremite, The moving waters at their priestlike task Of pure ablution round earth's human shores, Or gazing on the new soft-fallen masque Of snow upon the mountains and the moors. No – yet still stedfast, still unchangeable Pillow’d upon my fair love's ripening breast, To feel for ever its soft swell and fall, Awake for ever in a sweet unrest, Still, still to hear her tender-taken breath, And so live ever– or else swoon to death.1 I follow the indentation and punctuation of the original. Thus line 6 has slightly larger indentation than line 2, and, whereas the dashes in lines 1 and 9 are preceded by a space, the dash in line 14 is not. In The Poems of John Keats, ed. Jack Stillinger (London, 1978), 710, Stillinger reads as dashes the full stops after ‘moors’ and ‘death’. In the holograph, these ‘dashes’ are so short relative to the others in the poem that, in context, they register as rapidly-marked intentional full stops. For instance, the dash in line 1 is as long as the word ‘art’ which it follows, but the ‘dashes’ after ‘moors’ and ‘death’ are only a quarter as long as that line 1 dash. The comma after ‘night’ (in line 2), though definitely a comma in the holograph, is very small there, and so does not appear in all reproductions of the poem in books. (Photocopies are sometimes deceptive.) For instance, the reproduction in Andrew Motion's Keats (473), and its reprinted text (472), fail to show this comma.

Manifest Manhood and the Antebellum American Empire (review)

Reviewed by: Manifest Manhood and the Antebellum American Empire Mark Jaede (bio) Manifest Manhood and the Antebellum American Empire. By Amy S. Greenburg. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Pp. xiii, 323. Illustrations. Paper, $25.99.) This book is a study of Manifest Destiny, imperialism, and especially filibustering in the period between the end of the U.S.–Mexican War and the Civil War. Its chief focus is on how the ideology of gender in the United States shaped views of conquest, expansion, and adventuring in Latin America and the Pacific. Greenburg points out that, while it is self-evident that filibustering was a gendered phenomenon, historians of Manifest Destiny have until now failed to take gender into account as a category of analysis (22). This book fills that gap admirably. It is deeply informed by the existing scholarship on Manifest Destiny by historians such as Charles Brown, Reginald Horsman, Robert E. May; the gender history of Elizabeth Varon and Carroll Smith-Rosenberg; and a wealth of other scholarship in race, gender, and literary theory. One of the book's greatest strengths is the way it synthesizes a huge range of previous work and brings gender analysis into dialogue with the scholarship on race, class formation, religion, [End Page 325] sectionalism, and politics. It is no ghettoized study of gender alone. Even the most traditionalist political and diplomatic historians will find this book accessible because it is so deeply engaged with the questions they study. Yet this is far more than a synthesis of previous work. Greenburg has made an extensive study of antebellum texts. She examines travel narratives, novels, newspaper articles, political speeches, geographies, cartoons, maps, personal letters, and the bombastic speeches of the filibuster boosters. From this she concludes that the debate over expansionism was shaped by a contest between two visions of masculinity. One, which she calls "restrained manhood," advocated self-control, moral uprightness, and devotion to family. This version of masculinity could lend itself to expansionism, but expansionism through the peaceful means of trade and religious missions. The other masculinity—"martial manhood"—emphasized glory, personal independence, and redemption through violence. It was this version of manhood, Greenburg argues, that sustained the filibustering captains and won them thousands of followers and supporters. She applies this argument convincingly to the overall logic of expansionism and to the specific cases of the greatest filibusters, William Walker and Narciso López. Greenburg's gender thesis is clear and robust, and she argues persuasively for its explanatory power. For example, she shows the close connection between the rhetoric of territorial annexation and the rhetoric of the "personal annexation" of Latin American women by white U.S. men (19). Still, her book never lapses into reductionism. She acknowledges the existence of other visions of manhood, and at all points she emphasizes the complexities of the interplay among race, class, party, section, and gender. The construction of martial manhood is not placed in opposition to the construction of whiteness, Southernness, or Americanness, but integrated with them. Because of this, the book has the potential to inform the future scholarship of all these other aspects of the antebellum experience. In contrast to the manifest strengths of this book, its weaknesses are modest. One shortcoming is its failure to come to grips with the slippery concept of "America" in a hemispheric context. Though she entitles one chapter "An American Central America," she never addresses the screaming irony of that phrase. Her treatment of expansion into the Pacific is another weak point. The one brief chapter devoted to Hawaii and Japan is not sufficiently developed to make useful comparisons with expansionism directed at Latin America. Greenburg argues that the gendered [End Page 326] logic of expansion was not fully applied to the Pacific before 1860, but she does not support this claim with the same depth of evidence she musters for her study of Latin America. Another limitation, though not really a fault, is the book's tight focus on the period 1848–1860, with only brief discussion of other periods. The same analysis of restrained and martial manhood might have been profitably applied to the filibusters of 1810–1836, and the study of the 1850s...

The Politics of Literary Biography in Charles Brown's "Life of John Keats"

THE EDITORS OF THE ONLY PUBLISHED EDITION OF CHARLES ARMITAGE Brown's Life of John (1830) call it disappointment. Its weakness results, they argue, from the fact that wrote not so much a biography as an invective aimed at those whom he considered responsible for his friend's untimely end. (1) Fueled by grief, directly attacks the critics whose harsh reviews he believed hastened (or even caused) demise: Brown felt the injustice and the disaster of the attacks so deeply that he returned the subject time after time, emphasizing the point even the exclusion of personal recollections (Bodurtha and Pope 34). In short, he wrote not a thoughtful biography, but a hot-headed polemic. The editors' claim that had Charles been less a champion, he would have been more a biographer (35) may seem justified. His bias very nearly precludes accuracy and insight. Though of some interest as source material for later, more capable biographers, Brown's text can be dispensed with as yet another example of the literary propaganda that came swiftly upon the heels of the poet's death. Recent criticism has rightly interrogated the origin and persistence of the sentimental Keats established in early responses (like Brown's) the poet's death. Susan Wolfson, for example, argues that around the time of Adonais' publication Keats's death was gaining an impressive 'afterlife' indeed, a modern of 'the Poet' cast as a figure necessarily doomed by a wretched world unable appreciate him, and calling for revival by a coterie of more refined sensibility. (2) Viewing Shelley's Adonais as the most well known and preserved of such attempts to elevate the as moral authority, acknowledged legislator, Wolfson asserts that champions of like Shelley help produce a Romantic cult of the suffering, unappreciated sensitive artist--another version of the authorial hero-worship that underpins the traditional Romantic canon (32). Envisioning a disingenuous Shelley driven by self-centered motives in his lament for Keats, she argues that No small part of his performance of sympathy for was staging his own martyrdom (35). For Wolfson, the dead becomes a hapless tool in sensational and sentimental narratives of others' poetic greatness, his own real story left behind in the dustbin of irrelevant personal history. Andrew Motion, most recent biographer, similarly notes the inadequacy of portraits of supersensitive soul brought an early grave by hostile reviewers or of beautiful weakling--images that find their way into biographies of even in the twentieth century. (3) Such critical assessment of posthumous life provides an important corrective studies and coincides with more general critical tendencies demystify what has been seen as a distinctively Romantic investment in the power of individual authorial personality. The very clearly gendered elevation of the individual author, critics often argue, is meant deflect or contain threatening expansions in literary production and dissemination. Marion Ross sees Romantic poets as cultivating a myth of masculine self-possession, which enables the historical resituation of the poet and allows him adapt psychologically, philosophically, and pragmatically historical forces [such as increased print production] that are beyond his control as a human being. (4) Sonia Hofkosh similarly examines the developing discourses of masculine authorial property and personality in works like The Prelude and the Biographia Literaria as efforts to locate authority over the production, dissemination, and evaluation of meaning, of the work. (5) Building upon feminist rhetorical readings of the Romantic male author's attempts avoid contamination in a promiscuous linguistic economy, Hofkosh places the individuating efforts of writers like Wordsworth and Coleridge within the historical context of a growing feminine readership. …

Charles Brockden Brown's revolution and the birth of American Gothic

Introduction Prologue: Philadelphia, Summer 1777-Summer 1778: Horrors of the night PART I: FACTS AND FICTIONS, 1650-1798 Chapter 1: Children of the Light, 1650s-1777 Chapter 2: From Terror to Terror to Terror, 1777-1793 Chapter 3: Revolutionary Reverberations, 1793-1798 Interlude: Philadelphia, 1795-1799: renderings in the bowels of nations PART II: FICTIONS AND FACTS, 1798-1800 Chapter 4: Sins of Fathers Chapter 5: The Anti-Godwin Chapter 6: The Return of the Present and Past PART III: A LIE, 1800-1804 Conclusion: Charles Brown, American Epilogue: Brockden Brown and the American Gothic Tradition Notes Index Acknowledgments

Fresh Light on the Friendship of Charles Brown and Joseph Severn

(2004). Fresh Light on the Friendship of Charles Brown and Joseph Severn. The Keats-Shelley Review: Vol. 18, No. 1, pp. 138-148.

Selected letters of John Keats

Selected letters of John Keats

Charles Brockden Brown and the Pleasures of "Unsanctified Imagination," 1787-1793

C HARLES Brockden Brown wrote strange novels. It was strange too that he wrote novels at all, for Pennsylvania Quakers such as he were not supposed to indulge in fiction, much less write it. Stranger still, while none of his novels is explicitly about Quakers, all four of his major novels are first and foremost explorations of his Pennsylvania Quaker world. They are Quaker texts, but in disguise. This article focuses on the six-year period during which Brown taught himself how to write fiction. In I787, Charles Brown was a somewhat sickly sixteen-year-old graduate of Robert Proud's Friends' Latin School. His mother was the devout daughter of a well-to-do family of Quaker artisans; his father was a disowned but still ardent Quaker and a ne'er-do-well Philadelphia merchant whose career had hit rock bottom three years earlier when he was imprisoned for debt. Under the circumstances, the family wanted Charles to pursue a remunerative career in law. By I793, however, the young man had successfully escaped that fate and begun a series of fiction experiments that would culminate, in I798, in his sudden advent as the young republic's most prodigious novelist.1 The irony of Brown's achievement is that the further he distanced himself from the truth dictates of the Philadelphia Meeting and the

Ernest everett just lecture, 1999. The value of mentoring in the career of a young scientist

It is with humility and pride that I accept the E.E. Just award, and it is a privilege to present the Just Lecture for 1999. Just was a brilliant scientist in his time—rubbing shoulders with the geniuses of the time, including Loeb and Lillie, and walking in the shadows of Conklin and other developmental biologists. Just’s tenets are today’s paradigms for cell and developmental biology and the neurosciences. Just has a special significance to me because he founded the Department of Zoology at Howard University. Looking back, Just would be proud to know that since its inception his department has graduated more than 5000 Bachelor of Science degree students. Just also developed the Masters program in Zoology at Howard University, the first at an HBCU. He also produced approximately 15 Masters students who went on to complete the doctorate degree, including Geraldine Pittman-Woods and Louis Hansborough. Just’s department has produced more than 200 Master of Science degrees, and the department evolved to produce approximately 12% of the nation’s African-American Ph.D.s in the biological sciences. Just indeed left massive footprints in the halls of academe—footprints that are difficult to fill but footprints and a career that are worthy of emulation. I am an alumnus of Just’s department where two University of Wisconsin‐trained scientists served as my mentors: one was Charles Brown, a cell biologist; the other Harold Finley, an eminent protozoologist. They pushed and guided me toward a career in the biomedical sciences. They knew that at that time it was in my best interest not to get three degrees from the same institution, but that I should go away for further graduate studies. Leaving Howard for Brown University represented a major change in my life. There I was confronted by a group of bright, well-prepared, and highly competitive graduate students. All 11 incoming students had the same schedule, interacting with each other and from two to four faculty in the same classroom daily for 1 year. Paul Weiss had just revised his textbook of biology, and we all had to assist in his undergraduate laboratories. We were privileged to be taught by brilliant developmental biologists like Mac V. Edds, Richard Goss, and then a young Paul Gross; cell biologists like J. Walter Wilson, Elizabeth Leduc, and Richard Ellis; and geneticists like Lederberg, Herman Chase, and Stanley Zimmering, and we had exposure to several bright young men and women like the Colemans, Gauthier, and Quevedo in the areas of cell and developmental biology. Consider the national environment during this period— the ASCB was only 2 years old, and the founders, including Fawcett, Palade, Porter, and Swift, ruled supreme. We were all caught up in this national enthusiasm and as cell biologists considered ourselves “cytonauts”— exploring the cell— discovering and defining, rediscovering, and redefining the structure and functions of organelles. We benefited from two technical advances: the first was that the epoxy resins replaced the methacrylates, and aldehydes like glutaraldehyde replaced the formalin fixatives for electron microscopy. Everything was new—and surprising, and scientists like Ledbetter and Porter were defining the structure and functions of microtubules in plant and animal cells. We too presented information on microtrubule structure and function, showing their association with compensatory hypertrophy of kidney cells after unilateral nephrectomy, and described subplasmalemmal microtubules involved in motility of trypanosomes, which a year earlier appeared as solid filaments in methacrylate-embeded material, which we called subpellicular filaments. With Dick Ellis and Anne Weissman, a bright undergraduate student, we wrote a paper on microtubules involved in sequestering 6 of more than 50 mitochondria to form the middle piece of some invertebrate spermatozoa and described the manchette microtubules associated with nuclei of spermatids differentiating to form spermatozoa. In 1962‐1963 Lehninger too had just published his book on the mitochondrion, with little mention of mitochondrial DNA. At the same time, Ris, Piko, and Steinert and others were pioneering research on DNA in mitochondria; that same year we presented information on the greatest mitochondrial DNA repository, which was located in the kinetoplast of the trypanosome. We were busily developing techniques to better visualize DNA in intact mitochondria in germinal cells and corpus luteal cells and to later visualize DNA circles with Lloyd Matsumoto on cytochrome c

Workers Are More Productive in Large Firms

Wages are positively related to firm size. This relation was discovered by Henry L. Moore (1911) and later confirmed by, among others, Charles Brown and James Medoff (1989). The wage premium associated with working at a larger firm or plant is ubiquitous, but its magnitude varies across countries and over time. The reason for a size-related wage premium is harder to pin down. Paying supernormal wages to deter shirking, thereby saving monitoring costs, seems plausible, but a closer examination has led us to reject this explanation (Oi and Idson, 1999). At a big firm, the workplace is safer, and fringes are superior, so that these factors cannot be the source of a positive premium. It must be something else such as work effort. The theory that we advance is that employees at larger firms are more productive and hence command higher wages in a competitive labor market. The shape of the size–wage relation depends on technology, worker preferences, and working conditions other than size. It will change over time and across occupations.

Emma Brown Malone: A Mother of Feminism?

Emma Brown Malone: A Mother of Feminism? John W. Oliver* Introduction One consequence of the rise of Evangelical Quakerism in the Americas in the later 19th and early 20th centuries was a rebirth of evangelism. Early English Quakers went as "Messengers of Truth" to convert Britain, the colonies, and foreign lands. Evangelical Friends, especially in Ohio, Indiana , North Carolina, Kansas, Iowa, California and Oregon, shared a similar passion for missions, while assuming less pretentious labels. They were merely "Christian workers" or "soul-winners." Evangelicals spread their brand of Quakerism in urban slums, as well as in Africa, Asia, Central and South America. While sometimes opposed by competing factions within the Society of Friends, these Bibliocentric revivalistic Friends were positioning themselves, through outreach or evangelism, to become the largest form of Quakerism, at least outside the British Isles. Many "workers" became recorded ministers. Many Quaker ministers, with like-minded Evangelicals, were schooled at Bible Colleges orTraining Schools. For Evangelical Friends, the most successful Bible College was the Christian Workers Training School in Cleveland, which was cofounded in 1892 by J[ohn] Walter and Emma Brown Malone. This article identifies four seminal influences on Emma Brown Malone, explains theplace ofBible Colleges inequipping women for ministry, gives attention to Emma's work as an educator of women and looks at what she and these early Evangelical Friends had to do with gender issues, Finally, it responds to the claim of Margaret Hope Bacon that Mrs. Malone was a "mother of feminism"1 with "no" and "yes." Influences Four influences—Quaker traditions in regard to women in ministry, later 19th century Holiness, revivalistic Evangelicalism of Dwight L. Moody, Cleveland's Evangelical Quakers—helped shape the religion of Emma Brown Malone. Together, these four factors also help to explain the prominence of women in early Evangelical Quakerism. QUAKERISM: To borrow Thomas Hamm's word, Quakerism in 19th century Americaunderwenta"transformation." Friends splitovertheology. Cultural assimilation accelerated as many, at least in the Midwest, left guarded Quaker communities to live in cities. In short order, many dis- *John W. Oliver is currently working on abiography ofWalter andEmma Malone. He is also Clerk-convenerofthe 1 3th biennial Conference ofQuaker Historians and Archivists, which meets at Earlham College June 23-25, 2000. Emma Brown Malone carded plain dress, plain speech, silent meetings, etc., and their children attended public schools. Radical change also took place in Emma's family. In spite of her unbroken Quaker ancestry—which reached back eight generations to the first decade of English Friends,2 and relatives (Brown, Haight, Widdifield, Randall, Wilson, Phinney) who had been loyal Friends in Canada3—Emma came from a theologically mixed, if not a theologically indifferent, home. Charles Brown, Emma's father, had been raised a Hicksite. Margaret Haight, Emma's mother, was from an Orthodox Quaker home. Emma grew to maturity in an Irish Catholic neighborhood in a district once known as Ohio City, where she was valedictorian at West High School, which stood west of the Cuyahoga River in Cleveland.4 If it is not necessary to review Quaker support for women ministers for readers of Quaker History,5 it is noteworthy that at least three of Emma's ancestors in the previous four generations had been ministers, and two of these ministers (Sara Haight and Martha Wilson Widdifield) were women.6 In short, even with the changes in the Friends, and in her own family, the ancient practice of women in ministry would remain firmly entrenched in Emma Brown Malone. HOLINESS: In the 1 9th century, faith in instant and complete holiness grew out of Wesley's doctrine of "Christian perfection"7 and entered the Society of Friends. Sometimes dated from Phoebe Palmer's "day of days" in 1837, this "second blessing" of "sinless perfection" promised to fill believers with "perfect love" and usher them into "a state in which [the sanctified] no longer had any desire or propensity to sin."8 Holiness promoted gender equality, for moral perfection was open to all regardless ofrace, class, education or gender. Palmer encouraged believers to address one another in familial terms: "brother," "sister." She cited the "naked Word of God" as her authority to chastise those who think "they are...

Blue rhythms: six lives in rhythm and blues

Somebody has to pay the dues, says La Vern Baker. Here are the remarkable stories of six dazzlingly talented performers who blazed the R & B trail -- the story of the performers' music and also of their struggle against racism and financial exploitation: Ruth Brown and La Vern Baker, two of the most popular female black singers of the 1950s...Little Jimmy Scott, whom Madonna calls the only singer who ever really made her cry...Charles Brown, master of the club blues style...Floyd Dixon, a more rambunctious fellow-traveler...and the earthy, urbane Jimmy Witherspoon, who recorded some of the biggest R & B hits ever.

Measurement of resting and activated skeletal muscle blood flow by H 215O positron emission tomography : Ramon L. Cuevas-Tristan, MD (University of California, Los Angeles, CA); A.M. Erika Scremin, MD; Oscar U. Scremin, MD, PhD; Charles Brown JR., MD; Mark Mandelkern, MD, PhD

Measurement of resting and activated skeletal muscle blood flow by H 215O positron emission tomography : Ramon L. Cuevas-Tristan, MD (University of California, Los Angeles, CA); A.M. Erika Scremin, MD; Oscar U. Scremin, MD, PhD; Charles Brown JR., MD; Mark Mandelkern, MD, PhD

Protection of hydroxy groups by silylation: use in peptide synthesis and as lipophilicity modifiers for peptides

Download options Please wait... Article information DOI https://doi.org/10.1039/P19920003043 Article type Paper Download Citation J. Chem. Soc., Perkin Trans. 1, 1992, 3043-3048 BibTex EndNote MEDLINE ProCite ReferenceManager RefWorks RIS Permissions Request permissions Protection of hydroxy groups by silylation: use in peptide synthesis and as lipophilicity modifiers for peptides J. S. Davies, C. L. Higginbotham, E. J. Tremeer, C. Brown and R. C. Treadgold, J. Chem. Soc., Perkin Trans. 1, 1992, 3043 DOI: 10.1039/P19920003043 To request permission to reproduce material from this article, please go to the Copyright Clearance Center request page. If you are an author contributing to an RSC publication, you do not need to request permission provided correct acknowledgement is given. If you are the author of this article, you do not need to request permission to reproduce figures and diagrams provided correct acknowledgement is given. If you want to reproduce the whole article in a third-party publication (excluding your thesis/dissertation for which permission is not required) please go to the Copyright Clearance Center request page. Read more about how to correctly acknowledge RSC content. Search articles by author John S. Davies Clement L. Higginbotham E. John Tremeer Charles Brown Richard C. Treadgold

709 - Computer-Assisted Patient Positioning on the Cornier HM-3 Lithotripter

No AccessJournal of Urology1 Jun 1987Computer-Assisted Patient Positioning on the Cornier HM-3 Lithotripter Birdwell Finlayson and M.D., Ph.D. Charles Brown Birdwell FinlaysonBirdwell Finlayson More articles by this author and Charles BrownCharles Brown More articles by this author View All Author Informationhttps://doi.org/10.1016/S0022-5347(17)75859-4AboutPDF ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints ShareFacebookLinked InTwitterEmail "Computer-Assisted Patient Positioning on the Cornier HM-3 Lithotripter." The Journal of Urology, 137(6), p. 281A © 1987 by The American Urological Association Education and Research, Inc.FiguresReferencesRelatedDetails Volume 137Issue 6June 1987Page: 281A Advertisement Copyright & Permissions© 1987 by The American Urological Association Education and Research, Inc.MetricsAuthor Information Birdwell Finlayson More articles by this author Charles Brown More articles by this author Expand All Advertisement PDF downloadLoading ...

Worker Heterogeneity, Job Screening, and Firm Size

A model of job screening is developed in which firms make wage offers to workers based on an imperfect evaluation of their abilities. If large firms have higher costs of acquiring information about workers, they screen workers with less accuracy and choose a wage compensation scheme different from the one small firms choose. This generates the often observed positive correlation between firm size and wages. The model also predicts that wage structure, and perhaps wage dispersion, will differ by firm size and that individuals who acquire more schooling will also choose to work in a larger firm. These hypotheses are tested and supported using data from the National Longitudinal Survey.

Unions and Monopoly Profits

Using cross-sectional data for U.S. manufacturing, the author identifies a negative effect of unions on the profits of highly concentrated industries and virtually no effect on the profits of unconcentrated industries. results for concentrated industries are explained in terms of the monopoly model which predicts a negative effect of unions on profits equivalent to the change in surplus. monopoly model also suggests that previous profit studies which omitted the union variable were likely to significantly underestimate the relationship between concentration and profits. This prediction is also supported by empirical evidence. M sANY studies have demonstrated the ability of unions to raise wages above the level of nonunion workers.' Higher union wages in turn may affect the level of prices, employment, capital intensity, productivity and profits. Recent studies by Clark (1982) and Freeman (1983) have found significant negative effects of unions on profit rates in the United States. Using line of business data from 1970 to 1980 for 900 firms, Clark found a negative effect of unions on the rate of return to capital. More specifically, the union effects were found to be significantly negative when market shares were low and insignificant when market shares were high. According to Clark, the absence of a union effect in the latter case can be explained by the ability of firms with market power to pass on higher union wages into higher prices (1982, p. 47). On the other hand, Freeman (1983), using data from the Survey of Manufactures from 1958 to 1976 and the Internal Revenue Service from 1965 to 1976 also found a negative effect of unions on profits. Contrary to Clark's results, however, the union profit effect was negative only in concentrated industries. point of contention appears to be the role of concentration in determining the union profit effect, rather than the overall negative impact of unions. results of Clark and Freeman are important because previous industrial organization research on profit rates generally ignored unions. For instance, of the forty-six profit studies surveyed by Weiss (1974), none included a union variable. More recently, a profit study in this Review by Ravenscraft (1983) using high quality, line of business data from the Federal Trade Commission, also ignored unionization. As will be demonstrated, the omission of the union variable leads to an understatement of the effect of industrial concentration on profits. This means that concentrated industries generate much greater profits than indicated by previous research. In order to measure the size of the understatement, a new concept, employer's surplus, is developed which illustrates the theoretical impact of a union wage increase on monopoly profits. empirical estimates of surplus in this paper indicate how monopoly profits are divided between firms and unions. Most of the data used in this study were obtained from James Medoff and Charles Brown.2 Unlike the previous two studies, each observation corresponds to a state by two digit SIC industry for manufacturing in 1972. Because of the large variations in unionization across states, this data set offers a useful test of the union profit effect. I. Employer's Surplus According to accepted theory, the profit maximizing monopolist will employ labor up to the point where the market wage equals the marginal revenue product, MRP.3 If for simplicity we assume that all other factors are variable, then the MRP curve represents the monopolist's long-run demand for labor. In the absence of unions, employment is determined by the intersection of the MRP curve and nonunion wage (Wn) as pictured in figure 1. If unions raise wages to Wa, employment will decrease from Ln to L, with the reducReceived for publication November 28, 1983. Revision accepted for publication July 6, 1984. *Eastern Washington University. I am very grateful to Dave Bunting, Lisa Brown, Bill Dickens, Claire Brown, and George Strauss for their valuable suggestions on this research. This paper is a revised version of chapter 3 from the author's Ph.D. thesis, The Union Impact on Profits, Productivity, and Prices, University of California, Berkeley. 1 See Parseley (1980) for a recent review of this literature. 2 I would like to thank Brown and Medoff for making these data available to me. 3 Marginal revenue product is equal to marginal revenue multiplied by marginal physical product. See Rees (1979).

AT&T and the consent decree

For years AT&T has been accused of being too big, too powerful and too pervasive. Since the late 1960s, FCC decisions aimed at introducing limited competition in some areas of the telecomunications market have eroded AT&T's monopoly position. Then, in 1974, the Department of Justice filed its antitrust suit seeking to dismantle the Bell System. In January 1982, AT&T signed a Consent Decree requiring them to divest the local portions of its 22 Bell operating companies. In this comment, Charles Brown (Chairman of the Board of AT&T) describes the build-up to AT&T's decision to agree to divestiture, and outlines how AT&T os adapting to the new telecommunications environment.