Change In Myanmar Research Articles

Metamorphosis: studies in social and political change in Myanmar. Edited by Renaud Egreteau and François Robinne

Metamorphosis: studies in social and political change in Myanmar. Edited by Renaud Egreteau and François Robinne

Metamorphosis: Studies in Social and Political Change in Myanmar. Edited by Renaud Egreteau and François Robinne . IRASEC Series on Contemporary Asia, Singapore: NUS Press, 2015. 428 pp., $42.00 (cloth).

Metamorphosis: Studies in Social and Political Change in Myanmar. Edited by Renaud Egreteau and François Robinne . IRASEC Series on Contemporary Asia, Singapore: NUS Press, 2015. 428 pp., $42.00 (cloth). - Volume 2 Issue 1

Domestic politics, regional integration, and human rights: interactions among Myanmar, ASEAN, and EU

This paper tries to explain the evolving relations between the recent domestic political changes in Myanmar and the role of regional integration as they affect human rights in Myanmar. I posit that the two most important causes of the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar are the survival of the authoritarian regime and ethnic-religious conflicts. Those causes differ in nature and their political interactions with the ASEAN regional integration. This paper first examines the relationship between authoritarian regime survival and the humanitarian crisis/efforts during the 2008 natural disaster of cyclone Nargis and the resultant flooding. Second, I investigate the political dynamics of the human rights violations of ethnic and religious minorities, especially the Rohingya Muslim minority in the Rakhine State, during Myanmar’s recent democratic transition. This study approaches the aforementioned questions from both the EU and ASEAN perspectives and also deals with these two regional organizations’ interactions regarding Myanmar’s human rights.

Law, Society and Transition in Myanmar. Edited by Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey; Metamorphosis: Studies in Social and Political Change in Myanmar

Law, Society and Transition in Myanmar. Edited by Melissa Crouch and Tim Lindsey; Metamorphosis: Studies in Social and Political Change in Myanmar

An Analysis on the 2015 General Elections and Political Change in Myanmar:Electoral Democratization and Uncertain Future

An Analysis on the 2015 General Elections and Political Change in Myanmar:Electoral Democratization and Uncertain Future

Trade union internationalism and political change in Myanmar

Networks of trade union activists working as part of the global union movement have played a central role in political change in Myanmar. In response to trade union advocacy, compliance with International Labour Organization (ILO) standards was made a key condition for the lifting of sanctions on Myanmar, leading the current civilian government to pass revised labour laws allowing the formation of independent trade unions. Union activists have taken advantage of this new freedom, with a rapid growth in registration of local union organizations since 2011. Based on recent fieldwork in Myanmar, including interviews with union leaders and ILO officials, this paper presents an empirical analysis of political relationships formed by local and international union organizations in the context of multi-level political change. In this case study of translating international norms into domestic political change, local and international trade union networks are shown to have a significant impact on achieving compliance with international labour standards.

Normative Tensions: European Sanction vs. ASEAN’s Non-Interference in the Case of Myanmar

This article attempted to explain the relevancy of European sanction policy and ASEAN’s constructive engagement on Myanmar. In many case, normative power Europe theory which is pioneered by Ian Manners, has been an effective tool to explain the EU’s sanction policy. In this article, it will emphasize Thomas Diez’s postulation of the reflexivity of the EU’s identity as the main aspect of NPE. Consequently, it will elaborate on how EU’s identity is constructed against ASEAN who adopted constructive engagement. However, recent change in Myanmar has provoked the EU to postpone their sanction. It is puzzling because many reports from International Non-Government Organizations show that the reform in Myanmar is weak and unsustainable. ASEAN emerged as important partner for Myanmar in driving democratization and human rights regime construction in Myanmar.

Free Burma: Transnational Legal Action and Corporate Accountability, John G. Dale

Writing in the social sciences on contemporary Burma/Myanmar is becoming an increasingly hazardous intellectual exercise. Given the speed of change within the country described—perhaps as an expression of hope—as a transition, anything written seems out of date, and therefore of mere historical interest, by the time it is published. This book is no exception, although as argued below, it has a number of positive features that help elucidate the ongoing changes in Myanmar itself. A preliminary...

MYANMAR'S ‘PIVOT’ TOWARD THE SHIBBOLETH OF ‘DEMOCRACY’

The recent reforms in Myanmar were not brought about by Western sanctions or some contingent event, but rather planned well in advance,. For there is more continuity than change in Myanmar's political system, which is dominated by the practitioners of national power-the army and the bureaucracy. Of course there are new actors, principally Aung San Suu Kyi and the party she leads, the NLD. Yet the reality remains: state security has to be maintained. Rebalancing with ASEAN, India and now the West is helpful in terms of independence vis a vis China. This is not an invitation to the West to attempt to subvert the existing order.

Myanmar's Transition: A Comment

Myanmar's reforms have generated much debate among scholars, both inside and outside the country. One of the key questions asked is: do the changes in Myanmar signify a real transition? There are g...

China and the Changing Myanmar

The author argues that the democratic reform in Myanmar is rooted in profound internal and external factors. Since the beginning of the reform, the changes in Myanmar have taken tolls in a series of China's existing interests inside the country. Economically, Chinese investments have come under increasing scrutiny, criticism, and even oppositions, threatening the viability of strategic projects such as the oil and gas pipelines. Politically, the initial success of the democratic reform in Myanmar raises questions about Beijing's continuous resistance to reform. Strategically, the changes in Myanmar undercut China's original blueprint about the strategic utilities of Myanmar for China at ASEAN, in the Indian Ocean and more broadly in the region. In light of the changes, China has adjusted its policy toward Myanmar. Not only has Beijing dramatically reduced its economic investments in Myanmar, it also cooled down the political ties while established relations with the democratic oppositions. At the same time, China also launched massive public relations campaigns inside Myanmar aimed at improving its image and relations with the local communities.

Myanmar in 2011

Abstract Overall, 2011 was a year of significant change in Myanmar. By year-end, there was hope that political and economic reforms—incomplete and fragile—were at last underway. Myanmar continued to be an important regional exporter of energy and resources, but in other areas underperformed. Myanmar's international relations improved, and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited at the end of November.

Understanding Recent Political Changes in Myanmar

On 30 March 2011, Myanmar's ruling junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), handed power to a new government led by President Thein Sein that had come into being in the wake of elections held in November 2010. Because all administrative and legislative bodies--both at the central and local levels--were controlled by members of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), political activists and Myanmar watchers did not expect more than superficial changes under the new government. Although President Thein Sein mentioned his plan to introduce administrative and economic reforms and to launch an anti-corruption campaign in his inaugural speech doubts remained that the president would actually be able to deliver on his promises. However, on 19 August 2011, to the surprise of many people, President Thein Sein met Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), at his official residence. Two days earlier, the President had invited exiled activists to return to the country. Aung San Suu Kyi publicly stated that she was very encouraged by her meeting with Thein Sein and that she had trust in his determination to bring about positive political change to the country. (1) The United States and some members of the European Union (EU) welcomed the meeting. On the other hand, several exiled activists had reservations about the sincerity of the President, with some going so far as to say that what Thein Sein had done was little more than a publicity stunt and that there was little difference between the new government and its predecessor. This article, drawing on interviews with serving and retired government officials, and political activists including leading NLD members, argues that since the new government has taken office a new era of political openness has begun in Myanmar. It goes on to illustrate that in order to understand recent political changes, one should pay attention to shifts in the internal power structure of the government. However, it is not a given that Myanmar will become a full-fledged democracy any time soon. Indeed this article suggests that the country is at a critical juncture, and that the expansion of political openness in the country will depend on whether liberals within the government and those from the pro-democracy movement can work together to further political changes without prompting the country's armed forces, the tatmadaw, to stage a coup. The Power Structure and Political Change in the SLORC/SPDC Government The military government that ruled Myanmar between late 1988 and early 2011 was formed in response to the nation-wide pro-democracy movement against the military-dominated socialist government led by General Ne Win. Although the junta, which was initially known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) and later renamed the SPDC, held multi-party elections in 1990, it refused to transfer power to the NLD even after the latter had won a landslide victory. Instead, the junta convened a decade long National Convention (NC) to adopt guidelines for a new constitution. Although opposition groups and the international community called for the transfer of power to the NLD, the SLORC ignored these calls. In fact, after the 1990 elections Myanmar's military leaders decided to defer political change for as long as possible. Political activists, on the other hand, continued to campaign for swift political change. As Huntington and many others have pointed out, democratization under an authoritarian regime might take place under the following conditions: when the regime is toppled by a social movement or seriously weakened by a crisis; when reformers from within the regime and liberals from the movement find a way to work together; or when the regime feels that it cannot survive without initiating political reform. (2) Some activists had hoped for a split in the government and tried to identify liberal officials they could work with. …

Thailand-Myanmar Border Trade

Thailand shares an approximated 2400 kilometers’ border with Myanmar. The development of border trade between Thailand and Myanmar has a long history. There are various border trade issues, including the smuggling trade that plays one of the most important roles within the sphere of economic activity between the two countries. This paper studies the trade relationship between two countries including illegal trade movement that Thai authorities have referred to as an “Ant Army”. People that have been employed to carry goods across the border along the river and hill paths in the same manner as ants that always carry the food back to their habitats. The Ant Army is a significant mechanism behind the scenes of the “black market”, as the channel of goods that flow in and out of Myanmar during the period of Western sanctions. There are many parties involved in the process, including the merchants, ethnic minority groups, and government officers. This paper studies this process and analyzes the future of the border trade in light of the ongoing economic and political changes in Myanmar.

An Analysis on the 2010 General Elections and Prospect for Political Change in Myanmar: Toward Strengthening Authoritarianism or Birth of Hybrid Regime?

An Analysis on the 2010 General Elections and Prospect for Political Change in Myanmar: Toward Strengthening Authoritarianism or Birth of Hybrid Regime?

Market Integration and Price Causality in the Myanmar Rice Market

In Myanmar, rice is an invaluable commodity both as a staple food and a source of high foreign exchange earnings through export. The country's agricultural economy has been transitioning from a planned economy to a market system since the late 1980s; however, the government has yet to engage in full-scale rice export deregulation. Therefore, Myanmar's rice marketing system works within the boundaries and limitations of a halfway-liberalized economy, inevitably eliciting questions about its performance. Using the Engle and Granger two-step co-integration method and the restructured Ravallion model of unrestricted vector auto-regression (VAR) error correction form, three surplus markets, three deficit markets, and Thai rice price series were tested to determine market integration and price causality. All price series were monthly data in both nominal and real values from 2001 to 2004. Results revealed that in the domestic market, integration was weak in real value of rice price, and the supply side eventually depended on the demand side. Price co-integration did not exist between Myanmar and Thai rice prices in real value, reflecting market segmentation. Consequently, accurate price information from international rice market price over time was unavailable for Myanmar rice price movement. Looking at the direction of rice price causality, deficit market prices were driving the consumer price index (CPI), and the CPI was forcing the surplus rice market price. Hence, deficit markets are the prime movers in rice price changes in Myanmar. Market integration suggests that the government should focus on managing inflationary pressure instead of being directly involved in the rice marketing sector in order to control the domestic rice price stability in the long run. Government monopoly in rice export has caused segmentation between domestic and international markets. If private rice export was permitted via trade policies, the marketing system would be able to transfer correct price signals from the world market to the producers, consumers, market participants, and finally, the government. Only then will Myanmar's rice market not be isolated from the international market and get the right price co-integration that may push the efficient market-oriented economy to move faster.

ASEAN and Political Change in Myanmar: Towards a Regional Initiative?

ASEAN states have favoured diplomacy and peer pressure in order to sway Myanmar's military regime to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other political detainees and to promote national reconciliation. So far, ASEAN's combined efforts have not been very successful, although the generals are moving Myanmar beyond extra- constitutional rule. This paper asks whether, in the aftermath of the September 2007 protests, the constitutional referendum and Cyclone Nargis, there is much scope for a new regional effort to promote reconciliation and democratization in Myanmar that is additional to the support ASEAN offers for the good offices of the United Nations Secretary General. The paper sets out different positions held within ASEAN on promoting political change in Myanmar. It also examines the prospects for putting into practice recent ideas to address Myanmar's political situation in new regional settings. The paper concludes that: (1) significant difference characterize the Myanmar policy of individual ASEAN countries in line with varying interests and pressures, and dissimilar views on what — if anything — should be done to help Myanmar democratize; (2) Indonesia is the only ASEAN country to have conceptualized a possible regional diplomatic initiative, but its full implementation and success are far from certain.

The United States and Its Allies: The Problem of Burma/Myanmar Policy

Significant differences in policies towards Burma/Myanmar are apparent among the United States and its allies: Japan, Australia, Thailand and the European Union (EU). The most restrictive sanctions have been imposed by the U.S., followed by the EU, while Japan and Thailand have been more liberal in their policies. The sanctions regimen, which to date has failed to achieve its goal of regime change, is based on a set of assumptions that opponents of such policies believe to be erroneous. International efforts through the UN to censure Myanmar have been more theatrical than likely to achieve their objective. There is evidence of increased frustrations with the policies that concentrate on political change as a prior condition for greater humanitarian assistance, but changes are unlikely without a significant shift in internal Myanmar policies. The alliances themselves will not splinter because of these differences in approaches to Myanmar. Most likely, changes in Myanmar may evolve slowly within that country from its internal dynamics and contradictions. Myanmar will likely be changed by an internal dynamic that may evolve from the military's dissatisfaction with its own leadership, its own role, or its own sullied reputation. The possibility of violent change in the streets can never be completely discounted. However, it would take an economic catastrophe or some egregious act of ignorance or villainy by the authorities at some level to trigger a popular response.

Leadership change in Myanmar

In mid-October 2004, Myanmar’s relatively pragmatic prime minister and chief of military intelligence, General Khin Nyunt was ousted from his position within the country’s military regime – known as the State Peace and Development Council. This purge is likely to impede long-awaited political reform, imperil ceasefires with ethnic minority rebel groups, and undermine further the country's relations with Southeast Asian neighbours and Western states.

Dancing or Stricken Peacock? Than Shwe, Suu Kyi and the Politics of Institutional Change in Myanmar

In a country where signs, symbols and astrology have played key roles in its political and cultural evolution, the peacock as the emblem of an independent state has had a chequered history in Myanmar (Burma). Frequently juxtaposed to the Sheldrake, emblem of the Southern Mon kingdom centred on Pegu until incorporation into the larger Burmese empire in the mid-18th century, the country peacock could not withstand the advances of the rampant British lion during the 19th century. It is now a protected bird accorded sanctuary, and placed on a pedestal with reverence almost equal to that of the sacred ‘White Elephant’ found recently in the jungles of Arakan. Such indigenous institutions are playing a critical role as the transitional state of Myanmar seeks to transform its political and socio-economic fabric after 26 years of socialist policies (1962-1988). In analyzing the politics of institutional change in contemporary Myanmar, we are forced to take account of Muthiah Alagappa’s observation that transitional states are not necessarily in linear evolution to Western models of democratic governance, for this expected trajectory ‘has not been borne out in practice’ whilst ‘politics in developing countries has its own dynamics.’ Alagappa’s views resonate also in the writings of Robert Taylor who notes the complexity and problematic task of grafting multi-party democratic systems onto societies like Myanmar with weak traditions of civil society, low levels of economic development and patronclientalist politico-social structures. The following paper focuses on some of the key political and socio-economic issues at the heart of achieving evolutionary institutional change in Myanmar (Burma).