Change In Member States Research Articles

Analyzing self-evaluation capacity scores related to infectious disease control in International Health Regulations during the first year of COVID-19 pandemic

This study aimed to identify changes in the average score of countries' International Health Regulation (IHR) self-evaluation capacity (e-SPAR) in 2020 compared to 2019, and the factors associated with these changes. We collected the data from the World Health Organization (WHO) website in May 2021, then calculated the significant differences between the e-SPAR score in both years. Next, we conducted a test to identify the association between changes in member states' e-SPAR capacity scores and their COVID-19 case fatality rate (CFR), Human Development Index, Civil Liberties, and Government Effectiveness. The results showed that the average e-SPAR scores in 2020 were significantly higher than in 2019. Among the 154 countries, we included in this study, the scores of 98 countries increased in 2020, of which 37.75% were lower-middle-income countries. Meanwhile, among the 56 countries whose scores did not increase, 26 (46.42%) were high-income countries. The COVID-19 CFR was significantly associated with the changes in e-SPAR scores of 154 countries (p < 0.01), as well as the countries whose scores increased (p < 0.05). In conclusion, we consider e-SPAR to still be a useful tool to facilitate countries in monitoring their International Health Regulation (IHR) core capacity progress, especially in infectious disease control to prepare for future pandemics.

Mental health prevention in children and adolescents in the European Union and measures taken in Poland – good practices and limitations

Mental health of children and adolescents is one of important issues managed as part of preventive interventions not only in Poland, but throughout the European Union. Many studies have shown continuous deterioration of mental health among children and adolescents. Alarming data have been published by the World Health Organization, which show that up to 20% of children suffer from various types of mental problems, hence the need for interventions that will put an end to this process. The most important target set by the European Union countries is to introduce large-scale multilevel preventive measures aimed at the total population, referred to as universal prevention. In addition to universal prevention, European Union countries, including Poland, implement targeted interventions for those at risk and those already diagnosed, as part of preventive mental health care. These measures are part of the WHO Comprehensive Mental Health Action Plan 2013–2030, which encompasses the following objectives: promote mental well-being, enhance recovery, and reduce the mortality, morbidity and disability for persons with mental disorders. This plan was intended to focus on improving mental health care and implementing comprehensive actions at the local level in all European Union countries, which often requires legislative changes in member states. Mental health is becoming the focal point of national and local interventions in Poland. Fast and free access to specialists close to one’s place of residence becomes crucial.

The Evolution of Cybersecurity Regulation in the European Union Law and Its Implementation in Poland

The 2013 European Union Cybersecurity Strategy, the 2016 Directive, and the 2019 Regulation mark the next steps in strengthening the protection of cybersecurity by European Union bodies, linked to changes in member states’ laws. The rapid increase in threats, referred to as the “cyberpandemic”, requires prompt adaptation of legal instruments to new needs, but at the same time complicates ensuring consistency of multi-level regulation. The analysis of changes in the legal status in Poland shows that this concerns terminology, subject matter scope and the structure of cyber security systems. In order to reduce difficulties, it is worth considering introducing immediate amendments to those provisions in force which were negatively assessed during works on drafting new acts. Such a conclusion is prompted by the evolution of the definition of cybersecurity, which, according to the 2019 Regulation as well as the draft amendments to the Polish Act on National Cyber Security System and the draft of the new Directive, is to be understood as activities necessary to protect networks and information systems, users of such systems and other persons against cyber threats such as any potential circumstance, event or action that may cause damage, disruption or otherwise adversely affect networks and information systems. Another example is the maintenance of the distinction between key service operators and digital service providers in the 2019 EU Regulation and the 2021 draft amendment to the Polish law, although the 2020 NIS 2 directive draft recognizes that it has become irrelevant and replaces it with a distinction between essential and relevant entities. Also, other changes currently proposed are justified by the blurring of the boundaries between virtual and real space.

The sustainability prism of structural changes in the European Union agricultural system: The nexus between production, employment and energy emissions

AbstractOver the recent decades, the evolution of the European Union (EU) agricultural system has resulted in significant structural changes in member states. Knowledge about the nature and main patterns of structural change is critical to select a sustainable development path for the EU agriculture. This paper contributes to the academic discourse on structural changes in agriculture demonstrating the nexus between socio‐economic and environmental aspects of development. In this regard, results are important to understand the contribution of the EU agriculture to climate change, because study deals with energy use and greenhouse gas emissions. The research covers period from 2008 to 2018 and investigates the fundamental structural change measures, namely, gross value added, labour and agriculture‐related energy emissions, in EU member states. Structural changes are investigated applying a shift‐share analysis that allows calculating a performance of individual member states, compared to the EU economy. The applied shift‐share model investigates the situation of individual member states employing three components. The first component tracks the development of the selected measures with the EU economy growth, the second component shows the change due to effect of economic activities and the third shows competitiveness of agriculture in member states. The shift‐share analysis empowers ranking member states in accordance with their progress towards the sustainable development. Findings suggest that EU economy faces the outflow of labour from agriculture and this trend is common for most countries. The changes of gross value added and emissions for fuel combustion demonstrate both upward and downward trends. However, research results suggest that new member states often face more fundamental changes.

Past and future of burden sharing in the climate regime: positions and ambition from a top-down to a bottom-up governance system

Historically, burden sharing of mitigation in the climate regime was operationalized as a binary division of the world between the Annex I group of industrialized countries with emission reduction targets and the non-Annex I (developing) countries without them. The 2015 Paris Agreement arguably ended such division by introducing a bottom-up system of self-differentiated emission reduction commitments through countries’ Nationally Determined Contributions. This paradigmatic regime shift creates the opportunity to research to what extent it has been accompanied by a similar change in member states’ negotiation positions and policymaking. I explore whether key developing countries’ discourses regarding burden sharing of mitigation have changed pre- and post-Paris and how this relates to their own mitigation contributions. Has the Paris Agreement led to a new way of thinking regarding burden sharing? Do countries in favour of abolishing the Annex I–non-Annex I divide also propose more ambitious climate policies? I rely on text analysis of written position papers submitted to the negotiations, focusing on members of two coalitions at opposite extremes of developing countries’ positions: the Independent Association of Latin America and the Caribbean, a group of progressive countries arguing for more comprehensive climate agreements; and the Like-Minded Developing Countries, a coalition that aims to uphold the regime’s differentiation between developed and developing countries.

The Europeanization of Nordic Gender Equality: A Foucauldian Analysis of Reconciling Work and Family in Finland

In this article, we analyse the case of reconciling work and family as a particularly illuminative example of the effects of soft Europeanization. We focus on one particular policy instrument of the EU, namely projects co‐funded by the European Social Fund (ESF), which have sought to develop family‐friendly arrangements in Finnish workplaces. Our analysis suggests that this soft law instrument can result in significant changes in member states, even in cases where the member state's own policy is well entrenched. Theoretically, our contribution is to connect soft Europeanization to the Foucauldian theory on power, and the literature on Analytics of Government specifically. From this perspective we argue that the ESF development projects function as Foucauldian ‘technologies of involvement’. We find that by stabilizing and normalizing project techniques and managerial rationalities untypical for previous gender equality and work–family policies in the country, the ESF projects in our case partly challenge some established principles of Nordic welfare policies, such as universalism and state responsibility for welfare measures. Moreover, as ESF projects have managed to involve mainly female‐dominated organizations and women as participants, we pose the question whether this kind of soft‐law instrument that trusts the self‐regulation capacities of actors can bring about change in gendered conventions.

How Strong Is Europeanisation, Really? The Danish Defence Administration and the Opt-Out from the European Security and Defence Policy

The article questions how strong Europeanisation is as an explanation of administrative changes in EU member states. Denmark has an opt-out from the European cooperation on defence, and, therefore, its defence administration represents a critical or a less likely case to test the Europeanisation thesis. The article shows that in spite of the opt-out, the administrative structures and the policy processes in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) have adapted to the common foreign and security policy (CFSP) and the European security and defence policy (ESDP). Surprisingly, the administrative structures and the decision-making processes in the Ministry of Defence (MoD) have also adapted to the ESDP. The latter example emphasises the strength of top-down Europeanisation as a possible explanation of domestic administrative changes in member states. It is argued that Europeanisation per se is not an explanation of administrative adaptation. The pressure from Europeanisation has to be propagated by actors. In the case of the Danish defence administration, the promoter is government officials embedded in a domestic political–bureaucratic environment, which is remarkably positive towards the integration process within the EU. It explains the strategic choices of the officials, and, thereby, it explains the administrative adaptations of the MoD and the MFA.

Human Rights Arguments in Trade Disputes: An Exploration of the Americas' Experience

This paper brings attention to how NAFTA, Mercosur, and the Andean Community have addressed human rights matters, if at all, through the decisions from their dispute settlement organs. Despite each treaty having its own method and/or organ for settling disputes arising from trade among their member countries, they share common characteristics that allow us to compare their decisions and their outcomes. Trade and human rights have developed in parallel avenues with many arguing that they should be addressed separately; however, there has also been a growing concern as to how they might or should be considered together in order to advance the objectives of both areas on development and better standards of living for the population. In this study, the decisions from 2004 to 2010 of the dispute settlement organs of these three treaties were analyzed in order to find if human rights arguments have been raised in trade disputes and how the settlement organs have decided on them. This analysis will show that human rights are not considered in any of the decisions from NAFTA; that Mercosur has addressed human rights concerns and has followed the experience of the European Community; and that the Andean Community has made decisions based on human rights arguments but now faces a more challenging situation given changes in member states’ governments and their policies towards the agreement. Although there are some questions as to whether human rights and trade issues should be addressed jointly, experience shows cases in which it is already happening. Therefore, the question might be whether human rights should be explicitly incorporated in trade agreements and, most importantly, how.

European Climate Policy: Toward Centralized Governance?

AbstractThe EU emissions trading system (ETS) is the first large‐scale international emissions trading system and a “cornerstone” in EU climate policy. A key element in the ETS implementation process is deciding upon the ceiling (“cap”) for the emissions included in the ETS. Over time, a significant change and centralization of this model has taken place. In order to understand this development, we need to acknowledge the increasing acceptance of stronger centralized governance among the member states due to ETS pilot phase problems; take into consideration frustration in the European Commission over complex and differing National Allocation Plans; and add the fact that the Kyoto Protocol target was getting nearer and a good performance of the “flagship” ETS was becoming increasingly important. Hence, although the case supports the importance of acknowledging the multilevel character of the EU, it still emphasizes the key role of changes in member states' interests and positions for understanding outcomes.