Changes In World Order Research Articles

CloudIoT paradigm acceptance for e-learning: analysis and future challenges

E-learning is the theme interrelated to the virtualized distance learning with the help of electronic communication machines, certainly with the help of Internet. CloudIoT paradigm is the combination of cloud resource and internet of thing which become prevalent now days due to the flexibility and fast access for those reason different countries used CloudIoT paradigm different purposes. E-learning is one of the best examples where virtual environment provides cost-effective alternative to physical labs as well as to run scientific applications. The world order change in education sector due to Covid-19 all activity shift in to e-learning system. In this paper we present the review about CloudIoT paradigm and it usage in e-learning system as well as we extant taxonomy of CloudIoT paradigm for e-leaning purpose. In the related work section we present the existing contribution in the field of e-learning using CloudIoT paradigm are highlighted. We also contemporaneous the most standard framework which carried out for e-leaning using CloudIoT paradigm is discuss. The contribution section of the paper present the issue being faced by in adopting CloudIoT paradigm for e-learning are discussed along with recommendation and future work.

Peacemaking in a shifting world order: A macro-level analysis of UN mediation in Syria

AbstractFailures to bring internationalised civil wars, such as in Syria, Libya, or Yemen, to a negotiated agreement have led to a questioning of the UN's role in peacemaking. The literature explains such mediation outcomes by examining micro-level aspects pertaining to either the mediation process or the conflict context. While both are important, they are influenced by macro-level dynamics related to world politics that have received less attention. Yet, such an awareness of the structural context in which mediation takes place is particularly relevant in times of tectonic shifts in world politics, such as the current change in world order from unipolarity to multipolarity. This article fills this gap by exploring the mechanisms through which macro- and micro-level factors interact in mediation, illustrated by the case of the UN mediation in Syria. The article thereby makes two contributions. First, it provides an analysis of the link between world politics and UN mediation by complementing micro-level explanations with a macro-level perspective. Second, it allows for a better understanding of UN mediation in internationalised civil wars, and particularly in Syria. Overall, the article contributes to reflections on how the UN can keep its relevance in peacemaking in a shifting world order.

Academic Foundations of Global Economic Governance – an Assessment

The concept of global economic governance can be used to describing the prevailing global order and the most appropriate way of redefining the actual economic system. This concept is interesting not only because of the growing literature and interest in finding a proper definition, but more in challenging the limits of traditional international relations theories to explain a world where the shape and the role of individual states is changing. Even if particular theoretical paradigms try to emphasize specific characteristics of global governance, no one has been able to capture the complexity of this subject. Thus, the conceptualization of global economic governance requires a combination of particular aspects of different theories, which are deficient independently speaking, but together they can explain power, order, norms and change in world order. Objectives: This paper provides a critical analysis of the theoretical literature on global governance, especially in what regards liberalism, realism and constructivism, considered to be major theories in defining international relations concepts. Each paradigm is analyzed according to the key themes in order to define the main aspects of global governance. Prior Work: It has been tried to emphasizing the concepts already developed by known researchers in the field. Approach: The approach is a more theoretic one done in a comparative manner with emphasis on results and future research. The critical method approach is done with qualitative results. Results: The key results are related to theoretical foundations of defining the paradigm of global governance, as well as presenting a comparative approach of the most important features. Implications: The implications are varied in terms of studying the concepts and addresses researchers in the field, but also lecturers and students. Value: The main added value is the critical and subjective analysis of international relations’ economic theories in terms of defining the paradigm of global economic governance.

The AUKUS international legal agreement and its impact on international institutions and security

This paper focuses on the research of indicators in chronological order, which calls for the conclusion of the AUKUS international legal agreement signed between Australia, Great Britain, and the United States and its impact on international developments. In this article, descriptive, comparative, and analysis methods have been used to examine the scientific thoughts of different scholars, related to various scenarios of the issue being researched. Based on this research, we found out that Brexit, US withdrawal from Afghanistan, especially the AUKUS deal, consider being the dividing line between the old unipolar order and the new multipolar one (Vej, 2019; Wheatley, 2021). We have concluded that in the changing world order, US–European relations have fluctuated profoundly and their adjustment is almost impossible as they have been before. The article raises critical questions on the dynamics in the international system and their impact on security and international institutions. The scientific approach to the study topic is built by arguing the pros and cons of the opinions of various authors, who emphasize that the world order change and malfunction of international institutions are ongoing dynamics and irreversible (Mearsheimer, 2001)

India-Us Relations: from the Past to the Future

The paper considers the evolution of Indian-American relations from the 1940s to the present. The regional dimension in Indian-American relations is characterized by extreme inconsistency. Thus, New Delhi, the historical leader of the Non-Aligned Movement, despite the change in world order due to the fall of the Iron Curtain, continues to abandon allied relations and, as a rule, pursues a balanced policy in all regions barring its own — South Asia. Being primarily a South Asian regional power, India uncompromisingly defends its national interests in conflicts with Pakistan and does not allow the Pakistan-US dialogue to intervene in the solution of the Kashmir problem. The United States, in turn, reneges its historic course of unequivocal support for Islamabad and multilateral dispute settlement mechanisms in favor of a balanced approach, namely favoring bilateral negotiations between the conflicting parties. An important element of changes in South Asia’s importance is the emergence of nuclear weapons in the region. The nuclear factor significantly complicates the already difficult relationship between New Delhi and Islamabad and reinforces concerns of the globe and Washington in particular. The terrorist threat emanating from Pakistan and neighboring Afghanistan adds instability to the already conflicting relations between the countries of the region. The withdrawal of the US troops from Afghanistan does not contribute to improving the security architecture as well. In general, South Asia, both historically and today, is not high on the American foreign policy agenda. Accordingly, India and Pakistan are more important for the United States in the broader context of the Indo-Pacific Strategy (India) and the Greater Middle East (Pakistan), or as separate actors in international relations that contribute to solving problems in a bilateral format rather than South Asian countries per se.

Peacekeeping Operations of China in the Changing International Power Structure and World Political Order

With the power struggle among international political forces as well as the changes in world power structure, at present, the relational construction between rising countries and defending powers, and the cause and effect of world order and international geopolitics has become the focus of attention in the academic circle of international relations. Two distinguishable schools have interdependently evolved over the past years－the Rise of China and the Threat of China. Under such theoretical frameworks and international realities, new significance has been added to China’s participation in the overseas peacekeeping operations of the United Nations. On the basis of current situation of national powers, this paper, guided by structural realism, mainly explores the following issues from the perspective of the change of power structure: a) In the new circumstances, what effects will China’s increasing constructive efforts in overseas peacekeeping operations make on regional security pattern and world political order? b) To what a suitable degree should China undertake overseas peacekeeping operations? and c) How should China address the challenges and opportunities of world order change during the peacekeeping operations?

Transnational Debt Movements: Challenging States and International Decision-Makers, or Intermeshed with These?

A new wave of transnational civil society campaigning has emerged since the last quarter of the twentieth century. Major changes in world order occurred over this period, which impacted on the context for transnational campaigning. These changes include the end of the Cold War, followed by the embedding of the concept of global governance, including the norm of civil society participation. This article examines the strategies of transnational debt campaigns against this background. It describes the shifts in strategies over time between more consensual engagement approaches and those seeking fundamental transformation, and considers the implications for the relationship between civil society campaigns and states/international decision-makers. It concludes that transnational debt movements fit better with a Gramscian perspective on civil society as containing consensual, and counter-systemic elements, than with a view of civil society as independent of official decision-making structures. It highlights, however, the need to grasp the on-going dynamic between these different elements within civil society.

La gran estrategia Argentina en los tiempos de la transición hegemónica: China, realismo periférico e importaciones militares

Este trabajo aplica la teoría del realismo periférico al análisis de las oportunidades abiertas a la Argentina gracias al ascenso de China, que ya es un importador más importante de Argentina, Brasil y Chile que Estados Unidos. Parte del supuesto de que es ventajoso que una potencia hegemónica como Estados Unidos, cuya economía no se complementa bien con la de Argentina, sea reemplazada por una potencia que se complementa mejor. Nos recuerda que Argentina es un notable caso de movilidad estatal descendente, y que su decadencia se acentuó debido a dos circunstancias históricas principales: su neutralidad durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, y la Guerra de Malvinas de 1982. Al adoptar estas políticas, las dirigencias argentinas demostraron no comprender el verdadero orden interestatal, cuya estructura es incipientemente jerárquica: hay unos pocos forjadores-de-reglas; una mayoría de tomadores-de-reglas, y un puñado de Estados-rebeldes. El estudio concluye que las rebeldías argentinas le valieron al país una degradación colosal, por la cual actualmente ha perdido su capacidad para defenderse frente a vecinos que no son grandes potencias. Los cambios en el orden mundial pueden ayudarle a recuperar el estatus perdido, pero siempre que consiga establecer una buena relación con China.

Balancing Economic Viability and Artists' Creativity During a Global Financial Crisis

The identity of contemporary career artists, particularly marginalised professionals, can be severely compromised because of economic disruptions such as the GFC. These can surface as unemployment, marriage breakups and even homelessness for career artists and can result in the total cessation of career activities or at best new career paths in associated fields. These professional artists more often than not, depending on the degree of marginalised art practice, develop career paths of both simultaneously wanting to belong to contemporary globalised society and also be individually diverse from the mainstream, as they promote their cultural creations in an acceptable contemporary social fabric. They achieve this with exhibitions having marketing and promotional machinations within the media in place to ensure success. Given that diversity is now normal, do these artists’ especially diverse and also fragile career paths necessitate their downfall during tough economic times? Is it socially justifiable that they compromise their creativity, or can we with diversity reflecting our new world order change this trend? It is possible to develop new education and support for those affected by contemporary unexpected economic outcomes, for difference and identity is increasingly paramount for artists expressing individualism, - these artists deserve industry and social backing.

German “Grand Strategy” and the Rise of Neoliberalism

This article examines the central role of the West German state in the transition from the golden to the global age of capitalism in the crisis decade of the 1970s. I argue that in order to keep the world economy open for its exports and shore up its competitive position, German crisis managers pursued a grand economic strategy that sought to defeat the interventionist and expansionary responses of the European left and to commit the United States to monetary discipline. The success of this strategy had contradictory consequences: It stabilized the social consensus inside Germany but undermined it in states whose economies did not stand to benefit from austerity measures. Germany's particularistic way of coping with the crisis thus contributed decisively, though not deliberately, to the “disembedding” of the liberal international economic order. This argument challenges existing explanations of neoliberalism as an Anglo-American imposition on a passive Western Europe and Japan or as an ideological conversion of policymakers. I conclude with an alternative interpretation that highlights the interplay of divergent and opposing strategies of crisis management as the principal driver of social and world order change in the 1970s and potentially today.

Enhancing International Cooperation: From Necessity to Urgency in Responding to Intrastate Conflict

IT WAS A PLEASURE TO SERVE A TERM AS COEDITOR OF GLOBAL GOVERNANCE together with Tom Farer. Most important, I want to give acknowledgment and unending gratitude to Matthew Klick, who served ably as managing editor of the journal during this tenure. As Torn Farer points out in this issue, our introductory piece in the first issue of volume 16, Enhancing International Cooperation, expressed our view that the current system of global is woefully inadequate to deal with the dramatic economic, social, and political evolution of the international system in the past two decades. Looking forward, we argued that new institutions, approaches, and partnerships will be needed to address these deficits of and the inability of the overall system to respond sufficiently to the increased need for global cooperation, and we invited aspirant authors to the journal to address these deficits. In volumes 16 through 19 of Global Governance, as editors, we were fortunate to publish a strong array of peer-reviewed scholarly research and to provide a place for top practitioners to express their voice on leading issues concerning the inadequacies of present global regimes and ways to improve them. We saw, during our tenure, special issues emerge on critical matters such as the global of international migration (Khalid Koser, guest editor), the hybrid peace governance debates in the field of peacebuilding and statebuilding (Roberto Belloni and Anna Jarstad, guest editors), and the global and local of extractive resources (Gilles Carbonnier, guest editor). Also published were special focus sections on the special representatives of the UN Secretary-General, NATO's roles in post-conflict contexts (led by Alexandra Gheciu and Roland Paris), the Group of 8 in Africa (led by David Black), complex multilateral regimes (led by Amandine Orsini, Jean-Frederic Morin, and Oran Young), and transnational river systems. In addition, there was a wide range of articles on global topics, from sanctions to UN management, climate change negotiations, international trade and financial flows, bioinvasion, support to democracy, power sharing in civil wars, Responsibility to Protect, new Global South alliances, and comparative studies on norm emergence, to mention just a few. There were also top-notch review essays of leading books on human rights, gender, peacebuilding, and global order. We hope that these volumes contribute to scholarly discourse on the specific topics they address and indeed to the understanding of global more broadly in terms of gaps and needed cooperative responses. As our period of tenure of editorial stewardship of the journal comes to an end, it is fitting to address the new urgency that characterizes today's international system in terms of peace and security. In reflection, I believe this new sense of urgency has emerged to dramatically improve global to prevent, manage, and mitigate intrastate conflict and to provide humanitarian relief. The shameful inability of the international community to stem the civil war in Syria, which began in 2011 and by the time of this writing has resulted in more than 100,000 fatalities, created 2 million refugees, and dislocated another 4 million--just as it threatens to escalate into a broader regional conflict--underscores that thinking in terms of necessity is not enough when it comes to global responses to violent intrastate conflict. The 1992 Agenda for Peace, penned by UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali following the first-ever meeting of the Security Council at the level of heads of state in January 1992, ultimately shaped the ability of the world's preeminent organization to adapt to the turbulent systemic change under way in the international system. The agenda reflected the turbulence and change in the early 1990s by reaffirming that volatile transition in political systems could yield state failure, ethnocide, and genocide and pose costly humanitarian tragedies not seen since World War IT; it was a sea change in world order. …

A Peaceful Clash: The U.S. And China: Which Model Holds Out Promise For The Future?

This article analyzes some prospects for the economic and political development of the United States and China. The first part of the article is devoted to the consideration of strengths and weaknesses of the U.S. model and of the Chinese one. The second part of the article considers the most probable scenarios of the future struggle for world leadership. The first scenario suggests that China will continue developing at a faster rate in the several coming decades and will be gradually catching up with the United States in terms of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) production. However, after several crises in 2008–2020 the United States will likely regain a number of advantages over China as a result of assimilation of the newest technologies. The second scenario suggests that the United States will come across a whole range of internal social and political problems related to internal political splits. In this case, the United States will have to share its global leadership with China. The article attempts to answer the following questions: What scenario is more probable? Will the old world order change? What are the main conclusions for the European Union and for Russia?

EURÍPIDES E AS TROIANAS

The work analises an Euripedes’play placing it in a significant set of drama works. It resumespoetic approaches with other important works of Esquilo. The transformation of the mith and itsmodernization appear in a process of world order change and in the presence of new conceptions of theplaywright literary work. Besides, the use of retoric resources of the poetic language and changes in aconception of the responsability of the action show, in a tragedy, a crescent process of individualization ofthe age thought.

Introduction: The EU as a Global Actor and the Role of Interregionalism

This article introduces the topic of this special issue, namely the study of the EU as a global actor and the role of interregionalism. It starts with mapping out the general theme and the key questions that guide the issue, such as: to what extent are regions becoming ‘actors’ of world politics; what is the strength of interregionalism in the EU’s foreign policies towards regions and across sectors; why is interregionalism being pursued and who are the actors driving such policy; and what are the implications for world order and global governance? Region–to–region interactions are no novelty, as such, but they have only recently started to emerge on a more comprehensive scale. Interregionalism is related to changes in world order and needs therefore to be historically situated. The authors suggest that interregionalism needs to be related both to globalisation and to the restructuring of the nation–state, but above all to ‘the regionalist movement’. In the second section, the emergence of interregionalism is presented from an historical perspective and the concept of interregionalism is discussed. The article ends with a brief overview of the structure and content of the special issue as a whole.

Educational multilateralism in a changing world order: Unesco and the limits of the possible

This paper provides a critical re-valuation of Unesco's work in education over the last five decades, updating this story to include the most recent decade of crisis and reform within the organization and within the United Nations more broadly. Drawing on interviews within Unesco, a wide range of Unesco documentation and secondary sources, the paper addresses two main questions. First, what can Unesco's 52 years of experience in the field of education tell us about the possibilities and limits of multilateral cooperation in education? Second, how (and how successfully) has Unesco adapted to changes in world order over the last two decades?

Cartography: A New Era has begun

Cartography is amongst the oldest of the scientific disciplines and has developed a distinct body of theory and practice. Technologies may well have changed drammatically over the past two thousand years but the requirement to represent and communicate geospatial information remains as valid today as it was thousands of years ago. This paper reviews the trends in cartography and attempts to place Australian initiatives and activities into context. The paper suggests that a new era has begun due mainly to institutional changes, government directives and a change in world order. Many may argue that cartography is outdated and no longer relevant. I contend that, whilst the name may no longer be fashionable, the science and discipline itself is as relevant today as it has ever been-perhaps more so!

Defence research: duel use or dual use technology?

Changes in world order coupled with rapid developments in technology have encouraged many Governments to examine the relationship between defence research and civil applications. A traditional view is that defence research creates advanced technology which may subsequently spin-off for civil use. The address argues that this represents a one-sided view of the current scene. Many technologies relevant to defence now have major roles in civil use, where the civil technology base often dominates the market and future developments. The UK and many other countries are now encouraging increased collaboration between civil and defence research and the Dual Use Technologies Centres being established by the Defence Research Agency represent one such example. Increased alignment and collaboration between the civil and defence sectors leads to improved economic benefits with defence having at least as much to gain from civil spin-in and access to mature civil technology. Examples of a few projects with interesting dual use capabilities are discussed.

A Close Look at Natural Serialization

The article gives an overview of a universalistic hypothesis concerning world order change. Though noting the probabilistic nature of tendencies, it presents for comparison facts from the history of a specific language, Russian. It is a matter of opinion how such facts are weighted when they seem to be rathr against than for the hypothesis. However, what hopefully emerges clearly enough is that linearity and variation in syntax are guided by intonation and information structure as much as by structural analogy.

Inchoate Aspirations for World Order Change

What is the significance of the Special Session? What are the various parties likely to call for? What should their strategy be? What will this event lead to? These are the obvious questions that come to mind. Since the Southern countries, in particular, the nonaligned, have been the prime movers behind this Special Session, this essay will briefly tackle these questions from essentially a Southern point of view. The history of what passes for disarmament, particularly since World War II, clearly shows that the institutional framework, the goals set, the driving premises, the modalities of negotiation and the instruments arrived at, are the products -of superpower interaction. Of course, this situation reflects the postwar domination of the world in political, economic, and military terms by the superpowers and their allies. However, changes in the world order partially caused by the addition of independent developing countries, the emergence of China, the Vietnam conflict, and the growing economic/political significance of oil, have led correspondingly to shifts in the procedure and substance of nearly all multinational negotiations. Despite at times divergent interests, the Southern world (imbued with a sense of us and them principally using the mechanism of the Group of 77) has increasingly tried to harmonize a position on many political, social and economic issues. This harmonization, at first dismissed as rhetoric, originally focused on decolonization and international economics. But no matter how distasteful this process has been to the developed countries, it has led to a recognition of goals that differ substantially from the status quo characterized by great power dominance. It is generally recognized that the current platform of the Southern world will continue to be the demand for a New International Economic Order. The developed world has grudgingly come to the view that whatever the merits of this demand and the chances of its realization, the NIEO will provide the main arena for interaction, be it by dialogue or confrontation, between the developed and the developing world. Events since the United Nation's 6th Special Session's call for the NIEO have shown that in fact Southern demands have remained inchoate in implementation though not in formulation. Simply put, the South lacks the political and economic