Zedong Research Articles

中央苏区时期毛泽东加强党的作风建设的经验探析

As an important part of party building, the party’s style of work is an important reflection of the party’s nature and purpose. During the Central Soviet Area, Mao Zedong continued to carry out self-revolution in the spirit of self-sublation and self-criticism on the basis of inheriting and developing the Marxist-Leninist theory of party building, and maintained the advanced nature of the Marxist party. Although Mao Zedong did not put forward the formal conclusion of the “three styles” and the “two musts” in the form of a complete text, he proposed to the whole party the strengthening of the party from three main aspects: ideological style, work style and life style. The idea of strengthening the Party’s style of work has enriched the Communist Party of China’s experience in theory and practice. This has important implications for persisting in promoting comprehensive and strict governance of the party in the new era, promoting the party’s self-revolution, and building an advanced Marxist political party.

ჩინეთის საგარეო პოლიტიკის ევოლუციის ძირითადი ისტორიული ეტაპები

Formation and evolution of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China is examined. The historical stages of China’s foreign policy and the dynamics of its interaction with the leading international actors is analyzed. During the seventy years of the PRC’s existence, four main stages of foreign policy have been distinguished. In particular, the revolutionary diplomacy of Mao Zedong, the development-oriented diplomacy of Deng Xiaoping and his strategy of Maintaining Low Profile continued by his successors Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, and finally, Xi Jinping’s the Major Country Diplomacy. The international, domestic and historical context of each stage is presented, the analysis of the evolution of China's relations with the key international actors is provided, and the concepts and guiding principles of China's modern foreign policy is examined, as well as its main course, priorities and goals.

A Study on English Translation of Poems and Lyrics by Mao Tse-tung from the Perspective of Metaphor

Mao Tse-tung is a great revolutionist, and his poems have always been praised as “A poem wins a country”. Metaphor is a process to understand and experience one thing through another thing, with its core to create undiscovered connections between ontology and metaphor, it is to combine two dissimilar things together. Poems and Lyrics written by Mao Tse-tung are rich in metaphors, this paper compares and studies four English translations of Mao Tse-tung’s poems(translated by Xu Yuanchong, Foreign Languages Press, Wang Huiming and Gu Zhengkun) from the perspective of metaphor at conceptual level, and discusses how translator deal with verbal metaphors and nominal metaphors. The results find that most of the translators choose to retain metaphors in the target language in order to accurately convey the information of the poems, which is suitable to translate metaphors in the poems.

The Role of the Gulf in the Longue Durée Of China's Foreign Policy

AbstractThis article examines the evolution of China's policy toward the Persian Gulf, linking its contemporary strategies to its historical principles of diplomacy, particularly those rooted in Maoism. It first outlines a conceptual framework that connects China's Gulf policies to the enduring Maoist tradition in its foreign policy. The analysis then delves into Mao Zedong's theory of intermediate zones and its influence on China's strategic posture in the Middle East from the mid‐20th century to today. The focus shifts to the increasing importance of the region, especially the Gulf, in the current iteration of China's intermediate‐zones strategy. Situating China's policies within the context of Mao's anti‐hegemonic stance and the concept of intermediate zones provides a nuanced perspective on the Chinese approach to the Middle East. The authors argue that China's longstanding anti‐hegemonic strategy has hindered the development of a more independent and assertive regional policy. However, they suggest that the recent intensification of the Sino‐American rivalry, the perceived decline in US regional influence, and the “new centrality” of the Persian Gulf may prompt China to adopt a more proactive role in the region, moving beyond its traditional strategy of active defense. This article is part of a special issue examining the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino‐American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.

Revolutionary Confucianism? Neo-Confucian Idealism and Modern Chinese Revolutionary Thought

This article explores the relationship between materialism and philosophical idealism in the political philosophy of Marxist revolutionary movements, by illuminating the influence of Neo-Confucian idealism on the sinification of Marxism. Although they had virtually no access to the writings of the young Marx, Li Dazhao and Mao Zedong incorporated idealist philosophical ideas into their sinified Marxism. I argue that three elements of Neo-Confucian idealism contributed to the sinification of Marxism that emerged by the 1940s: (1) acknowledgment of the real existence of the material world as apprehended by the mind-and-heart in Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism; (2) emphasis on human will and consciousness, drawn from Wang Yangming’s Neo-Confucianism; and (3) recognition of an autonomous, even decisive role of consciousness and culture in revolutionary change. The resulting sinified Marxism constituted a revolutionary New Confucianism, highlighting the most universal, humanistic, liberative elements in the Chinese philosophical tradition. These community-affirming and spiritually rich elements can be mobilized against authoritarian forces to support the continuing struggle for human rights and democratization within and well beyond China today.

The Historical Different Meanings of Chinese Communist Party’s ‘The Party Commands Gun’ Under Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping

Since the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) established its own military force (People’s Liberation Army [PLA]), it has always emphasised ‘The Party Commands Gun’ (dangzhihuiqiang, µ³Ö¸»Óǹ). However, the high-ranking CCP leaders who hold ‘military power (junquan, ¾üȨ)’ would also use their influence in the PLA to influence or even change the direction of Chinese politics. In addition, the meaning of ‘The Party Commands Gun’ also varies by period, and the meaning of it is also quite different in different eras in the CCP party history. In this article, the author aims to analyse the connotation changes of the CCP’s political slogan ‘The Party Commands Gun’ from the perspective of historical evolution. Based on examples from the history of the CCP, the focus will be compared to the CCP’s revolutionary era, the Mao Zedong era and the post-Mao era of ‘The Party Commands Gun’. From the perspective of empirical analysis and historical evolution, the author reveals the evolution of the purpose of ‘The Party Commands Gun’ from the revolutionary era to Deng Xiaoping era.

Global Maoism and the Decolonization of China’s History

Charu Mazumdar seemed like an unlikely leader for a violent guerilla organization. Born into a family of landlords in India’s West Bengal in 1918, his slender frame gave him the look of someone more used to studying than directing armed insurgency. Yet, Mazumdar justified his violent leadership in West Bengal during the 1960s and 1970s by referencing the writings of Mao Zedong – known collectively as Mao Zedong Thought or Maoism – as inspiration for his revolutionary actions. Mazumdar declared that ‘the foremost duty of [Indian] revolutionaries is to spread and propagate the thought of Chairman Mao’, and that ‘China’s path is our path, China’s chairman is our chairman.’ While Mazumdar had no claim to Chinese ethnic or linguistic belonging, his activities – along with the actions of thousands of others – manifested as a result of the transnational connections and entanglements between Maoism, its translation and propagation by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and its reception by revolutionaries across the world.

Introduction: Why ‘Decolonizing Chinese History?’

It is commonly stated that China has 5,000 years of continuous history. It is a claim repeated in textbooks, mini-dramas, and tourist sites across the People’s Republic of China (PRC, also commonly referred to as ‘China’). It formed the narrative foundation for the opening ceremony of the 2008 Beijing Olympics. It is also a ubiquitous claim internationally, recited by global political leaders, in foreign media, and in children’s books. Ironically, it even serves as the tag line for the highly political and anti-communist global dance show ‘Shen Yun’, its posters promising a celebration of ‘5,000 years of civilization reborn’.1 This millennia-long history, often short-handed as ‘Yao-to-Mao’ – the Yao referring to Emperor Yao, one of five founding Chinese rulers who is said to have lived in the third millennium BC, the Mao referring to Mao Zedong, the founder of the PRC – is a story of civilizational continuity in which a politically and culturally unified ‘China’ maintains its fundamental cohesion despite a range of challengers, invasions, and upheavals.2

Differences and Similarities between Mao Zedong's and Coubertin's Thought on Sport-From "The Study of Sport" and "Ode to Sport"

Differences and Similarities between Mao Zedong's and Coubertin's Thought on Sport-From "The Study of Sport" and "Ode to Sport"

Research on Curriculum Standards Establishment for Ideological and Political Theory Courses in Higher Vocational Colleges in the New Era —A Case Analysis of Introduction to Mao Zedong Thought and the Theoretical System of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics

The development of curriculum standards for ideological and political theory courses in higher vocational education should be grounded in the distinctive characteristics and attributes of vocational education and the specialized talent training programs the institution offers to establish tailored curriculum standards. As an illustrative case, the course titled “Introduction to Mao Zedong Thought and the Theoretical System of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” at Dalian Vocational Technical College serves as a compulsory course for students across all majors. Three-dimensional objectives have been delineated to align with professional ideological and political education demands. Emphasis is placed on the specific traits of higher vocational students, the unique features of their respective disciplines, and the contextual circumstances prevalent within the local environment. The objective is to investigate a comprehensive evaluation index system and an augmented assessment process that places student involvement at its core. This endeavor aims to foster a collaborative space for ideological and political education, integrating these principles into the curriculum while fully harnessing the potential of local and institutional environment and individual student circumstances, ultimately driving the innovative advancement of ideological and political theory courses in higher vocational education in the new era.

Translating “Maoist China”: The Development of French Maoism through Literary Translation

The translation of Chinese literature brought Mao Zedong thought and the Chinese revolutionary spirit to France in the 1960s, giving rise to the development of French Maoism. The translation conducted by French left-wing intellectuals focused on Mao’s literary works and other left-wing revolutionary literature, which encouraged French avant-garde writers to project an image of idealized “Maoist China” onto the land of France, with an ambition to promote social and political reforms at home. Utopian fantasies about Chinese literature and politics drove the development of French Maoism, but the disintegration of spontaneous Maoist organizations and the trips to China allowed pro-Maoist intellectuals to recognize their idealized misinterpretation of China gradually.

The Protracted Survival of Boko Haram From a Revolutionary Warfare Perspective

Since 2009 Boko Haram has been carrying out terrorist attacks in the northeastern part of Nigeria. In 2015 the group was seen as the world‘s deadliest terrorist organization, however, due to internal disagreements in 2016, Boko Haram split into two factions, namely the Islamic State – West Africa Province (ISWAP) and Jamā’at Ahl as-Sunnah lid-Da’wah wa’l-Jihād (JAS), which is still often referred to by its original name – Boko Haram. While the competition between these factions made way for the Nigerian government to retake formerly lost territories, attacks from Boko Haram continue, and government forces have yet to fully quell the insurgency. This article surveys the protracted survival of Boko Haram through their operating practices by basing itself on the two primary models of revolutionary warfare (people’s war by Mao Zedong and Foquismo by Che Guevara). It takes note of the similarities between traditional revolutionary and contemporary jihadist ways of thought. Despite these similarities, crucial distinctions can also be made between the two factions of Boko Haram in order to explain their comparatively different levels of success. The article is divided into 3 primary bodies, each examining one of the three pillars (ideological, popular-support and military) that are required for a successful revolution. Comparisons between ISWAP and JAS are made in each section. Finally, the addition and comparison of the results stemming from each part are summarized and aid in trying to understand the protracted survival of Boko Haram.

From "The Outline of Feuerbach" to "Practice Theory"

The Outline of Feuerbach revolves around understanding the relationship between practice and the role of practice in social life. The central content of its discussion is practical issues. Marx introduced practice into the materialistic view of history and epistemology, and took it as the basis of epistemology, thoroughly criticized the intuitiveness and incompleteness of Feuerbach and all old materialism, which established the Marxist concept of practice. Mao Zedong's Theory of Practice is a positive innovation based on the Marxist practical point of view, centered on the dialectical unity of understanding and practice, puts forward the view of combining Marxism-Leninism with China's specific reality, and lays a philosophical foundation for the Communist Party of China's realistic ideological line.

Culture for the Masses: Building Grassroots Cultural Infrastructure in China

This article focuses on the development of “grassroots cultural infrastructure”—namely, “cultural halls” and “cultural stations”—at the county level and below since the Mao Zedong era. Since their formation, the party-state has accorded cultural halls and stations a critical role in propagating policies, educating citizens, and conducting cultural activities. Based on historical gazetteers, Chinese Communist Party histories, government policies, handbooks, and statistical yearbooks, this article shows that frequently changing policy priorities meant cultural halls and stations were wedged in between the demands of the party-state and the people and were ill-equipped to fulfill their role. Mass political campaigns during the Mao era wrought havoc, and commercialization during reform and opening up undermined their relevance. In the mid-2000s, a focus on service provision resulted in higher expectations that were impossible to fulfill. As a remedy, after 2015, cultural infrastructure has been reorganized and increasingly deployed via volunteers and technology. This article therefore sheds light not only on the history of grassroots cultural infrastructure but also its future.

Psicoanálisis de guerrilla. Del psicoanálisis genérico e impuro

In dealing with the radical politicization of psychoanalysis from a geopolitical standpoint, this essay argues that psychoanalysis has to be capable to rethink and reembody itself with every contingent and immanent dislocations of its transcendental horizons. Through a reading of Slavoj Žižek and Alain Badiou on Mao Tse-Tung, we can think about the notion of dislocation and localization of the Idea. We will argue that this has historically happened in psychoanalysis in the transition from Freud to Lacan; however, the issue is that this dislocation has undergone a retroactivity of necessity which makes a vanishing mediator out of the contingent scrap of reality that it initially relied on—and this forms the quilting point of the contemporary Lacanian ideology. Through Gabriel Tupinambá›s The Desire of Psychoanalysis, we will inspect the notion of generic psychoanalysis. We will insist that while generic psychoanalysis is crucial for the refiguring of psychoanalytic politics in a dislocative matter, we need to take this outlook to the end onto a psychoanalysis that is willing to impurify itself through localization as this is the only psychoanalysis worthy of the name.

John Dewey and the rise of Marxism in China: How John Dewey inspired the educational ideas of the Chinese Communist Party

Dewey’s philosophy of education was heavily criticized by the Chinese Communist Party in the 1950s, which led many to believe that Dewey’s education was in complete opposition to that of the CCP. However, this study intends to prove that Dewey had a tremendous influence on the early CCP members of the 1920s. Dewey’s Chinese visit closely coincided highly with the time of the reception of Marxism in China and the eventual establishment of the CCP. Both founders of the CCP had close personal relationships with Dewey, and Chen even tried to practice Dewey’s educational ideas in Southern China. As a graduate of a normal school, Mao Zedong also read and practiced Dewey’s educational philosophy. Many other CCP members read Dewey in the 1920s and then became left-wing revolutionaries. Though Dewey himself did not stand with Marxism, his idea that education is an agent of social reform paved the way for Marxism in China in theoretical and practical aspects. When an educational theory is spread abroad, it is often not accepted in a fundamentalist way, but rather in a process of collision and integration with the local tradition.

Empirical Analysis of Civic Parenting in Colleges and Universities Combining Students’ Psychological Cognitive Characteristics

Abstract This paper establishes a psychological cognition-based model of Civic Education and obtains a basic training corpus through contour coefficients, which is preprocessed according to the basic classification criteria. Based on the Chinese participle classifier, a data mining algorithm was used to identify the standardized labels in the text. In the test application stage, the overall scope of course recommendations is set, and the best teaching program is produced according to the degree of influence of teaching quality. The teaching evaluation system’s performance can be improved by using gray correlation based on user feedback on classification results. In the analysis of correlation and influence factors, students focus on learning Introduction to the Fundamental Principles of Marxism and Mao Zedong Thought, with a learning rate of 93.3%, and the weight value of the combination of teaching and research business force and teaching reform is higher than the standard of 0.6. The loading value of curriculum setting and educational resource allocation is 0.865 and 0.898, respectively. Colleges and universities can enhance their teaching programs by integrating students’ psycho-cognitive characteristics.

Demobilizing Veterans: Campaign-Style Stability Maintenance in China

In the early Xi Jinping era, Chinese veterans escalated their contention and repeatedly staged cross-regional collective actions, sparking concerns about the internal stability of the governing regime. However, by 2019 veterans’ broad-based mobilizations had largely faded into obscurity, even though local and individual activism persisted. How did the government successfully contain veterans’ mobilization without radicalizing the entire issue group? Drawing on evidence from fieldwork, media accounts, and government documents, this article argues that the regime has embraced a campaign-style stability maintenance approach, defined as the concerted top-down mobilization of all available resources by central authorities to silence designated targets within a defined time frame. This approach differs from the transformative campaigns prevalent in the Mao Zedong era, as its chief purpose is to defend rather than transform the existing sociopolitical and economic order. It also deviates from routine stability-preserving practices, as the intensity of protest suppression, the breadth of targeted subjects, and the speed of conflict resolution have all been markedly escalated. In the post-Mao era, the state adopts this approach when it urgently needs to silence a particular group or preserve stability during sensitive periods. Although this strategy has indeed assisted the regime in managing politically threatening forms of contention, its implementation often comes at the expense of upholding the rule of law. Furthermore, since its primary goal is to swiftly demobilize protests rather than fundamentally redress grievances, the achieved outcomes may lack long-term sustainability.

Mao Zedong’s Works in the Arab World: Translation, Publication, and Influence

Abstract This article sorts out the translation, publication, and influence of Mao Zedong’s works in the Arab world. The translation and publication of the Arabic version of Mao Zedong’s works took about 30 years from the early 1950s to the late 1970s. Among them, the four-volume “Selected Works of Mao Zedong” published by Foreign Languages Press is a high-level translation completed by top Chinese Arabic translators represented by Mr. Liu Linrui after overcoming various difficulties and has had a wide impact in the Arab world. Arab left-wing friendly figures and the publishing organizations they sponsor also made important contributions to the translation and publication of Mao Zedong’s works. These works inspired many Arab countries in their struggle to gain independence and liberation. The dissemination of Mao Zedong’s works in Arab countries is of great significance in shaping the positive image of new China in the Arab world, spreading China’s revolution and modernization construction experience, promoting Sino-Arab friendship, helping cultivate Chinese media talents’ proficiency in Arabic and enhancing China’s soft power construction.

Mao Zedong's Development of Socialist Democratic Politics in the Early Period of New China and Contemporary Revelations

Mao Zedong's Development of Socialist Democratic Politics in the Early Period of New China and Contemporary Revelations