Ceasefire Agreement Research Articles

The Armenian duduk resounds in Artsakh

Throughout its history, Artsakh had to guard against the external threats of Neo-Ottomanism. At the present time it is especially relevant. September 27, 2020 marks escalation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over the disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh – which means Artsakh in Armenian. This led to six weeks of cease fire, humanitarian disaster, which killed many people and destroyed cultural and religious heritage of Artsakh. The mountainous region is surrounded by Azerbaijani land, although populated by Armenians. Due to the political novelty of this issue, the author employed analytical and descriptive method. The acquired results demonstrate that the history repeats itself in Neo-Ottomanism, which has been a threat to Artsakh and Armenia since its emergence until the present day. In recent years, the concept of reunification with Armenia, as well as the independence of Artsakh, outlined the prospects for the future. The third solution to the conflict became the ceasefire agreement of 9 November 2020, nobly negotiated by Russia to save Armenia from military collapse. However, this solution is more painful than the status-quo. The main conclusion consists in the statement that the international community should be more vigilant and prevent the expansion of such threats.

Russia’s Exogenous Factor in the Donbass Conflict

The hypothesis of this research is that Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Before the political and military crisis in 2013, it was an indirect influence, whereas since 2014 it has been a direct impact in many spheres.
 It is necessary to underline that Ukraine has always been split into two parts in terms of foreign policy priorities, language, religion, and culture. This fact was mentioned by Samuel Huntington, who predicted an intense crisis in bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine in his work Clash of Civilizations. There were two parties in Ukraine that were widely supported in South-Eastern Ukraine, namely the Party of Regions and the Communist Party. The former never spoke about the integration of Ukraine as part of Russian integrational projects because its politicians were afraid of aggressive Russian capital. So they only used pro-Russian rhetoric to win elections. The Communist Party openly backed integration with Russia, but didn’t get enough support as for this idea. It is also demonstrated that there were no parties that were backed financially by Russia, because the parties that offered a kind of a union with Russia never got any seats in the parliament.
 Since 2014, Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine in various spheres, such as economics, politics, diplomacy, the military sphere, etc. Having signed two cease-fire agreements, Russia and Ukraine have failed to apply them and the crisis continues to this day.

RETRACTED: Development of smart english classroom system based on FPGA software and hardware co-simulation test

Improving English proficiency for professional students is a significant challenge in the AEC and the Renaissance. The problem found in the Polytechnic Gland Shipping Research Institute is the lack of time motivation and insufficient time for students to study outside the classroom lack of time. Therefore developed an Android-based “Technical English” application that supports PPN, English teaching, and learning processes. Development and Smart Classroom List (SCI) Verification. SCI is a learning environment tool that integrates existing technologies, including TROFLEI, TICI and CCEI (ergonomics). SCI is included to learn the functions, materials to describe flexibility, and experience factors in the smart classroom. The information technology detail used in some projects has also been adapted to the elegant classroom environment. Older classmates check the tool and reveal ten balances: body design, flexibility, and use of technology, learning data diversity, inquiry, collaboration, student drive, honesty and learning experience. The results of the Acid Ceasefire Agreement prove that is a simple tool for assessing the learning environment in a smart classroom. Student Differences, Flexibility, Technology Application, and Learning Data Factors There are four significant practical priority differences in the learning environment in a smart classroom. FPGA has received a lot of attention from the nuclear industry as an alternative platform for logical programming controllers for digitalization and control. The FPGA development software feature includes several steps for integration and refinement, and each such step requires a different simulation verification step. This research proposes an integrated software testing framework that simulates all the glitches created by FPGA software and evaluates whether it can work in general, using the standard Oracle programs for all glitches simultaneously.

TBMM’nin Açılışının Trabzon’da Çıkan İstikbal Gazetesine Yansımaları

The new world order that emerged after the First World War put the future of the Ottoman Empire at risk. Following the Mondros Armistice Agreement, many regions of the country were occupied by the members of the Entente States. Local press in Trabzon was formed in the second half of the 19th century. During the period from the beginning of the National Struggle to the publication of Istikbal Newspaper, there were various newspapers published by non-Muslims in Trabzon as well as anti-National Struggle newspapers owned by Turkish people. Istikbal Newspaper, which was first published in 1918 by Faik Ahmet Barutcu, became influential in the region with its pro-National Independence publication policy. The newspaper objected to those who tried to show the establishment of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) as an act against the Ottoman administration. In this regard, the newspaper put forward legitimate reasons such as the occupation of Istanbul, the center of caliphate and reign, Ottoman administrators who were stripped of power to rule, and the dire need for the nation to be self-governing. Criticizing the wrong policies of the Damat Ferit Pasha Government, Istikbal Newspaper highlighted that the Turkish nation would not rebel against the caliph and the sultan. The newspaper that stated the formation of the new Assembly in Ankara was essential, also addressed the ceremonies to be performed on April 23, 1923. In addition to the articles describing religious sensitivities on the opening day of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, information was provided on the election of deputies to attend the Turkish Grand National Assembly as well. At a time when the press was gaining importance as a propaganda tool, Istikbal Newspaper contributed to the country’s unity and solidarity as well as to the success in the regional and national struggle through its publications.

Shock contagion, asset quality and lending behaviour: The case of war in Eastern Ukraine

AbstractFocusing on the current geopolitical conflict in Eastern Ukraine, this paper examines the economic impact of military intervention on the banking sector and the contagion which is triggered by this type of negative shock. Our study reveals that banks which issued more loans within conflict areas during the pre‐conflict period were subsequently left with a higher level of non‐performing loans in the non‐conflict markets following the onset of the dispute. This impact can be seen most clearly in the regional markets which are closer geographically to the conflict zone. There is also evidence of the “flight to headquarters” effect in local lending. While banks tend to reduce their credit supply, it is within the regional markets located farther from head offices where the most significant reduction in lending can be observed. Further examination shows that the degree of lending reduction is lesser for politically connected banks and for larger banks. Finally, the negative economic effects of the conflict are long‐lasting but less profound once the ceasefire agreements are reached.

DMZ세계평화공원 추진 및 운영에 대한 법적지원방안

May 2013, Park Geun-hye of the president of the U.S. senate in a speech to dmz the World Peace Initiative after a public offering, the DMZ is a new park the two Koreas.(- building trust process) the confidence-building process of public opinion as to be New Year’s Day of the spotlight.The proposed DMZ World Peace Park at the time is fundamentally different from the previous plan in that it not only covers the southern part of the Demilitarized Zone but also the northern part of the DMZ, but also opens up the main body of the park’s creation and operation to the international community, including the two Koreas, the United Nations, the United States and China.<BR> The purpose of this study is to illuminate the Demilitarized Zone from a legal and institutional point of view and explore domestic legal support measures for the future creation and operation of the World Peace Park. Prior to the full-fledged analysis of the system, a brief look at the concept of the Demilitarized Zone and the normality of the Armistice Agreement, which is the basis for its direct installation, in order to understand the legal reality of the Demilitarized Zone. The constitutional and unification legal significance of the World Peace Park project to be created in the Demilitarized Zone based on the problems of legal reality found herein and the legal basis of the current law are considered (II respectively.<BR> Next, in the analysis of the current system, the normative system currently applied in the Demilitarized Zone will be divided into international and domestic law aspects, and among these, regulations that serve as obstacles to the relationship with the World Peace Park project will be reviewed (III). This study mainly aims to check domestic legal elements, but to the extent deemed essential, such as the Armistice Agreement, the international legal problems will also be pointed out and solutions reviewed together.

Shared Use of Han River Estuary: Korean Armistice Agreement and the Jurisdiction of the United Nations Command(UNC)

Shared Use of Han River Estuary: Korean Armistice Agreement and the Jurisdiction of the United Nations Command(UNC)

Nagorno-Karabakh and the Responsibility to Protect

Nagorno-Karabakh y la responsabilidad de proteger Los términos del acuerdo de alto el fuego en Nagorno-Karabaj firmado el 9 de noviembre de 2020, tras la ofensiva azerí del 27 de septiembre de 2020, son una cínica confirmación de la victoria de Vladimir Putin y también, en parte, del presidente turco Recep Tayyip Erdogan, cuyo papel clave en este conflicto unilateral es ahora un hecho reconocido. Este acuerdo plantea más preguntas que respuestas. Tres cuestiones relacionadas con la responsabilidad de proteger, que incumbe a la comunidad internacional, son acuciantes: el estatuto jurídico de Nagorno-Karabaj, cuya aclaración es necesaria para la estabilidad de la región; el enjuiciamiento de los responsables de los crímenes de guerra cometidos durante los 44 días de combates; el destino exacto de los refugiados y de las poblaciones locales, y también de los tesoros culturales armenios que ahora están bajo control azerí, así como las modalidades de la coexistencia posterior al conflicto con respecto a los derechos humanos. La resolución de estas tres cuestiones constituye un reto importante frente a tres Estados autoritarios: Azerbaiyán, respaldado por Turquía, bajo la supervisión de Rusia.

아웅산수찌 정부에서 정전협정과 평화구축을 위한 노력: 회고와 전망

아웅산수찌 정부에서 정전협정과 평화구축을 위한 노력: 회고와 전망

Myanmar’s Non-State Armed Groups and the Prospects for Peace?

Myanmar has suffered the world’s longest civil war, with continuous combat since shortly before the country’s independence from the UK in 1948. A new National Ceasefire Agreement has raised hopes that peace may finally be in sight. However, optimism should be tempered by a recognition the peace process has not built much trust, reduced the number of non-state armed groups in the country, their total size, or significantly improved their human rights behavior. This is demonstrated through an analysis of original data on the major non-state armed groups active in Myanmar between 1985 and 2017. Peace will require hard political work leading to disarmament, restraining the military, and reassuring the country’s ethnic minority groups that their rights and interests will be respected even without the threat of insurgent violence.

Sovetsko-kitajskoseverokorejskie konsul'tacii po voprosu o zaklyuchenii peremiriya v Korejskoj vojne

The paper highlights the consultation process of Soviet-Chinese-North Korean leaders on the ceasefire issue during the Korean War and their respective positions. The author stresses that the Armistice Agreement, signed in July 1953, was in response to the demands of the Soviet leadership to rush to end the war with Stalin’s death, rather than reflecting the wishes of the communists. The forced repatriation of the prisoners of war demanded by the communists was also frustrated and the war was a tie that almost returned to its pre-war state.

What Is Palestine? The de jure Demarcation of Boundaries for the icc’s ratione loci Jurisdiction and Beyond

Abstract The boundaries between Palestine and Israel are legally demarcated under international law. The icc is entitled to exercise its ratione loci jurisdiction over Palestine’s territory that comprises the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip. Palestine’s borders have arisen from the lines drawn by the armistice agreements that Israel signed with both Jordan and Egypt in 1949. Although initially marked on de facto basis, these lines have been converted into de jure frontiers. By declaring that it possesses the power to adjudicate in Palestine, the Court will apply international law, not create it. Accepting the contention that the icc has no competence in a State owing to its unfixed borders may hinder the Court’s ability to prosecute perpetrators in other icc State Parties with disputed frontiers. It will hamper the Court’s authority regarding non-icc States with similar border issues that may join the Rome Statute in the future.

No, Afghanistan Is Not Really Vietnam All Over Again

On February 29, 2020, the United States and the Afghan Taliban signed an agreement in Doha, Qatar, bringing the United States potentially closer to ending the war in Afghanistan than at any point in the conflict's eighteen-year history. After months of military escalations, negotiations, and recriminations, the United States agreed to a token withdrawal of several thousand forces by August 2020 and to remove all remaining forces by May 2021. The Afghan government had been cut out of the talks, but the United States also vowed to encourage it to release thousands of Taliban prisoners and to enter into its own negotiations with the Taliban in order to pave the way to a permanent ceasefire agreement. For its part, the Taliban agreed to negotiate with Kabul after the troop withdrawals began and to halt cooperation with Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups.

Review on the Achievements and Limits of Remains Exchange after Korean Armistice Agreement

Review on the Achievements and Limits of Remains Exchange after Korean Armistice Agreement

Did human security forget the humans? Critically assessing evaluations of interventions with a human security dimension in Sri Lanka

ABSTRACT During the ceasefire agreement in Sri Lanka between 2002 and 2006, a number of countries provided overseas development aid under the aegis of human security – most notably, Japan and Norway. Evaluations of such projects are essential in identifying good practice and providing an evidence base for future funding. However, for the insights of such evaluations to be seriously considered, their approach and methodology ought to be scrutinised. This paper therefore examines the evaluations to determine how well they were able to answer questions regarding human security-related interventions in Sri Lanka from 2002 until the end of the war in 2009. It looks specifically at how human security was operationalised, community participation in evaluations, and how well gathered data supported the evaluators’ findings. Based on the findings, we argue that evaluations of human security projects should employ the same principles as human security itself: incorporating a holistic model, exploring interactions between disparate components, placing human rights and community empowerment at the centre of the framework, and examining the broader effects on communities and environments.

Domestic divisions and external actors in Libya’s civil war

With the Libyan National Army having failed to capture Tripoli, Libya’s civil war – which has attracted foreign support on both sides – is now stalemated around the town of Sirte. The parties are abiding by a ceasefire agreement, but there is little prospect they will reach a political settlement before fighting resumes and the conflict becomes further internationalised.

The Peace Process on the Korean Peninsula: Problems and Ways of Development

A wide range of topics associated with the challenges of ensuring solid and lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula is considered. The issue of a peace treaty to replace the Armistice Agreement is the cornerstone in building a new nonconfrontational system of relations in Korea that will ensure the security of all parties involved and their equal cooperation. According to the authors, the implementation of these tasks was greatly facilitated by the positive developments achieved in the past year in US–North Korean and inter-Korean relations. At the same time, despite the warming of the general climate, the transition from political declarations to practical steps in the interests of a comprehensive peace settlement turned out to be difficult due to the continuing deep contradictions between the participants in this process. Considerable attention is paid to the position of Russia in the article. It is shown that participation in the peaceful settlement of key Korean problems meets the vital interests of the Russian Federation in the context of the tasks of creating a security and cooperation mechanism in Northeast Asia.

Towards a typology of ceasefires: order amid violence

ABSTRACT Traditionally, ceasefires have primarily been seen as military tools used to halt violence for specific periods of time or as a teleological bridge between war and peace. Drawing from the literature on complex political order, this paper argues that rather than only affecting levels of violence ceasefires can be better conceptualised as particular types of wartime order and that consequently they can have diverse military and political consequences on the ground. These may include for recognition and legitimation, rebel governance, economic networks, state consolidation and rights to citizenship and property. The article uses this broader conceptual foundation and an analysis of 186 ceasefire agreements to create a typology with four different types of ceasefires and theorise about their potential ramifications for other contested areas beyond the military arena. It illustrates the different types of ceasefires from the typology with empirical examples from the Syrian civil war.

‘Not dead but sleeping’: Expanding international law to better regulate the diverse effects of ceasefire agreements

AbstractCeasefire agreements are legally governed by international humanitarian law because they have generally been considered in relation to how they affect levels of violence. However, new research in the fields of anthropology, security, and development studies suggests that ceasefires can have many more ramifications. These range from their ability to influence governance institutions, property and citizenship rights, economic networks, and security mechanisms. Consequently, this article suggests that a broader legal framework is needed through which to consider ceasefires and their consequences. While canvassing the option of ceasefires being types of contractual documents or as special agreements under Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, the article concludes that the best way to regulate ceasefire agreements is through an expanded version of lex pacificatoria. Rather than being governed by hard international law, such a move would allow for the implementation of more flexible programmatic standards to influence the myriad ways ceasefires are negotiated, the conduct of belligerents, and their diverse effects on the ground during wartime.

The Burundian football under the sway of the political authority: towards a systemization of its development and instrumentalization as a reconciliation strategy

ABSTRACT The article examines the role of Burundian football on the eve of the socio-political crisis that followed the assassination of Melchior Ndadaye in 1993. ‘Reconciling football’ has played a leading role in the reconciliation and social cohesion between former fighters of the armed movement CNDD-FDD ‘largely dominated by the Hutu’ and the former forces of the Burundi armed ‘largely dominated by the Tutsi’ after the cease-fire agreement on 16 November 2003. The article also highlights the political dynamics of instrumentalization of football that relies on the President of the Republic, Pierre Nkurunziza and the Senate Speaker, Revérien Ndikuriyo, all ex-combatants of the CNDD-FDD. In order to gain electoral support, this dynamic is reinforced in the construction of sports facilities and the organization of football reconciliation and social cohesion meetings. Using information from the print media, archives and audio-visual as well as field observations, the article demonstrates the role and influence of the political and administrative elite in Burundian football.