Mental illness currently ranks among the top ten causes of burden of disease in low-income countries [1]. In the African region specifically, neuropsychiatric disorders account for approximately 5% of disability-adjusted life years lost, with nearly one-quarter of this burden attributable to unipolar depressive disorders [1]. Furthermore, this burden is projected to increase by 2030 [2]. There is accumulating evidence on the potential public health impact of scalable mental health treatments involving non-psychiatrists [3-5], with more studies under way [6-8], but overall the prevention and treatment of mental disorders have been relatively neglected in the global agenda [9,10]. A substantive portion of the burden of mental disorders in low-income countries is thought to be attributable to many of the failures of human development as targeted through the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), including poverty, HIV, and gender inequality. The evidence on depressive disorders and depressed mood is most well developed in this respect (see Figure 1). Depression has been associated with economic deprivation, especially in low-income countries and with regards to specific indicators of deprivation such as food insecurity [12,13]. Depression is also a known consequent of poor physical health [14]. And finally, gender inequality [15], often manifested starkly as violence against women in low-income countries [16], is commonly conceptualized as a risk factor for poor mental health among women [17]. Figure 1 Conceptual framework of multilevel influences on depression and corresponding types of interventions. Adapted from McKinlay & Marceau [11]. If these relationships were causal and unidirectional, then interventions targeting MDG indicators related to poverty, HIV, and gender inequality would be expected to reduce the burden of disease from mental disorders. However, some of these relationships are bidirectional, suggesting that scaling up interventions to improve mental health may support efforts to achieve the MDGs. Emphasizing these spillover effects on other health outcomes of greater political interest may be one effective strategy to build support for mental health programming [18]. For example, depressive disorders and depressed mood are associated with significant psychosocial disability resulting in reduced economic productivity [19]. Depressed mood among women in the postnatal period has been associated with elevated risks for diarrhea and poorer growth among their newborn infants [20-23]. And, among persons living with HIV/AIDS, psychological stress and poor mental health have been associated with reduced adherence to HIV antiretroviral therapy [24] and worsened HIV-related outcomes [25]. Photo: Courtesy of Dr Mark Tomlinson, personal collection
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