Our point of departure is Givón’s (2017) hypothesis that the sources of the affixes of pronominal agreement in person and number are the corresponding independent pronouns, and depending on whether the given type of agreement is diachronically young or old in a language, the etymological link to independent pronouns is highly transparent or rather tenuous. We claim, first, that the Nilo-Saharan Luo language serves as a better illustration of the ‘diachronically young’ type than Givón’s (1976, 2017) own poster-child examples. Hungarian, however, belongs to the ‘diachronically old’ type. Nevertheless, the synchronic system of Hungarian can be claimed to preserve the distinguished role of the pronominal basis in a strange but surprisingly regular way. We also illustrate two promising directions of future research concerning the expansion of the basic, personal-pronoun related, agreement markers. Their widespread proliferation in the morphology of several categories in all Uralic languages is itself obviously worth systematic comparative descriptive research, in the background of which it promises high-level explanatory adequacy to apply the morphosyntactic theory of person-hierarchy sensitive languages, especially to the analysis of such puzzling expressions as, for instance, engem ‘me’ (literally, ‘my-me’).