Catalan Nationalism Research Articles

Nationalism and Intellectuals in Nations without States: The Catalan Case

This paper aims to provide a theoretical framework for the study of the relationship between intellectuals and nationalism in Western nations without states. The first part sets up a theoretical framework which includes a definition of the concepts of nation, state and nationalism and also introduces the concept of nations without states. It then establishes a distinction between ‘state nationalism’ and nationalism in ‘nations without states’. The second part analyses the relationship between intellectuals and nationalism in the work of Elie Kedourie, Tom Nairn, John Breuilly and Anthony D. Smith. The third part considers the specific context within which intellectuals operate in nations without states. It concentrates on the study of the role of Catalan intellectuals in protecting their vernacular language and culture during Franco's regime (1939–75) together with the processes which, in the 1960s and 1970s, turned Catalan nationalism from an elite into a mass movement. Particular attention is given to the cultural resistance activities carried out by Catalan intellectuals during this period, the reasons why some intellectuals may feel attracted to nationalism, and the rational and emotional arguments employed by intellectuals as mobilizing agents.

A Culturalist Approach to Ethnic Nationalist Movements: Symbolization and Basque and Catalan Nationalism in Spain

The Spanish transition to democracy after the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975 is heralded as the “very model” of successful transition from authoritarianism to democracy (Gunther 1992), the epitome of “transition through transaction” (Share 1986, 1987). Spain is proclaimed “the country to be studied” (Przeworski 1986: 61) for good cause. Despite a long history of political turmoil, a notoriously brutal civil war, and nearly 40 years of dictatorship, Spain transformed itself into a democracy “from the inside out” using a remarkably quiescent process of reform called, significantly, the “strategy of consensus” (Carr and Fusi 1979; Payne 1985).

Catalan Nationalism. Past and Present

From the origins of Catalonia to the 18th century the political provincialization and economic growth of Catalonia in the 18th and 19th centuries Catalan federalism and the failure of the First Republic the first Catalanist political organizations Conservative Catalinism and the Republicanism of Lerroux from Solidaritat Catalana to the Catalan Mancomunitat the Mancomunitat and the predominance of Conservative Catalanism under the Primo de Rivera dictatorship the generalitat under the Second Republic and the statute of self-government the crisis of Catalan self-governing system the vicissitudes of the Catalan Autonomous Government during the Civil War exile and clandestinity (1939-1950) from the 1951 strike to the Catalinist challenge of 1960 the Catalanist cultural regime under the Franco regime the Catalan opposition to the Franco regime between 1962 and 1975 Catalonia during the transition to democracy and self-government the development of Catalan self-government from 1980 to 1990.

Images of Catalonia

Abstract. The aim of this article is to offer an account of the Catalan nationalist discourse contained in the works of Jordi Pujol, leader of the Convergence and Unity Party (Convergéncia i Unió or CiU) which has been in power since the first democratic election to the Catalan parliament in 1980 having renewed its mandate for the fifth time in 1995.The article is divided into three parts. First, it explores the political scenario set up by the 1978 Constitution which recognised the existence of ‘nationalities and regions’ within Spain and allowed the country to be divided into seventeen autonomous communities. Second, it analyses the image of Catalonia contained in the 1979 Statute of Autonomy. Third, it offers an account of the nationalist discourses put forward by the four major Catalan nationalist parties emphasising their different content depending upon the political ideology with which they are associated. This section provides a detailed examination of the Convergence and Unity Party's nationalist discourse which is based upon the defence of a non‐violent nationalism aiming at the development of Catalan identity without seeking independence from Spain and stressing the potential role of nations without a state in the constitution of a united Europe.

Catalan nationalism: past and present

Catalan nationalism: past and present

Catalan nationalism, the Catalan government and the environment

Catalan nationalism, the Catalan government and the environment

Catalan Nationalism: Past and Present

(1996). Catalan Nationalism: Past and Present. History: Reviews of New Books: Vol. 25, No. 1, pp. 31-31.

Bibliografia de 230 llibrets en català d'obres musicals dels segles XIX i XX

This bibliographical documentation dedicated to Catalan musical theater in the 19th and 20th centuries lists the references of some 230 theater plays in Catalan which are entirely or partially accompanied by vocal music and for which the corresponding libretti can be found in the Catalan National Library in Barcelona or in the Spanish National Library in Madrid. The list furthermore includes the references of 70 musical plays on which hints and (partial) information could be found in other sources but for which probably no libretti have been published. The aim of this documentary article is to draw the researchers’ attention to this hitherto almost completely neglected poetic genre and to invite scholars to search for more relevant texts and references.

The Barcelona conference: Launching pad of a process

The Euro‐Mediterranean Partnership Initiative marks a shift in EU Mediterranean policy from bilateral economic agreements to a multilateral approach. The Barcelona Conference was above all a political gesture, an act of political recognition of the Euro‐Mediterranean dimensions of socio‐economic realities and security concerns. For Spain, the conference was also an opportunity to revive the government's domestic political fortunes and to repay Catalan nationalists for parliamentary support. The EU is now allocating more resources to its Mediterranean neighbours, and the conference itself created a propitious atmosphere for greater agreement. However, important differences were expressed over political and security questions, and the section of the Barcelona‐approved Work Programme relating to such matters is the shortest and least precise. Official Spanish satisfaction over the conference must be set against more sceptical ‘alternative’ responses that point to a persisting European proclivity to impose it...

Catalan nationalism: past and present

Catalan nationalism: past and present

Political culture, Catalan nationalism, and the women's movement in early twentieth-century Spain

This article discusses the relationship between political culture, state construction, and Catalan nationalism in relation to the development of the women's movement in early 20th century Catalonia. The historical understanding of Spanish feminisms has to account for political diversity, central state national values, and nationalist cultural identity in the articulation of the diverse strands of the women's movement. This study also argues that the liberal identification of feminism with the struggle for female enfranchisement constitutes an insufficient interpretative framework for the study of historical feminism in Spain. Feminism is explored as a social movement that is shaped by women's collective historical experience and social apprenticeship in social movements, political culture, and gender realities. In this case, it is argued that the social itinerary of Catalan women through their integration into the Catalan nationalist movement structured their collective expectations and shaped their view of feminism.

Spanish abortion reform faces opposition

Spain's minority socialist government will face strong opposition when it introduces a bill reforming the current abortion law which only permits abortion now in exceptional ethical, therapeutic, or genetic circumstances. Women would have the right to an abortion in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, provided that they wait for 3 days after receiving compulsory counseling. The government's normal parliamentary allies have stated that they will vote against the bill. This includes Josep Antoni Duran Lleida, the leader of the Unio Democratica, which has close ties with the Catholic church and is one of the Catalan nationalist parties that holds the balance of power. 12,000 abortions are performed annually in Spain. Doctors who work in the national health system send women who qualify for legal abortions to a specified group of private clinics. However, thousands more abortions are performed illegally in private clinics, some of which advertise in the newspapers. Prosecutions are few. Two doctors in Malaga were condemned, and then pardoned. One of them, Alberto Stolzenburg, received a 6-year sentence and was banned from practicing for a further 6 years in 1993. His lawyer, Carlos Laranager, states that the medical profession is split over the issue. While the profession officially condemns abortion, doctors' unions, who represent physicians in the national health system, support it. When the bill was first introduced a year ago, 40% (versus 27% who did not) of the population wanted a change in the law. It was part of the promised electoral program in 1993; its failure to pass that year made some accuse the prime minister, Felipe Gonzalez, of being in the Catalan nationalists' pocket. The Catholic church is in the background; its members are forbidden to vote for any parties which support abortions.

Patterns of development and nationalism: Basque and Catalan nationalism before the Spanish Civil War

These quotations from two of the major ideologues of Basque and Catalan nationalism, respectively, reflect two radically different conceptions of what the nation is and two significantly different political programs for the Basque Country and Catalonia: independence and adherence to tradition for the former, federalism/confederalism and a secular and capitalist organization of society for the latter. The Basque and Catalan nationalist movements differed substantially in their character despite the fact that they developed simultaneously in two ethnically distinct Spanish communities, that stood out in terms of their high level of industrial development relative to the rest of Spain, and that had experienced intense immigration from the poorest regions of Spain. Therefore, this contrast between Basque and Catalan nationalism questions the suitability of explanations of peripheral nationalism that stress the role of relative levels of development, of cultural distinctiveness, and of the socially disruptive effects of the arrival of large numbers of immigrants. While these explanations may be useful to explain the emergence and dynamics of nationalism, they are ill-suited to explain what constitutes the exclusive focus of this article, that is, differences in the character of nationalist movements.

Katalanistische Bewegung und Gesellschaft 1898 bis 1939

Despite the lack of comparative studies, Catalonia may be of special interest in comparative research on national minority movements. Emerging in the most economically developed territory of Spain, the heterogeneous Catalanist movement, in certain historical moments, came to acquire the unity of action necessary to achieve its own Catalan institutions. With a view to possible comparisons, the article focusses on the time between the imposition of Catalanism as an organized mass movement and the loss of national institutions, a result of the Spanish Civil War, in order (1.) to highlight the structural economic and social differences between Catalonia and the other territories of the State; (2.) to analyze briefly the differentiation in political parties, on the one hand, and the national interclass collaboration on the other, both contradictory tendencies, but very characteristic of the Catalan case in that period; (3) to compare persistence and cultural changes in different social classes. Thus, the aim is to bridge the gap between "political" and "cultural" interpretations of Catalan nationalism, with the hope of improving our understanding of the relationship between national and social issues.

The scent of Catalan rock: Els Pets' ideology and the rock and roll industry

Since when do Catalans speak Catalan and who are they anyway? Perhaps the 1992 Olympic Games have shed some light on Catalan identity for outsiders, but I believe the idea deserves development with a focus on the recent phenomenon of ‘rock en català’. By focusing on language and Catalan nationalism, by no means driven by a homogeneous ideology, I hope to clarify these questions about Catalan identity and its role in popular culture. In 1985 what would inspire four youths from Spain's north-eastern coastal region to pick up instruments they had never played before, with the exception of the drummer, and start a punk-rock band provocatively named Condons Adulterats (Spoiled Condoms)? What was the impetus behind their first hit ‘Estic penjat’ (I'm Stoned)? Fame? Money? Politics? Sex? I believe with the latter we are getting warmer, but as an original member of the band that sprang from this seedling, I can attest to the fact that we just wanted to have some fun. It was a challenge to have our efforts taken seriously and, while they often were not, our local following grew. If commercial success had been the goal of the band we would have agreed to sing in Spanish with the dream of conquering the Spanish peninsula. But the project began locally in the highly industrialised province of Tarragona where the most natural thing to do was to sing in Catalan.

Domino effect or internal developments? The influences of international events and political ideologies on Catalan and Basque nationalism

Although comparative studies of nationalism have recently experienced a resurgence, few attempts have been made to analyse the reciprocal influences exerted upon one another by nationalist movements. This article distinguishes between a domino effect which denotes a concrete change at the governmental level, and a demonstration effect which signifies more general influences on nationalist movements exerted by ‘external’ models. A comparative analysis of external ideological influences on Basque and Catalan nationalism reveals that the domino effect metaphor does not easily apply to nationalism, while demonstration effects are often confined to certain sectors of these nationalist movements, generally the most radical ones.

The Lombard League: regionalism Italian style?

Representatives of the the Lega Lombarda sit with the SNP and with Catalan nationalists in the European Parliament, but it is anything but clear whether the Lega is fundamentally at one with regionalist or nationalist movements from other parts of Europe. The Italian variant of democratic politics is always distinct; with exasperating frequency, surface similarities and even shared names conceal profound divergences. The Lega Lombarda has been a presence in Italian politics since its foundation in 1984 and a force since 1987 when its leader Umberto Bossi was elected to the Senate. Since then, Bossi's virulent denunciation of the traditional parties and their ways, and his advocacy of a new federal Italy, have been heard with increasing stridency. However, to borrow a phrase from Irish politics, the Lega could be viewed as an Italian solution to an Italian problem, and, as with many Italian solutions, there are those who believe that the cure will be worse than the disease.

Language or race?: The choice of core values in the development of Catalan and Basque nationalisms

Abstract Using the concept of core values, this article sets forth a comparison between Catalan and Basque nationalisms. It uses the declarations on language made by the main leaders and intellectuals of the respective nationalist movements. While Catalan nationalism has given paramount importance to language since its inception, the Basque movement was beleaguered by an overall ambiguity and fluctuating attitude over the core values to be promoted. This ambiguity is reflected in the profound changes to be witnessed in Basque nationalism from its beginning to the present day. The article claims that existing anthropological and cultural preconditions can affect political developments. Notably, since ethnic languages play such an important role in most ethnonationalist movements, their vitality can influence political outcomes. Furthermore, ethnic languages rather than other values (such as race or religion) offer better prospects for peaceful and successful mobilization in democratic states if these langu...

Comment on Karen Offen's "Defining Feminism: A Comparative Historical Approach"

Previous articleNext article No AccessComment and ReplyComment on Karen Offen's "Defining Feminism: A Comparative Historical Approach"Nancy F. CottNancy F. Cott Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Signs Volume 15, Number 1Autumn, 1989 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/494578 Views: 39Total views on this site Citations: 7Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1989 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Nayia Kamenou Feminism in Cyprus: women’s agency, gender, and peace in the shadow of nationalism, International Feminist Journal of Politics 22, no.33 (Nov 2019): 359–381.https://doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2019.1687000Karen Beckwith Mapping Strategic Engagements: WOMEN'S MOVEMENTS AND THE STATE, International Feminist Journal of Politics 9, no.33 (Aug 2007): 312–338.https://doi.org/10.1080/14616740701438218Benita Roth Separate Roads to Feminism, 2 (Jun 2012).https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511815201Alexandra M. Nickliss Phoebe Apperson Hearst's "Gospel of Wealth," 1883–1901, Pacific Historical Review 71, no.44 (Nov 2002): 575–605.https://doi.org/10.1525/phr.2002.71.4.575Mary Nash Political culture, Catalan nationalism, and the women's movement in early twentieth-century Spain, Women's Studies International Forum 19, no.1-21-2 (Jan 1996): 45–54.https://doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(95)00069-0Phyllis Stock-Morton Finding Our Own Ways: Different Paths to Women’s History in the United States, (Jan 1991): 59–77.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21512-6_4Kathleen B. Jones, Françoise Vergès Women of the Paris Commune, Women's Studies International Forum 14, no.55 (Jan 1991): 491–503.https://doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(91)90051-I

Einstein in Spain: relativity and the recovery of science

From 1900 to 1924 Spain experienced a stage of vigorous academic freedom and unfettered scientific inquiry that strikingly contrasted with the repressive atmosphere of the periods before and after. Thomas Glick explores this recovery of by focusing on the national discussion provoked by Einstein's trip to Spain in 1923. His visit stimulated a debate on the nature and social value of science that was remarkable in a society so recently awakened to the scientific role in the process of modernization. Einstein's universal appeal created the unlikely occasion for a fascination with science that cut across social classes and previously established domains of discourse.The political Right, which in other countries opposed relativity in the name of traditional Newtonian science, backed the new theories with surprising enthusiasm. Engineers, a politically conservative group, contributed much of the rank-and-file support for Einstein; physicians, who tended to the Left, also eagerly embraced his ideas, as did a host of mutually antagonistic political groups, including anarcho-syndicalists and bourgeois Catalan nationalists. Professor Glick's analysis of this multidimensional scientific forum provides an unusual amount of information on science in Spain and an opportunity to contrast the Spaniards' reception of Einstein's work and that of other nations during this historical period.Originally published in 1988.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.