Domino effect or internal developments? The influences of international events and political ideologies on Catalan and Basque nationalism

Basque nationalism has been extensively examined from the perspectives of Basque culture and internal conditions in the Basque Country, but Andre Lecours is among the first to demonstrate how Basque nationalism was shaped by the many forms and historical phases of the Spanish state. His discussion employs one of the most debated approaches in the social sciences - historical institutionalism - and it includes an up-to-date examination of the circumstances for, and consequences of, recent events such as ETA's announcement in 2006 of a permanent cease-fire.Lecours also analyzes other aspects of Basque nationalism, including the international relations of the Basque Autonomous Government, as well as the responses of the contemporary Spanish state and how it deploys its own brand of nationalism. Finally, the book offers a comparative discussion of Basque, Catalan, Scottish, Flemish, and Quebecois nationalist movements, suggesting that nationalism in the Basque Country, despite the historical presence of violence, is in many ways similar to nationalism in other industrialized democracies. Basque Nationalism and the Spanish State is an original and provocative discussion that is essential reading for anyone interested in the Basques or in the development of modern nationalist movements.

This paper discusses the triangular relation between nationalism, globalisation and football in Spain. The aim of the work is to compare the way two Spanish football clubs—the Catalan FC Barcelona (known as “Barça”) and the Basque Athletic Bilbao—respond to the challenges posed by the game's globalisation, and through this comparison learn about the nexus between nationalism and globalisation. The main claim is that the differences between the two clubs’ behaviour can be attributed to varying characteristics of Basque and Catalan nationalism. Focusing on different path dependency, the development of a civic Catalan nationalism is contrasted with the growth of Basque nationalism as essentially ethnic. These characteristics emerged and crystallised primarily during the regions’ industrialisation, and the nationalist response to this advent of modernism would later shape the response to post-modern globalisation. The diametrically opposed ways in which the two football clubs react to the game's globalisation reflect the significant differences between the two national movements’ core values. This illustrates the importance of path dependency as a factor that produces diverse responses to globalisation—the results of which are not predetermined.

La imitación de otros nacionalismos exitosos, que funcionan como modelos de emulación, constituye un ingrediente esencial del concepto de nación propia de todo movimiento nacionalista. Las influencias exteriores son especialmente operantes en el nivel de los modelos y estrategias de lucha política y cultural. Dentro del conjunto de influ­encias exteriores recibidas por el nacionalismo vasco desde 1895, la irlandesa ha sido la más intensa y duradera. Su impacto ha sido mayor por su proximidad geográfica y sus éxitos políticos, pero también por su halo de leyenda y rebeldía, acrecentado por la rebelión de Pascua de 1916, su represión y el triunfo posterior del independentismo a partir de 1919. En este artículo se analizan las modalidades de esa influencia, las vías de recepción y su evolución, como ejemplo de enfoque transnacional del nacionalismo.

Unlike variants of Irish nationalism, Basque nationalism and modern Carlism, while historically related, mobilized movements that experienced roughly parallel, not sequential, development. In relation to the Spanish nation-state, they constitute different types, although both maintained, as a point of definition, a regional focus. Basque nationalism was a secessionist movement seeking to end or limit political domination of the four Basque provinces by Spain. In its maximalist manifestation, it was also an irredentist movement looking to engage the three French Basque provinces as well, but this was not acted on within the Spanish context of the early twentieth century. By that time Carlism was a state-oriented, but not centralized-state, nationalist movement. While condemning Spanish political centralization and calling for a large degree of regional autonomy, Carlists believed in maintaining, if not mildly expanding, Spain’s borders. Each movement, again unlike Irish nationalism, was headed largely by a single organization providing ideological and practical cohesion. Ideological differences among supporters existed, but were limited to minority factions, sidelined by schisms or eventually worked through resulting in a singular doctrine for each.KeywordsBasque CountryPopular SupportSpanish StateNationalist MovementSpanish NationThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

LAWS may be passed because of self-interest or because of ideology. All national laws are ultimately passed by Congress; therefore, an analysis of the factors which determine the way in which congressmen vote can be used to determine the extent to which each of these factors is involved in passage of legislation. Because of the development of statistical tools such as logit analysis, which enable the analyst to handle situations in which the dependent variable is dichotomous, determinants of voting have recently been examined using roll-call voting data. The basic technique in this work has been to define the vote by a congressman on a bill as the dichotomous dependent variable and to use economic factors associated with the district as independent variables. But if this research is to proceed, it is necessary to separate out the factors-self-interest, logrolling, and ideology-which actually determine voting. This separation is the purpose of this paper. Kau and Rubin' and Silberman and Durden2 have analyzed voting on minimum wages; Danielsen and Rubin3 have examined voting on energy issues; Davis and Jackson4 have examined voting on income redistribution; and Kau and Rubins have examined the effect of public-interest lobbies such as Common Cause on the legislative process. Thus, statistical analysis of roll-call voting has been, and is likely to continue to be, a useful tool. This work in economics has differed somewhat from related work by political

We examined the relationship between political ideology and housing prices by analyzing housing price patterns based on the ruling government’s political ideology. Using data from 3434 samples across 17 cities, including Seoul, from January 2008 to December 2024, we analyzed housing prices alongside variables such as the political ideology of the central and local governments, interest rates, and housing permits. Results showed that progressive central and local governments are positively and negatively related to housing prices, respectively. Additionally, when the political ideologies of these governments are consistent, housing prices show a negative relationship. Therefore, political ideology affects housing prices, and when the central and local governments share the same ideological stance, housing prices tend to decrease. This finding can be interpreted as a result of policy alignment between the two levels of government, which contributes to housing price stability. Unlike previous policy studies, this study examined the relationship between policymakers’ political ideology and housing prices. It revealed that housing price stability improves when the central and local governments share the same ideology. Therefore, policy coherence between the two levels of government is necessary.

Twelve historians and social scientists reflect on Miroslav Hroch's contributions to the field of nationalism studies. There are essays on his pioneering comparative historical studies of ‘small nation’ national movements and his distinction between nationalism and national movements. Other essays focus on concepts such as those of protagonist, the three phases of national movements, the small nation and nationally relevant conflict of interest. A further set of essays explores how Hroch's approach can be extended beyond small nations, beyond Europe and into the contemporary period.

The article reveals an evolution of political ideologies in Canada in 1993–2019. Following the Russian and foreign historiography, as well as the election programs of Conservatives and Liberals, the author analyzes the influence of political ideologies on the voting of Canadian voters in parliamentary elections in the late 20th – early 21st centuries. The author of the article comes to the conclusion that Canada is still a country committed to political ideologies. He also considers as unacceptable the thesis about an absence of ideologies in Canada within the existing post-industrial society. The author believes that the model for political development of Canada, laid down in the second half of the 19th century by the founders of the state, is still effective at the present time. In a post-industrial society, Canada clearly follows national traditions based on previously developed political ideologies. That is what constitutes the foundation for the rule-of-law state and civil society in Canada. The author emphasizes that, despite the activities of other political movements, conservative and liberal ideologies represent the leading directions of the state development in Canada. Other political ideologies, like social democracy, are largely secondary and do not determine the present and future of the Canadian state.

Research has begun to show that the political ideology of organizational participants is an important predictor of behaviors in organizations. While a number of recent studies have identified the impact of ideology on topics such as firms’ social participation and strategy, much more theory and research is needed to understand the full influence of ideology. This symposium seeks to shed additional light on the role of political ideology in organizations with four theoretically driven empirical papers. Specifically, the papers in this symposium contribute to research on ideology by: 1) examining the influence of political ideology at different levels of analysis, including at the CEO, top-management team, board, and organizational levels; 2) considering a range of behaviors and outcomes related to political ideology, including firm performance, risk, capital allocation, turnover, responsiveness to negative events, and external recognition; and 3) proposing several theoretical mechanisms that drive these relationships, including a consideration of the risk, equality, and fairness perceptions inherent in political ideology. To the Extreme: CEO Political Orientation and Extreme Corporate and Career Outcomes Presenter: Jonathan Bundy; Pennsylvania State U. Presenter: Timothy David Hubbard; U. of Georgia Presenter: Scott D. Graffin; U. of Georgia Presenter: Dane Christensen; Pennsylvania State U. Board Actions and Political Ideology: The Case of Financial Restatements Presenter: Warren Boeker; U. of Washington, Seattle Presenter: David M. Gomulya; Nanyang Technological U. Presenter: Uisung David Park; U. of Washington The Effects of Top Executives’ Political Ideology on The Efficacy of Pay Arrangements Presenter: M.K. Chin; Indiana U. Presenter: Cynthia E. Devers; Texas A&M U. / Oxford U. CCR Presenter: Abhijith G. Acharya; Singapore Management U. Organizational Ideology and Corporate Strategy: A New Vantage on

Using the concept of core values, this article sets forth a comparison between Catalan and Basque nationalisms. It uses the declarations on language made by the main leaders and intellectuals of the respective nationalist movements. While Catalan nationalism has given paramount importance to language since its inception, the Basque movement was beleaguered by an overall ambiguity and fluctuating attitude over the core values to be promoted. This ambiguity is reflected in the profound changes to be witnessed in Basque nationalism from its beginning to the present day. The article claims that existing anthropological and cultural preconditions can affect political developments. Notably, since ethnic languages play such an important role in most ethnonationalist movements, their vitality can influence political outcomes. Furthermore, ethnic languages rather than other values (such as race or religion) offer better prospects for peaceful and successful mobilization in democratic states if these langu...

The goal of my article is to analyze football in Basque Country, or better to say Basque national football representation, as a political tool since its inception. I decided to focus on this specific region because football, and Basque national team as well, has a long history and plays an important role in the whole Spanish society. Football in Spain is a political issue because of the multi-national composition of the state where we observe strong separatist or secessionist demands. In my opinion, Basque national team has never been “only” a football selection. Euskal Selekzioa is a well-known Basque nationalist speaker because of the way how it represents Basque nation. It uses one of the most popular things all round the world, kicking the ball. This article is divided into four main parts. In the first chapter, I deal with the birth of Basque national movement and with the discovery of the game of football in Spain. The second chapter is dedicated to the Spanish Civil War when the world-famous Basque national football team existed. Another part observes the Basque nationalism in the context of football, not only in Franco’s time but during the years of the transition to democracy. I finish my article with a contemplation of the officialization of Basque national football team.

This study explores whether legal education can shield individuals from the influence of personal ideology in the legal decision-making process. Drawing from the Polish legal context, where the public is strongly divided on several ideological issues, we investigated how law students’ political beliefs impact their judgment in simulated judicial cases. We hypothesized that more advanced legal training would reduce the preference for decisions concordant with students’ (N = 254) political ideologies. We did not find support for that hypothesis. Instead, we interpret the findings in an exploratory fashion. We found that first-year students were more likely to make judgments aligned with their ideological views. However, higher-year students exhibited a trend toward decisions discordant with their ideology, suggesting an overcorrection. These findings highlight the complex interaction between legal education, ideology, and impartiality, suggesting that legal training fosters impartiality but may also lead to overcompensation. The study underscores the importance of balanced teaching strategies to promote unbiased decision-making and avoid ideological overcorrection. Further research is needed to investigate these dynamics in various legal and educational contexts.

In the brief period after the 1975 death of Francisco Franco and the consolidation of the new constitutional order in the early 1980s, a group of radicals attempted to transform a weak, but developing, nationalist movement in Asturias into an armed struggle. During the summer of 1979, these militants seized control of a small nationalist party, the Conceyu Nacionalista Astur (CNA), then concerned principally with the revival of the local language. Aided by the Basque group ETA (político-militar), the CNA began a series of armed robberies. The subsequent arrest of six Asturians and the public exposure of the link between Asturian and Basque nationalism caused a widespread delegitimization of violent tactics, steering most Asturianistas towards more moderate methods in their pursuit of change. The literature on nationalism focuses on cases that developed sustained conflicts, but it is equally important to understand why other movements largely rejected the use of arms.

Like other nationalist movements, Basque nationalism was in its origins a phenomenon closely linked to modern, urban, bourgeois, industrial society. It emerged in Bilbao at the end of the nineteenth century within the context of rapid economic growth, massive immigration and violent social turmoil. Its first followers were recruited among sectors of the traditional urban, lower middle classes, who saw themselves as victims of modernization, displaced from the centre to the periphery of society and under pressure both from the socialist labour movement and from the small clan of the politically and economically leading elite of the financial and industrial oligarchy.KeywordsBasque CountryLower Middle ClassisSpanish StateNationalist MovementSeparatist PolicyThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

All nationalist movements make use of a variety of aspects (language, history, race, etc.) of the territory claimed as a nation to build their discourse on said nation, and, though these discourses are often presented as something permanent and unchanging over time, they can change depending on the historical context. This is indicated by the Basque nationalist movement's two main discourses on the nation, as well as by what appears to be a tendency towards a new discourse currently being developed within this movement. The new discourse seems to have adopted the concept of democracy as a key element in its theorization.