Carnegie Endowment Research Articles

The Austro-Hungarian creation of a “humanitarian” pretext for the planned invasion of Serbia in 1912-1913: Facts and counter-facts

This paper argues that reporting on the Balkan Wars by some of the Austro- Hungarian media and state officials on the ground was not impartial, but rather aimed to obtain international public support for the planned military intervention against Serbia in late 1912 and mid-1913. The primary task of the newly-established Albanische Korrespondenz B?ro or Budapest Korrespondenz B?ro was to disseminate horrifying news from the Balkan theatre of war, especially on the alleged Serbian misconduct, to the media in Europe and the United States of America. The famous New York Times, alongside other papers, put those Austrian-made reports on its front pages. Historians believe that influenced the Carnegie Endowment to start a comprehensive inquiry in the aftermath of the Balkan Wars. As early as the spring of 1913 the propagandist and journalist, Leo Freundlich, published in Vienna his still famous book Albania?s Golgotha: Indictment of the Exterminators of the Albanian People, calling out for someone to ?stop those barbarians?: ?Tens of thousands of defenceless people are being massacred, women are being raped, old people and children strangled, hundreds of villages burnt to the ground, priests slaughtered. And Europe remains silent!? Austria-Hungary mobilized its army, but its ally Germany pulled back. This paper offers facts listed in those reports as well as stories that circulated at the time, along with the Serbian primary sources intended for internal purposes and some narratives of foreign observers on the ground who were often annoyed with the Korrespondenz B?ro?s reporting or other papers of the kind. It suggests, however, that responsibility for the atrocities committed in the war still needs to be examined carefully, just like it was concluded long ago: ?The wrong they did leave a sinister blot upon their record, but it must be viewed in its just proportion.?

(rev.) Thomas Carothers, Confronting the Weakest Link. Aiding Political Parties in New Democracies, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington, D.C. 2006

(rev.) Thomas Carothers, Confronting the Weakest Link. Aiding Political Parties in New Democracies, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington, D.C. 2006

James L. Schoff/Li Bin: A Precarious Triangle. U.S.-China Strategic Stability and Japan. Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, November 2017

James L. Schoff/Li Bin: A Precarious Triangle. U.S.-China Strategic Stability and Japan. Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, November 2017

Kheder Khaddour: Back to what Future? What remains for Syria’s displaced people? Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Januar 2018

Kheder Khaddour: Back to what Future? What remains for Syria’s displaced people? Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Januar 2018

James M. Acton, Alexey Arbatov, Vladimir Dvorkin, Petr Topychkanov, Tong Zhao, Li Bin: Entanglement: Chinese and Russian Perspectives on Non-Nuclear Weapons and Nuclear Risks, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, November 8, 2017.

James M. Acton, Alexey Arbatov, Vladimir Dvorkin, Petr Topychkanov, Tong Zhao, Li Bin: Entanglement: Chinese and Russian Perspectives on Non-Nuclear Weapons and Nuclear Risks, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, November 8, 2017.

Sarah Chayes: The Structure of Corruption: A Systemic Analysis Using Eurasian Cases. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Publications Department: June 2016.

Sarah Chayes: The Structure of Corruption: A Systemic Analysis Using Eurasian Cases. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Publications Department: June 2016.

The United States and Israel

The United States and Israel

Agnese Nelms Haury: No Armchair Traveler, She

Agnese Nelms Haury:No Armchair Traveler, She Gary Paul Nabhan (bio) Most of all, I remember sitting next to Aggie in the sand on a flotsam-strewn beach on Tiburon Island, looking out across the waters of the Gulf of California toward the mainland. The rest of our group of a dozen or so companions had decided to hike toward the island's interior, while we decided to stay in that tension zone between desert and sea. We had an hour together, I suppose, without any interruption from our colleagues, from telephones, doorbells, or honking horns. The cries of seagulls and terns were all that intruded on our dialogue. Aggie held the palm of her right hand above her eyes, and glanced at the empty beaches that stretched out along Tiburon's coastline. "Somehow this place reminds me of the coast of Yemen, that stark contrast between the richness in the ocean's waters and the scarcity of the desert itself. Have you had the chance to go to Yemen, Gary? It's so fascinating." "Oh how I wish it was safe to go there now…," I began to reply. "You know, on that first trip to Oman that you helped me prepare for, I went south toward the Hadramaut in my search for frankincense bushes, but could not cross over into Yemen because of political tensions. So we followed the Frankincense Trail south past Suhar, but never to Yemen. But near the Marib Dam in Yemen—that's where my father's people were said to have originated—the Banu Nebhani. …" "Well," she frowned, "that's a shame. You could say, I suppose, you were being prudent. There is too much turmoil there now. But the coastal villages of Yemen's south coast are as colorful as any I've ever seen anywhere in the world. Drat! I wish I could still travel as I was able [End Page 410] to do since I was in my twenties, but all this medication makes me far too sluggish, even when I get to a marvelous place like this. I'm so relieved that there are still such places completely off the beaten path." Click for larger view View full resolution Agnese Nelms Haury and Gary Paul Nabhan, Baja California, 2002. (Courtesy Loren Haury.) Although she had never been out to Tiburon Island, she had remembered stories that her friend Julian Hayden told her about going out there in 1941. She also recalled that she had catalogued and curated seashell jewelry derived from the Gulf of California while working with Dr. Emil Haury—the man she later married in 1990, a quarter century after their friendship began among many friends in the mid-1960s. "Gary, do you think these are like the shores where the Hohokam came on their salt pilgrimages?" "Could be," I replied. "I've always been intrigued how my elderly O'odham mentors regarded this sea with such fear and awe. They claimed that their own pilgrimages here were as much about songs that came to them in dreams as the visions that occurred when they arrived at these shores." [End Page 411] "No wonder," she said quietly. "I've felt the same awe myself when I had the chance to visit the desert coasts of Libya, Peru, Ecuador, and Yemen too, of course." She'd worked in South America, too? I thought to myself. Perhaps I never knew that, or perhaps I had forgotten it. But she had not merely visited South America; she wrote Indians of the Andes, published by the Carnegie Endowment in 1956. It was followed by Libya, Building a Desert Economy (1957), and The Burma Road to Pyidawtha (1958). Because of our mutual interests, I was most familiar with her work in "the Near East" going back to her days as a history student, and continuing during her time with Eleanor Roosevelt exploring the issues of human rights and community development for the nascent United Nations. I knew that she had also traveled elsewhere in Asia and Europe as editor for the Publications Department of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. But most of the time together, we spoke of our shared interest...

In the Americas with Agnese Haury: A Remembrance

In the Americas with Agnese Haury:A Remembrance David A. Yetman (bio) Agnese Haury, philanthropist, humanitarian, and internationalist, was driven by an abiding commitment to social justice and a love of anthropology and archaeology. From the 1950s until her death in 2014 at age ninety, Agnese used her wealth to promote the well-being of the people of the world and support research into the cultures that came before us. Although most of the projects that received her support were U.S.-based, she always kept in mind the broader needs of the planet. I met Agnese in the mid-1980s through a common friend, the late lawyer Clague Van Slyke II. As an attorney, he represented a variety of clients, including some whose interests were affected by the government of Pima County, in which Tucson is located. I was then a member of the Pima County Board of Supervisors. From time to time, Clague would suggest that we have lunch and would invoke pro forma a project of one client or other, mention the client, then move on to more cosmopolitan topics. Clague phoned me one day at my office and said, in his fatherly voice, "David, there is someone you need to meet." I always interpreted these sorts of Clagueisms as most promising opportunities. I agreed at once. "How about if you join us for our law firm's annual Christmas dinner at Janos's restaurant." That would be difficult to refuse. At the time Janos's was Tucson's finest dining place, located in a wing of an old adobe building now occupied by the Tucson Museum of Art. At the dinner, which was rather formal, Clague introduced me to Agnese Haury and seated us next to each other. For the next two hours we talked nonstop, and I realized I had met an extraordinary individual. [End Page 400] Click for larger view View full resolution Agnese Nelms Haury, with children in Oaxaca. (Courtesy Loren Haury.) Agnese had become friends with Clague when his law firm had assisted her in establishing a program for providing interpretation services to non-English speakers who faced court proceedings. She had become indignant upon learning of the ongoing miscarriage of justice facing people having to appear in court but lacking English and an understanding of the U.S. legal system. To this day the program she funded is the basis for the National Center for Interpretation at the University of Arizona. Soon afterward, I learned of her close friendship with Alger Hiss and his family. Hiss had been a high official in the U.S. State Department, accused of espionage and treason by, among others, Richard Nixon. In the Cold War hysteria of the late 1940s, a federal jury convicted Hiss of perjury in proceedings that Agnese considered a kangaroo court, a sentiment she retained until her death. Agnese had worked with Hiss when he was director of the Carnegie Endowment for International [End Page 401] Peace and held him in high esteem. I mentioned to her that my father had followed the Alger Hiss case and was also convinced that Hiss had been railroaded. Agnese revealed that she contributed heavily to Hiss's defense and to the support of his family while he was undergoing the judicial proceedings. Hiss's son Tony has been a long-time recipient of Agnese's generosity and has contributed pioneering work establishing world centers of biodiversity and connections among them. Following that evening, and it was memorable, I do not recall any additional contact with Agnese until she joined me as a traveler to Alamos, Sonora, through a travel program that was the brainchild of Joe Wilder, director of the University of Arizona's Southwest Center. I had accepted a position there as a research social scientist in 1992. It was probably in 1994 that we made that trip. Dr. Wilder had asked me to undertake a re-publication and expansion of Howard Scott Gentry's 1942 publication called Río Mayo Plants, a seminal study of plants and vegetation with numerous references to the role plants have played in the lives of indigenous peoples of the Río Mayo region of southern Sonora...

Who f(o)unded IR: American philanthropies and the discipline of International Relations in Europe

This article aims to present a history of International Relations (IR) that looks at the role of three big American foundations (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Rockefeller, and Ford foundations) in the development of IR as an academic field in continental Europe. Its framework goes beyond the usual disciplinary history narratives that focus on IR’s US or UK trajectories, pointing instead to American foundations’ interwar and early post–World War II influence on French and German IR. The cases emphasize US foundations’ interactions with European scholars and international scholarly organizations as major factors shaping IR’s developmental pathways. This study offers a way to consider foundations’ role in IR’s gradual academic institutionalization by connecting disciplinary historical approaches to disciplinary sociology. Its sociologically conscious position underlines the significance of American philanthropies in a historical narrative and recognizes the relevance of transnational dynamics by going beyond usual emphases on ideas and national contexts.

Nonproliferation and Norm Discourse: An Agentic Constructivist Model of U.S. Nuclear Export Policy Changes

U.S. government claims of support for the global nonproliferation norm sometimes appear contradicted by dramatic changes in its policies regarding support for peaceful nuclear energy programs around the world. This study offers a new accounting of foreign policy decision making relative to global nonproliferation normative architectures as a product of norm‐based differences between presidents and congressional leaders over technology sharing. It advances an agentic constructivist model of the export policy process and conducts a plausibility probe of the model through three case studies of export control reform debates. It also examines alternative theory models focused on strategic imperatives, foreign policy change, and neoliberal economics. Case evidence suggests that different alignments in norm stewardship, and the interactions of key agents regarding perceived norm commitments, help account for export policy struggles. These often translate into unique and complex policy outcomes, suggesting the value of contingent models of policy change and international cooperation.Related Articles Abulof, Uriel. 2013. “.” Politics & Policy 41 (): 690-772. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12035/abstract Haar, Roberta. 2010. “.” Politics & Policy 38 (): 965-990. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00265.x/abstract Ripberger, Joseph T., Thomas M. Rabovsky, and Kerry G. Herron. 2011. “.” Politics & Policy 39 (): 891-923. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00327.x/abstract Related Media . 2016. “Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Nuclear Policy Program.” http://carnegieendowment.org/programs/npp/ . 2015. “President Obama on Iran Deal Opponents: ‘What's Your Alternative?’” YouTube.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a6aL5TVVRFI

Security Stability in East Asia

Asian Perspective 40 (2016), 147-160 COMMENTARY Security Stability in East Asia William A. Douglas During 2010 to 2012, considerable discussion took place in policy circles about avoiding a putative US-China competition through an East Asia multilateral balance of power in which nei­ ther power would dominate. The discussion was responding to what many observers saw as the prospect of a geopolitical power struggle (Economist 2014) in which the United States would seek to retain its present naval and air dominance in the western Pacific, and China would, at a minimum, seek to degrade US dominance (Gurtov 2013a) or, at a maximum, regain what many Chinese view as China’s historical place as the Middle Kingdom. These US and Chinese goals might well be incompatible in that, as the Chinese proverb puts it, “one mountain cannot be shared by two tigers.” Both governments have repeatedly expressed their desire to avoid such a “Thucydides trap” by prudent managing of the relationship between an established and a rising power. To President Xi Jinping that means establishing a “new type of relationship between the major powers” (Chen 2014b, 2; Wang 2014). The obvious way to prevent a US-China power struggle is to create a regional balance of power in which neither power would dominate the region. The United States would not try to preserve its post-World War II regional hegemony, and China would not seek to gain hegemony in East Asia. For a stable balance ofpower to emerge requires that no major power involved in the region believes itself strong enough to undertake an expansionist policy at reasonable risk and cost, and each nation feels secure from attack or attempts at domination by any of the others. The idea of a US-China balance of power was floated at a conference in the late 1990s, without much response, by the then US deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asia and Pacific 147 148 Security Stability in East Asia Affairs, Susan Shirk. She suggested that China, Russia, Japan, and the United States could “coordinate to keep the peace in Asia,” following the model of the Concert of Europe (Shirk 2007, 106). Early in 2012 Henry Kissinger called for a “Pacific Community” within which the United States and China could accommodate their respective interests. Zbigniew Brzezinski advocated “a U.S.Chinese -Japanese triangle” with the United States playing the role of “regional balancer,” replicating the role of Britain in Europe in the nineteenth century (Brzezinski 2012, 101-102; Kissinger 2012, 52). Similarly, Andrew Nathan and Andrew Scobell argued that both China and the United States could benefit from “a new equilibrium ofpower, but with a larger role for China” (2012, 46). Australian author Hugh White’s The China Choice (2012) also considers an East Asia balance of power. He argues that it is not feasible for the United States to maintain its military domi­ nance in the western Pacific given China’s burgeoning economic capacity, and therefore says the United States should aim at mov­ ing China to “accept limits to its power and work with America in a new regional order” (White 2012, 81). In 2013 a joint China-US public opinion poll found that Chinese elites favor a “balance of power between Washington and Beijing” (Carnegie Endowment 2013, 3). Perhaps this Chinese view, which implies that there would be no one dominant power in the region, could lead to Chi­ nese support for a broader concert among all the East Asian pow­ ers, adding some specificity to President Xi’s still somewhat neb­ ulous call for a “new type” of great power relationship. Unfortunately, interest in the concert concept seems to have crested. From late 2012 through 2015, books on the East Asian security situation by Timothy Beardson (2013), Steve Chan (2012), Noah Feldman (2013), Jonathan Fenby (2014), Edward Luttwak (2012), Robert Haddack (2014), Thomas Mahnken (2014), Geoff Dyer (2014), Lyle Goldstein (2015), and Daniel Lynch (2015) did not discuss the concert concept. Neither was it covered in articles during the same period by Kurt Campbell and Ely Ratner (2014), Elizabeth Economy (2014), Thomas Fingar and Fan Jishe (2013), Avery Goldstein (2013), Mark Leonard (2013), Pei Minxin (2014), Ely...

Nonproliferation treaty talks end in acrimony

Issues of nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament take a back seat to a Middle East regional nuclear-free zone.

Peace through history? The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace’s inquiry into European schoolbooks, 1921–1924

In 1924 the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace published a volume investigating the teaching of school history in former belligerent states in Europe. The project sought to reconcile former enemies through mutual understanding and educational exchange and reflected a widely held belief that although the military conflict had finished, its ideas still resounded and served to perpetuate antagonism. The CEIP project, conceived in the internationalist spirit, was itself derailed by nationalist enmity, a consequence of the Franco-Belgian occupation of the Ruhr in January 1923, demonstrating the limits of cultural reconciliation in the early 1920s, and the resultant volume showed that belligerent views of recent history were still being taught to schoolchildren in France and Germany in the early 1920s.

The Pacifism of Andrew Carnegie and Edwin Ginn: The Emergence of a Philanthropic Internationalism

This study analyses the pacifism of Andrew Carnegie and Edwin Ginn against the backdrop of the emergence of new philanthropic practices. Scientific philanthropy and the institutional model of the philanthropic foundation provided the means for new approaches to the peace cause. The study thus argues that Ginn and Carnegie personified a shift from a non-institutional pacifism to an institutional internationalism. Despite noteworthy similarities in Ginn and Carnegie's approach to peace, however, their two philanthropic foundations—the World Peace Foundation and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace—differed in strategies. This study suggests that the leadership of these institutions shaped these different approaches to conflict.

Fractures are widening on nonproliferation treaty

Nonnuclear states’ patience with weapons states’ inaction on disarmament is wearing thin.Nonnuclear states’ patience with weapons states’ inaction on disarmament is wearing thin.

International Mind Alcoves: The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Libraries, and the Struggle for Global Public Opinion, 1917–54

AbstractIn 1918, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) partnered with libraries to develop International Mind Alcove collections in the United States and abroad. These collections aimed to help put an end to war by encouraging international understanding and developing cosmopolitan perspectives across the globe. During the programme’s forty-year history, the alcoves grew from a group of small informal collections to a well-funded and highly organized operation. As the programme evolved, it utilized libraries, books, and the media to advocate for internationalism, educate the public about other nations, and instil cross-cultural understanding in children before they became embroiled in political controversy. The Mind Alcove programme and the work of librarians in its creation represents a significant episode in library history, placing the library profession within the early twentieth-century development of international organizations and global information networks that are the forerunners...

Book review: “Closing Space: Democracy and Human Rights Support Under Fire” by Thomas Carothers and Saskia Brechenmacher

International support for democracy and human rights faces a serious challenge”, Thomas Carothers and Saskia Brechenmacher argue in a report published by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. According to them, a growing number of governments are erecting legal and logistical barriers to democracy and rights programs, “publicly vilifying international aid groups and their local partners, and harassing such groups or expelling them altogether.”

Nayan Chanda

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsNayan Chanda is the Director of Publications and the Editor of YaleGlobal Online Magazine at the Yale University's Center for the Study of Globalization. Nearly 30 years before he joined Yale University, Chanda was with the Hong Kong-based magazine the Far Eastern Economic Review as its editor, editor-at-large, and correspondent. From 1989 to 1990, Chanda was a Senior Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington. From 1990 to 1992, he was editor of the Asian Wall Street Journal Weekly, published from New York. He is the author of the bestselling Bound together: How traders, preachers, adventurers, and warriors shaped globalization (2007), and author or co-author of over a dozen books on Asian politics, security, and foreign policy. Nayan Chanda is also a co-editor of the journal New Global Studies, which is the flagship publication of New Global History, a transdisciplinary academic initiative launched and directed by Bruce Mazlish (MIT). New Global History focuses on the latest wave of globalization that has manifested itself so vigorously in the period starting sometime after World War II.

Ending the Strategic Holiday: U.S. Grand Strategy and a “Rising” China

Ending the Strategic Holiday:U.S. Grand Strategy and a “Rising” China Christopher A. Ford (bio) Ashley J. Tellis Balancing Without Containment: An American Strategy for Managing China Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2014 ≈ 105 pp. [End Page 181] Ashley Tellis’s valuable new work, Balancing Without Containment: An American Strategy for Managing China, helps fill a lamentably empty niche in Western strategic writing about the People’s Republic of China (PRC). It is perhaps a shame that there are still such gaps remaining to be filled, but also a pleasure to see an able scholar make thoughtful suggestions. The United States’ Strategic Holiday Americans were not always bad at strategic thinking, but our strategic holiday as the post–Cold War “hyperpower” seems to have made us intellectually lazy. While Americans once sought to encourage the growth of the PRC’s power for strategic reasons, hoping to build up Beijing as a counterweight to the Soviet Union, we continued—in President Obama’s words—to “welcome China’s rise” long after the end of the Cold War.1 Many seem to have assumed that economic development would inevitably lead to China’s democratization, and indeed its Americanization. As President Bill Clinton put it, “our engagement with China is…the best way to advance our ideals. The more we bring China into the world, the more the world will bring freedom to China.”2 With the tides of history apparently on our side, there seemed to be little need for anything like strategy, nor even much need to have a China policy at all, except simply to embrace the PRC and “engage” with it at every level. Deep thinking was implicitly unnecessary, and indeed for some China experts even discussing the idea of a U.S. competitive strategy was a bad idea. The only way that things could really go wrong would be if the United States “made” China into an adversary by acting as if it might be one. For such thinkers, the answer [End Page 182] to any Sino-American problem was thus always simply to double down on the cure-all of soft-edged engagement. To be sure, a subset of American thinking about China cast the PRC’s rise more darkly, warning about the implications if the Communist authoritarian oligarchy in Beijing were to continue to amass power. For years, however, many of these warnings seemed to echo too strongly of Cold War concepts and military prescriptions to be taken very seriously by mainstream leaders, who were well aware that whatever the rising PRC was, it was not the same thing as the old Soviet Union. All in all, neither the engagers nor the hawks offered much strategic thinking. This is clearly a problem, however, since it is increasingly recognized that the United States’ relationship with China partakes of elements of both cooperation and competition. How are we to cooperate and compete with the PRC at the same time? Engage and Compete Ashley Tellis’s new book does much to meet this need for prescriptive strategic analysis. Indeed, its ambition is nothing less than to provide a full-blown competitive strategy with which the United States can hope to answer the challenges of China’s rise, yet without forgoing the great benefits that economic interdependence and globalization can still provide. As the title of the book suggests, Tellis promotes a notion of “balancing” that is neither uncritical engagement nor Cold War–style oppositionalism. Equating “containment” with “cutting off ties with Beijing and urging China’s neighbors to do the same,” Tellis sensibly argues that taking this approach vis-à-vis China today is “politically, economically, and practically unthinkable” (p. ix). At the same time, he is also adamant that simply continuing along the well-trodden path of relatively uncritical engagement is unwise. The United States badly needs a real strategy vis-à-vis China in order to preserve both its own interests and those of the prosperity-engendering global order that U.S. hegemony has underwritten for so long. Tellis calls for a strategy tailored to the circumstances of modern globalization, one that shuns easy analogies to the Cold War but is unabashedly competitive nonetheless. In...