Caribbean Life Research Articles

In Search of Epistemic Freedom: Afro-Caribbean Philosophy's Contributions to Continental Philosophy

In Search of Epistemic Freedom: Afro-Caribbean Philosophy's Contributions to Continental Philosophy

Music in Diasporic Context: The Case of Curaçao and Intra-Caribbean Migration

Curacao, one of Dutch islands in Caribbean, could be said to be caught between and betwixt different identities: being Curacaoan, Antillean, Caribbean, Latin American, and Dutch. In everyday life, people seem to switch between these sometimes conflicting identities in their expression of culture. Curacao as Part of Caribbean and African Diaspora The question of what it means for a Curacaoan to be part of Caribbean has not received much scholarly attention. The Netherlands remains, unwittingly, principal reference point for most people of island. Also, Curacaoans have traditionally been raised and educated to feel superior to rest of Caribbean (Allen 2003, 78). This phenomenon is found in other parts of Caribbean, too. Caribbean people still look toward their respective metropoles in Europe or North America for all kinds of matters (Kuss 2004, 110). During Carifesta X, celebrated in Guyana in 2008, Rex Nettleford protested against this aspect of Caribbean way of life, stating instead that Caribbean life and culture are more than what the binary syndrome of Europe suggests. It is also a matter of mind, which cultivates spaces that remain invalid, that is beyond reach of oppression and oppressor. That very mind also constructs for intellect and imagination, a bastion of discreet identities as well as quarries of very invaluable raw material that can be used to build bridges across cultural (2007). (1) According to Franklin Knight, focus on metropole has led to a fragmented nationalism in region, which is divided between Francophone, Hispanic, Anglophone, and Dutch-speaking subregions (2005; Knight in Barros de Juanita and Trotman 2005). One would expect a debunking of cultural boundaries erected by colonialism, given fact that a great many countries in Caribbean are independent states; however, opposite holds true. In this essay I propose that concept of could help in transcending these cultural boundaries. The term has evolved over time. Originally, it referred to overseas minority communities residing in host countries that maintain strong sentimental and material links with their countries of origin--their homelands (Sheffer 1986, 3). Up to 1960s term was used primarily for Jewish, Chinese, and Indian communities dispersed around world. Later concept of African Diaspora was introduced. Joseph Harris defined African Diaspora as encompassing global voluntary and involuntary dispersion of Africans throughout history, emergence of a cultural identity abroad based on origin and social condition, and psychological or physical return to homeland, Africa (1993). In a more recent definition by Michael A. Gomez, African Diaspora is described as movements and extensive relocations of persons of African descent, over long periods of time, resulting in dispersal of Africans and their descendants throughout much of world (2005, 1). Gomez's definition only deals with dispersion; criteria of homeland orientation and boundary maintenance are deemphasized (Brubaker 2005, 5-6). Brubaker (2005) and Cohen (2008) argue that term has in recent times been bandied about in both popular and scholarly discourses and therefore seems to be slowly losing its meaning. Rogers Brubaker speaks of 'diaspora' diaspora in an article with that title and ascertains that term itself has become dispersed in semantic, conceptual, and disciplinary space and has been used for a variety of intellectual, cultural, and political agendas (2005, 1). Analytically speaking, concept of has a close linkage with migration, ethnicity, and race. The is usually seen as constituted by unidirectional outward dispersals from a single point of origin (Gomez 2005, 8). Peter Wade considers such a conceptualization of to be problematic, irrespective of whether point of origin is geographical, cultural, or racial (2008, 2). …

He Said I Was Out of Pocket: On Being a Caribbean Contextual Theologian in a Non-Caribbean Context

This article emerges from a personal struggle to address the challenges associated with being a Caribbean, contextual theologian, operating outside of that region. The issue is problematized with the use of the expression "being out of pocket," used by an American theologian to question the legitimacy of my attempt to promote Caribbean theology in the United States. This problematic is engaged in light of similar critiques that could be raised by theologians operating in the Caribbean. In the process, there is explication of the conceptual grounding for a contextual approach to doing theology, showing that it is unavoidable and identifying its strengths and limitations. "Dialectical contextualism" is promoted as an approach to theologizing that enables a Caribbean, contextual theologian operating outside the region to acknowledge some alienation, and yet contribute relevantly, to the regional theological processes. One is able to bring to bear a perspective on Caribbean life that is not possible for those who are in the very midst of it. There is also the ability to contribute to the refinement of theological ideas that emerge in the Caribbean, with the benefit of insights, developed from theological pursuits in another context, carried out with sensibilities, nurtured in the Caribbean context.

The Caribbean Woman And The Labour Movement

I come in the wake of the Beijing Olympics where the Caribbean out-performed itself with Jamaica placing third in the Planet's display of achievement largely in the field of track and field. Usain Bolt and his three world record GOLD medals - a phenomenal feat - notwithstanding, it is the performances by our women led by Shelley- Ann Fraser in the 100 meters and Veronica Campbell in the 200 meters that confirmed my long held view about the centrality to Caribbean life and reality of those who belong to the gender other than my own. Being my mother's son has, in any case, impressed on me that fact. I grew up and was reared by a feisty grandmother deep in the bush of Jamaica where women are still respected if only because they were the ones who ran things - from farming through to the marketing of the produce while raising the children - her own and her daughters' own - and carrying the culture to guarantee to the future generation the values and attitudes necessary for survival and beyond. They, after all, have had to be the mothers who fathered the children even in the presence of men who unfortunately have been relegated to being mere providers, of money that is, rather than of some of the caring and compassion that a growing child so badly needs. Which brings me back to the girl power that asserted itself in the Beijing Olympics. For one thing, the victors were for the most part 'poor people pickney' brought up in the rural Caribbean/Jamaica or in the newly emerged urban ghetto or inner city as the Americans now prefer to designate that space. I view this (the display of the women most of whom who have the benefit of higher education) to be the result (albeit slow in coming) of the change from colonial outpost to independent (albeit struggling) nation. It has take this long to defeat the obscenities of colonial subjugation just as it is doing to emancipate ourselves from the mental slavery Marcus Garvey saw as a crippling phenomenon back in 1937 and which a talented young Bob Marley seized to give us that immortal couplet in his Redemption Songs. There is another factor evident in that display of Olympian Women's power - it is the existence of the underpinning support of the family. No less the stars of the winners' performances on the track were their mothers and extended families. They had all had the support of relatives - mothers, aunts, fathers (yes fathers - biological and surrogate ones like their male coaches) and an extended group of cousins many times removed. It is they who encouraged, weaned, even cajoled the young aspirants into commitment, dedication and sustain application, hard work and discipline. On the media it is the women who did most of the talking, with one eloquent mother calling on the gunmen (with which Jamaica is now over endowed) to put away their guns and attend to their families. What a wonderful lesson for us all in the Caribbean. And it comes not from the politicians or the established certified leaders but from a woman who is one of the people from below, who has been a higgler but a first-rate parent taking opportunity of the new possibilities that her independent Jamaica offered by guiding her child with values that are life-enhancing, ensuring her entry into high school and tertiary education and encouraging her to aim for excellence in whatever she does. The other factor that impressed me was the sense of community that all this signifies. The old Caribbean, and certainly Jamaica, has been developed on the basis of co-ordinated social action in communities, ever since the abolition of slavery. This is evident in the mutual caring and help offered by forebears who engaged their humanity, built villages, invented designs for social living, finding expression in religious expressions (orthodox and unorthodox) and shaping the intangible heritage of artistic culture manifest in music, story-telling, recreational dance, religious rituals involving all these, and in folk philosophies which placed survival ahead of the severance and the suffering that marked the kaleidoscopic history and development of our region. …

The Giant Anteater in the Room: Brazil's Neglected Tropical Diseases Problem

The Giant Anteater in the Room: Brazil's Neglected Tropical Diseases Problem

Island Rhythms: The Web of Social Relationships and Interaction Networks in the Lesser Antillean Archipelago between 400 B.C. and A.D. 1492

The precolonial communities of the Caribbean archipelago were not insular. The discontinuous natural resource distribution, the maritime orientation of the Caribbean Amerindians, and the complexities of regional social interaction ensured that the precolonial Caribbean islandscape was dynamic and highly interconnected. This report explores the socicultural behavior and intercommunity exchange relationships of the inhabitants of the Lesser Antilles. It combines related archaeological case studies encompassing the procurement and exchange of: (1) raw materials and utilitarian goods with a wide spatial and social distribution, (2) goods with high stylistic visibility and presumed social function as markers of identity or status, and (3) prestige goods with profound ceremonial value. The study of these objects reveals overarching social and ideological dimensions to Caribbean life. Data suggest that social relationships manifest themselves at different levels and through distinct rhythms while taking on various material guises during the Ceramic age Amerindian occupation of the Caribbean islands (400 B.C. to A.D. 1492). While there is great potential in unraveling interaction networks through the careful study of distribution patterns, the incorporation of ethnohistoric and ethnographic information is imperative to elucidate the web of social relationships underlying these material manifestations.

Unfinished Journeys:Exile, Africanity, and Intertextuality in �mile Ollivier'sPassages

There is a tendency in much recent Caribbeanist criticism to view the region as a privileged site in the development of globalization. Because ofthe Caribbean's indeterminate, fluid relationship with time and space, many critics succomb to the temptation to read the islands as essentially postmodern places, or indeed non-places?prefigurations ofthe perceived postnational, hyperrelational future of the chaos-world. To be fair, the dominant strands of thought emanating from within the Caribbean, particularly from Martinique, openly encourage these readings. Edouard Glissant, in particular, has developed, or perhaps accumulated, a highly persuasive vision ofthe Carib? bean as an open-ended, outward-looking, inherently relational time-space. Problems arise, however, when this kind of criticism overflows into celebratory discourse about Caribbean cultural hybridity and creolization as manifestations ofthe inherent exuberance or creativity of island peoples. In focusing almost exclusively on cultural theories, as if these were unquestionably reliable reflections of real life, risk ignoring the historical, political, and social realities out of which Caribbean cultures have emerged. Haitian narratives of exile stand apart from those ofthe other islands in that they often express more nuanced, less celebratory interpretations of Caribbean life. Where, for instance, Glissant suggests the boundlessness of the islanders' perspective, saying that we never failed to . . . look out towards distant lands (Traitedu tout-monde 44), the Haitian author Emile Ollivier presents his island space as intensely claustrophobic and inward-looking. Ollivier s Caribbean is, moreover, a radically

Unfinished Journeys: Exile, Africanity, and Intertextuality in Emile Ollivier's Passages

Unfinished Journeys:Exile, Africanity, and Intertextuality in Émile Ollivier's Passages Martin Munro (bio) To live in this country that people only want to leave? Bitter homeland! —Bérard Cénatus There is a tendency in much recent Caribbeanist criticism to view the region as a privileged site in the development of "globalization." Because of the Caribbean's indeterminate, fluid relationship with time and space, many critics succomb to the temptation to read the islands as essentially postmodern places, or indeed non-places—prefigurations of the perceived postnational, hyperrelational future of the "chaos-world." To be fair, the dominant strands of thought emanating from "within" the Caribbean, particularly from Martinique, openly encourage these readings. Édouard Glissant, in particular, has developed, or perhaps accumulated, a highly persuasive vision of the Caribbean as an open-ended, outward-looking, inherently relational time-space. Problems arise, however, when this kind of criticism overflows into celebratory discourse about Caribbean cultural hybridity and creolization as manifestations of the inherent "exuberance" or "creativity" of island peoples. In focusing almost exclusively on cultural theories, as if these were unquestionably reliable reflections of "real life," we risk ignoring the historical, political, and social realities out of which Caribbean cultures have emerged. Haitian narratives of exile stand apart from those of the other islands in that they often express more nuanced, less celebratory interpretations of Caribbean life. Where, for instance, Glissant suggests the boundlessness of the islanders' perspective, saying that "we never failed to . . . look out towards distant lands" (Traité du tout-monde 44), the Haitian author Émile Ollivier presents his island space as intensely claustrophobic and inward-looking. Ollivier's Caribbean is, moreover, a radically [End Page 33] uninhabitable place, and if he and his work do enter into relation, do step into the "tout-monde," it is not so much through choice, but through compulsion. In this essay, I will show how Ollivier's work carefully sounds out these silenced counternarratives, and how it unrelentingly expresses ambivalence about the spatio-temporal dislocations and identitary uncertainties that are born of island existence and endless exiles. Émile Ollivier was born in Port-au-Prince on 19th February 1940. He was forced into exile from Haiti in 1964, due to his anti-Duvalierist activities with the National Union of Haitian Students. After studying in France, he moved to Canada, where he remained, teaching sociology at the University of Montreal, until his death in November 2002. Ollivier was one of the most important Haitian writers of his generation, the majority of whom (for instance Jean Métellus and Jean-Claude Charles) have also spent much of their adult lives in exile. The experience of exile is inevitably a dominant theme in Ollivier's prizewinning work, from Paysage de l'aveugle (1977), through his most acclaimed work, Mère-Solitude (1983), to La discorde aux cent voix (1986), Passages (1991), Les Urnes scellées (1995), Mille eaux (1999), and Regarde, regarde les lions (2001). My aim here is to show how Ollivier's work hesitates before the contemporary trend to celebrate exile as an irrevocably creative, positively-experienced situation; how, working against the prevailing critical tendency, he quite deliberately eschews any facile eulogy of "postnational" Caribbean identities, or of exilic identitary fluidity as a force for personal and collective renewal. If there is a dominant authorial position on exile in his work, it is one of ambivalence. Through a close analysis of the numerous intricate exilic traversals that his 1991 novel Passages weaves together, I argue that this work exemplifies his own particular, ambivalent vision of Caribbean exile. Finally, I suggest that Ollivier's work constitutes a compelling challenge to much contemporary Caribbeanist thought. Passages I am leaving. I will not arrive. . . . Leaving, leaving. Sea without elsewhere —Aimé Césaire Passages is a sustained meditation on diverse Haitian experiences of exile. In contrast to previous Haitian narratives of exile—Jacques Stephen Alexis's Compère Général Soleil for instance—that focused on collective movements and national identity, Ollivier's novel deals with dispersed, deracinated, individual Haitian exiles living in varying degrees of isolation. Also, in contrast to René Depestre's novels, Ollivier's narrative is not solely concerned with the...

Central Africa in the Caribbean: Transcending Time, Transforming Culture

Students of Afro-America interpret variously the cultural materials carried by the descendants of the African slaves brought to the New World. Some see those materials primarily in terms of the struggles that slaves waged to perpetuate and protect the African heritage they carried with them into the horrors of slavery. Others view those same materials in terms of slaves’ creative capacity to synthesize new cultural forms from their ancestral knowledge, mixed with elements of Native American and European cultural legacies. Both of these positions have something in their favor, and both, carried to extremes, fail to explain what really happened.For a long time, popular (and racist) opinion held that nothing of African culture had survived in the Americas. But in the second quarter of the twentieth century, that view was sharply refuted by the oeuvre of anthropologist Melville J. Herskovits. In the last 30 years, new theoretical commitments have emerged. Many can be ranged along a continuum—from nothing African to everything African—and the debate continues. On the plus side, far more data are now available than ever before. But it is as difficult as ever to accord the answers finality, if one seeks to deny either the maintenance of African heritage or the processes of culture building in the Americas.Warner-Lewis, who aims at a balanced weighting of continuity and innovation, purports “to synthesize information concerning the Central African presence in the Caribbean, and . . . analyses and identifies some of the main lineaments of the Central African cultural legacy in the region” (p. xix). To do so, she must endow her materials, on the one hand, with a coherence and intactness they may lack; on the other, she must accord every datum historical significance. Thus, for example, she advances “the proposition that the survival and/or the continued use of even one African lexical item in a West Atlantic [New World] location is evidence of an integral link . . . between the particular ethnolinguistic group—or even one individual of this group—and the practice or belief to which the term relates” (p. xxii; italics added). This working hypothesis may be provable, but it is not self-evidently true.Her 12 chapters document this argument with both lexical and ethnohistorical materials on such subjects as domestic life, rites of passage, and religion—this last at considerable length. A brief review cannot deal usefully with the data, which are copious, but a few comments may not be out of place. Language is a good place to begin, since the author gives it such weight.There is absolutely no doubt about the lexical contribution of African languages (perhaps particularly those of the Niger-Congo family) to the creole languages of the Caribbean and the European dialects spoken in the region. But the very existence of creole languages contrasts with the importance of African lexical items, because it signals the absence of an earlier lingua franca in such societies where creole languages took that role. In the case of Haitian Creole, both lexical items and also some of the syntax (and no doubt phonology) are African in origin. Yet it would be reckless or insouciant to deny that Haitian Creole evolved from a pidgin within colonial Saint-Domingue, even were one to contend that a majority of the slaves there were once Kongo speakers.This assertion does no reflect any reluctance to give Africa, its peoples and their cultures, their due. It concerns, rather, the social and linguistic conditions that the slaves in each colony had to live under and adapt to. Creole languages are “very African”; they are not “pure” anything. They were created under pressure, and though they likely began as the restricted idiom of slave and master, they became the language of slave and slave and finally of parent and child, and thereby creoles. To write this does not qualify a single whit Warner-Lewis’s arguments regarding Central African contributions to Caribbean cultures. That Central African languages lived on in the speech of Caribbean peoples is important, but the creole languages spoken there must also be recognized as the distinctive New World creation of the descendants of those Central Africans.The author wants us to recognize how much Central African material, most of it lexical, persists in Caribbean life. I, at least, both accept that this is true and believe that it is an important truth. But the book ends by heavily stressing the fluid, heterogeneous nature of culture, the ebb and flow of forms and words, the overlapping of categories, the intermingling of peoples and cultures—a veritable thesaurus of qualification that shows just how important synthesis, innovation, invention, and change have been in the creation of Afro-Caribbean cultures. After setting forth all that could possibly be attributed to Central Africa, the author leaves us to contemplate the vast social and institutional constructions within which that material is embedded.

Creole identity in the French Caribbean novel

Adlai Murdoch offers a detailed rereading of five major contemporary French Caribbean writers - Glissant, Conde, Maximin, Dracius-Pinalie, and Chamoiseau. Emphasizing the role of narrative in fashioning the cultural and political doubleness of Caribbean Creole identity, Murdoch shows how these authors actively rewrite their own colonially driven history. Murdoch maintains that the culture of the French Caribbean islands of Guadeloupe and Martinique is less homogeneous and more creatively fragmented than is commonly supposed. Promoting a new vision of this multifaceted region, he challenges preconceived notions of what it means to be both French and West Indian. The author's own West Indian origin provides him with intimate, firsthand knowledge of the nuances of day-to-day Caribbean life. While invaluable to students of Caribbean literature, this work will also appeal to those interested in the African diaspora, French and postcolonial studies, and literary theory.

Ecumen(ical) texts: Caribbean nation-states and the global ecumene

[First paragraph]The Haunting Past: Politics, Economics and Race in Caribbean Life. ALVIN O. THOMPSON. Kingston: Ian Randle, 1997. xvi + 283 pp. (Cloth US$ 70.95, Paper US$ 27.95)Nationalism and Identity: Culture and the Imagination in a Caribbean Diaspora. STEFANO HARNEY. Kingston: University of the West Indies; London: Zed Books, 1996. 216 pp. (Paper J$ 350.00, US$ 10.00, £6.00)Recharting the Caribbean: Land, Law, and Citizenship in the British Virgin Islands. BILL MAURER. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997. xvii + 301 pp. (Cloth US$ 44.50)Building on views espoused by the American Enterprise Institute, columnist George Will solves the dilemma of unequal development among contemporary nation-states in one fell swoop: Western Europe and North America outstripped Latin America and its environs, among other places, for one reason - culture. Much meaning must be unpacked from that word, but the conclusion is: The spread of democracy, free markets, technology, and information is not enough to rescue ... nations, from the consequences of their cultural deficits. Such deficits, although not incurable, are intractable. (Will 1999:64)Another "lesson to be drawn," he says, is that "Government cannot revise culture, wholesale, but government has - it cannot help but have - cultural consequences" (Will 1999:64). Even as we embark on the twenty-first century, we cling to hoary, Age of Imperialism presumptions about the character and role of culture - signaled implicitly with a capital C. Such presumptions fuel statements like the above; governments convey material and moral improvements but these do not take hold in culturally inadequate environments.

Sacred Possessions: Vodou, Santería, Obeab, and the Caribbean

marvelous example of African Diaspora Studies ...challenges our usual scholarly and everyday articulations of religion, even as it clearly articulates the possibilities and limits of Caribbean African retentions in Vodou, Santeria, and Obeah. --Barbara Christian, University of California, Berkeley Sacred Possessions is an unprecedented collection of thirteen comparative and interdisciplinary essays exploring the cross-cultural dynamics of African-based religious systems in the Caribbean. The contributors analyze the nature and liturgies of Vodou, Santeria, Obeah, Quimbois, and Gaga as they form one central cultural matrix in the region. They ask how these belief systems were affected by differing colonial histories and landscapes, how they affected other cultural expressions (from the oral tradition to popular art and literature), and how they have been perceived and (mis)represented by the West. The book is a unique contribution to the study of the Caribbean as a site of mutliculturalism, demonstrating the linkages between anthropology, religion, literature, and popular culture. Also included are a stunning photoessay on Cuban Santeria, a glossary of terms, and an insightful introduction by the editors. Margarite Fernandez Olmos is a professor of Spanish at Brooklyn College. She is coeditor and translator with Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert of Pleasure in the Word: Erotic Writing by Latin American Women and Remaking a Lost Harmony: Stories from the Hispanic Caribbean. Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert is a professor of Caribbean and Latin American literature in the department of Hispanic studies at Vassar College. She is the coeditor of Green Cane and Juicy Flotsam: Short Stories by Caribbean Women and author of Phyllis Shand Allfrey: A Caribbean Life.

Caribbean passages: a critical perspective on new fiction from the West Indies

This text offers a critical perspective on fiction from the West Indies. The writers are from diverse backgrounds with differing artistic perspectives, but share a commitment to a repossession of Caribbean life and consciousness. The writers are Senior, Edgell, Phillips, Naipul, and Antoni.

History and the West Indian nation

[First paragraph]The Art of Kamau Brathwaite. STEWART BROWN (ed.). Bridgend, Wales: Seren/Poetry Wales Press, 1995. 275 pp. (Cloth US$ 50.00, Paper US$ 22.95)Atlantic Passages: History, Community, and Language in the Fiction of Sam Selvon. MARK LOOKER. New York: Peter Lang, 1996. x + 243 pp. (Cloth n.p.)Caliban's Curse: George Lamming and the Revisioning of History. SUPRIYA NAIR. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996. viii + 171 pp. (Cloth US$ 34.50)Phyllis Shand Allfrey: A Caribbean Life. LlZABETH PARAVISINI-GEBERT. New Brunswick NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1996. xii + 335 pp. (Cloth US$ 55.00, Paper US$ 18.95)Of the four books to be considered here, those on Brathwaite, Selvon, and Lamming fit snugly together into a natural category of literature that has to do with the emergence of a Creole or African-centered Caribbean culture, and related issues of race, color, class, history, and nationality. The fourth is a biography of Phyllis Shand Allfrey, a white West Indian, who is of an altogether different race, color, and class than from the other three. Yet the four books are linked together by nationality, for Allfrey and the others are all citizens of one region, the English-speaking West Indies, which, as the Federation of the West Indies between 1958 and 1962, formed a single nation.

The haunting past: politics, economics, and race in Caribbean life

Politics: the undemocratic and fragmented tradition the politics of violence. Economics: the resource dimension distorted development path 1 distorted development path 2. Race: types and stereotypes the dynamics of race and colour targets for revolution.

Edna Manley's “The Diaries”: Cultural Politics and the Discourse of Self

A critic of imperialism, race and class privilege, sculptor Edna Manley contributed to the ascendancy of a West Indian cultural aesthetic. Her productivity in the creative arts and her promotion of indigenous cultural organizations were vital to the growth of a post-colonial identity expressing Jamaican national unity and cultural plurality. The wife of Premier Norman W. Manley and the mother of Michael Manley, Jamaica's former Prime Minister, she drew strength from her cross-cultural heritage as a British-trained artist seeking to express the collective unconsciousness of her people. Her creative work finds its symbols in the subaltern currents of Caribbean life in the ongoing processes of community-making that forge a national identity out of peoples displaced from many lands. Her art is integrative: Afro-Caribbean and European themes merge in a symbolic universe suggesting “wholeness.” Her self-reflections, in diary form, also illustrate her determination to link opposing metaphors of the self into a central, organizing image.

Jamaica Surveyed: Plantation Maps and Plans of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries

Jamaica Surveyed was first published in Jamaica in 1988 and was not widely available to a worldwide market. This new reprint is now available and brings to the public a representative sample of the enormous collection of plantation maps and plans in the National Library of Jamaica. The complete collection, unique in the Caribbean, provides information on over twenty thousand landholdings in Jamaica and is one of the most extensive collections of plantation maps in the Americas. Jamaica Surveyed explores the diversity of agricultural activities in the island and the changing patterns of land use during the period. The familiar sugar estates are included but so are the coffee and pimento plantations and livestock pens. Plantation villages, gardens, grounds and great houses are featured, as well as post-emancipation settlement patterns. What emerges is a fascinating picture of Jamaica as it was in the first phase of large-scale settlement and as it changed over time in response to economic forces. B. W. Higman combines cartographic and documentary evidence to produce an unusual work of historical scholarship of interest to historians, geographers, cartographers, and all students of Caribbean life and culture.

POSTSCRIPT: HAITIAN TRANSNATIONAL PRACTICE AND NATIONAL DISCOURSE

Center for Migration Studies special issuesVolume 7, Issue 1 p. 184-189 Free Access POSTSCRIPT: HAITIAN TRANSNATIONAL PRACTICE AND NATIONAL DISCOURSE Nina Glick Schiller, Nina Glick Schiller January 1992Search for more papers by this author Nina Glick Schiller, Nina Glick Schiller January 1992Search for more papers by this author First published: January 1989 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.2050-411X.1989.tb00986.xCitations: 1AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat BIBLIOGRAPHY Basch, L., N. Glick Schiller and C. Szanton Blanc In The Transmtionalization of Migration: New Perspectives on Ethnicity, Race, and Nation. Press New York: Gordon and Breach. Basch, L., N. Glick Schiller and C. Szanton Blanc 1991 “Transnationalism and the Construction of the Deterritorialized Nation: An Outline for a Theory of Post-National Practice.” Paper presented at the 90th Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Chicago. Brown, K. 1991 Mama Lola. Berkeley: University of California Press. Charles, C. 1990 “A Transnational Dialectic of Race, Class and Ethnicity: Patterns of Identity and Forms of Consciousness Among Haitian Migrants in New York City.” Ph.D. dissertation. SUNY, Binghampton. Charles, C. 1992 “Transnationalism in the Construct of Haitian Migrants' Racial Categories of Identity in New York City.” In Towards a Transnational Perspective on Migration: Race, Class, Ethnicity and Nationalism Reconsidered. N. Glick Schiller, L. Basch and C. Szanton Blanc, eds. New York: New York Academy of Sciences. Fouron, G. 1992 Dependency and Labor Migration: Haiti in the Fold of Global Capitalism. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press. Glick Schiller, N., L. Basch and C. Szanton Blanc 1992 “Transnationalism: A New Analytic Framework for Understanding Migration.” In Towards a Transnational Perspective on Migration: Race, Class, Ethnicity and Nationalism Reconsidered. N. Glick Schiller, L. Basch and C. Szanton Blanc, eds. New York: New York Academy of Sciences. Glick Schiller, N. and G. Fouron 1990 “Everywhere we go we are in danger.' Ti Manno and the Emergence of a Haitian Transnational Identity.” American Ethnologist, 17(2): 329– 347. Handlin, O. 1951 The Uprooted: The Epic Story of the Great Migrations that Made the American People. New York: Grosset and Dunlap. Kearney, M. 1990 “Borders and Boundaries of State and Self at the End of Empire.” Unpublished manuscript. Rouse, R. 1992 “Making Sense of Settlement: Class Transformation, Cultural Struggle, and Transnationalism among Mexican Migrants in the United States,” In Towards a Transnational Perspective on Migration: Race, Class, Ethnicity and Nationalism Reconsidered. N. Glick Schiller, L. Basch and C. Szanton Blanc, eds. New York: New York Academy of Sciences. Richman, K. 1990 “Ritual, Remittances, and Development: Rethinking Conscious Consumption in a Transnational Community.” Paper presented at the 89th Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association, New Orleans. Richman, K. 1992 “A Lavalas at Home/A Lavalas for Home': Inflections of Transnationalism in the Discourse of Haitian President Aristide.” In Towards a Transnational Perspective on Migration: Race, Class, Ethnicity and Nationalism Reconsidered. N. Glick Schiller, L. Basch and C. Szanton Blanc, eds. New York: New York Academy of Sciences. Sutton, C. 1987 “The Caribbeanization of New York City and the Emergence of a Transnational Sociocultural System.” In Caribbean Life in New York City: Sociocultural Dimensions. C. Sutton and E. Chaney, eds. Staten Island, New York: Center for Migration Studies. Pp. 25– 29. Citing Literature Volume7, Issue1Special Issue: Caribbean Life in New York City: Sociocultural DimensionsJanuary 1989Pages 184-189 ReferencesRelatedInformation

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Center for Migration Studies special issuesVolume 7, Issue 1 p. vii-vii Free Access ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First published: January 1989 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.2050-411X.1989.tb00973.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume7, Issue1Special Issue: Caribbean Life in New York City: Sociocultural DimensionsJanuary 1989Pages vii-vii RelatedInformation

WEST INDIANS IN NEW YORK CITY AND LONDON: A Comparative Analysis

Center for Migration Studies special issuesVolume 7, Issue 1 p. 108-120 Free Access WEST INDIANS IN NEW YORK CITY AND LONDON: A Comparative Analysis NANCY FONER, NANCY FONER State University of New York, PurchaseSearch for more papers by this author NANCY FONER, NANCY FONER State University of New York, PurchaseSearch for more papers by this author First published: January 1989 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.2050-411X.1989.tb00981.xCitations: 1 I wish to thank Thomas Sowell and The Urban Institute for making available page proofs of relevant parts of Essays and Data on American Ethnic Groups. I am also grateful to Anne Foner, Judith Friedlander, and Constance Sutton for helpful suggestions. AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume7, Issue1Special Issue: Caribbean Life in New York City: Sociocultural DimensionsJanuary 1989Pages 108-120 ReferencesRelatedInformation