Career Diplomat Research Articles

An Interview with Anabela Cardoso: Anomalous Electronic Voices Received via Instrumental Transcommunication

Anabela Cardoso, a career diplomat and successful ITC operator, is the author of Electronic Voices, Contact with Another Dimension? She talks with Sylvia Hart Wright, author of When Spirits Come Calling: The Open-Minded Skeptic’s Guide to After-Death Contacts. Dr Cardoso describes some of her motives for using electronic means to explore unknown domains of reality and outlines her results. She has carried out hundreds of conversations with communicators who identify as her deceased family members and other unknown personalities and affirm to speak from a dimension beyond time. According to her communicators, the survival of all forms of life--not only human--after physical death is part of the Natural Law. She says her communicators insist on the need for expanding human consciousness; this seems to be one of their main goals when attempting contact with our dimension in this novel way. Interesting parallels with the results of other ITC experimenters are drawn. Dr. Cardoso believes that this path of investigation, in spite of the difficulties involved, is open to everybody sufficiently interested in the method, with the disposition to persevere in the patient experiments it requires. NeuroQuantology | September 2012 | Volume 10 | Issue 3 | Page 515-518

The Role of the Nonverbal Communication in Interpersonal Relations

Communication is an art we have to master especially in those professions that involve interpersonal relations, emotionally, diplomatically and historically charged. In the present paper we challenge a topic sometimes underestimated: the signals and messages we transmit by nonverbal communication in interpersonal relations. Nonverbal communication is inevitable, as it refers to the transmitting of information and to the influencing of behaviours and reactions of humans. Artefacts, i.e. clothing, jewellery, sartorial accessories transmit information regarding gender, age, economical, social and professional status. What we wish to draw the attention on is a case study belonging to the diplomatic stage, respectively a career diplomat's way of interpersonally communicating through sartorial accessories worn during a series of high –ranking meetings.

George F. Kennan’s Realism

Recent studies of the career diplomat and distinguished historian George F. Kennan, and particularly a little noted intellectual biography by Lee Congdon, reveal a side of this figure that has often been neglected. Despite his reputation as a critic of the Cold War, Kennan was in fact a strong anti-Communist and profoundly conservative thinker. His conventional defenders have stressed his displeasure with vocal anti-Communism in order to create an image of him that is consistent with their left-of-center politics. This has come at the expense of playing down unfashionable opinions that Kennan expressed on a wide range of issues. Many of his opinions, which he viewed as eminently “realistic,” would have been unacceptable to his mainstream admirers even fifty years ago, were it not for his stands on the Cold War and for certain isolated statements drawn from his post-World War Two speeches mentioning racial inequality and industrial waste. What is now being published on Kennan’s life, however, provides a more balanced picture. Congdon and John Lukacs have both offered this necessary corrective to earlier views about their subject in recent biographical studies. These and other commentators are now highlighting the anti-modernist perspective from which he viewed and criticized the twentieth century.

In Search of a Civilizational Consensus

Pacific Asia in Quest of Democracy. By Roland Rich. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2007. 330 pp., cloth (ISBN-10 1588265757). Having read Roland Rich's Pacific Asia in Quest of Democracy , I cannot help but call him an Alexis de Tocqueville of the twenty-first century. Alexis de Tocqueville wrote a classic of democracy in the nineteenth century. Alexis de Tocqueville was a French practitioner investigating prisons of the United States. While carrying out his official duties, he made observations first hand in various parts of the United States and was fascinated by the vigor of associations and volunteers which he thought was the secret of American democracy. Roland Rich was a career diplomat working for the Australian government. As a diplomat, he accumulated his experiences in East and Southeast Asia. On the basis of his experiences he has written this book. Just like de Tocqueville, who saw both bright aspects and dark in American democracy, Roland Rich sees both aspects in Asian democracy and non-democracy. Rich is a formidable scholar and his grasp of many aspects of democracy in Pacific Asia is most impressive. Unlike de Tocqueville, who singled out American associational life as a key to the vigor of American democracy, Roland Rich checks each institutional component of democracy and non-democracy empirically to argue that Asia has great potential for democracy but that flaws need to be overcome before it enjoys the fruits of democracy. Roland Rich's perspective can be said to be that of crafting democracy on the basis of a good understanding of …

On Photography, History, and Affect: Re-Narrating the Political Life of a Laotian Subject

This essay considers the role of personal, affective history in shaping historiography, and more precisely, a post-colonial history of Laos. Relying on a variety of sources, official and family photographs, US diplomatic documents, telegrams and personal notes, and against the backdrop of multiple losses, this article problematizes the questions of biography and the complex links between the personal and the "historical" by narrating my father's professional trajectory over three decades as a civil servant and career diplomat. Pheng Norindr represented Laos at the 1962 Geneva Conference and became the Laotian envoy to the United Stated during the Vietnam War. His entanglement with French colonialism and Cold War politics offers a point of entry into a Laotian historiography that is critical of a monolithic Western history of Laos.

The Harrisons Go To Jamaica: Race and Sexual Violence in the Age of Abolition

This article explores the intersection of race, the abolition of slavery, and the fear of sexual violence in the correspondence of Robert Monroe Harrison. A white Virginian and career diplomat for the United States, Harrison spent his career in the Caribbean, sometimes joined by his wife, Margaret, and their five children. For many years, Harrison's positions could not maintain the family overseas, but in 1831 he was stationed in Jamaica, Britain's largest slave colony, and the family was reunited. But slave rebellion swept the island in 1831, and Parliament abolished slavery in 1834. Harrison feared that sexual violence against whites would be the inevitable result of black emancipation, and, unable to protect his family, Harrison wrote about his fears to his superiors. Harrison's racial fears characterized those of white men faced with black emancipation across time and space. His correspondence is a valuable if disturbing window into the shaping of racist thought.

Interview with Maurits R. Jochems

AbstractAmbassador Maurits R. Jochems is currently Deputy Assistant Secretary General for Operations in the International Secretariat of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). His functions include responsibility for the Alliance's work in the field of civil emergency planning. As a Dutch Foreign Service career diplomat, he has been seconded to NATO since August 2005. Before taking up his current position he was Director of International Security Policy in the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, dealing with operations, NATO and EU security policy issues, UN disarmament and arms control, OSCE matters and arms export policy. He has also served at Dutch embassies in Kingston, Bonn, Beirut, Brussels (NATO) and Rome.

Karlene M. Kerfoot, PhD, RN, CNAA, FAAN

Karlene M. Kerfoot, PhD, RN, CNAA, FAAN

Edmund Veesenmayer. Agent und Diplomat der nationalsozialistischen Expansionspolitik by Igor-Philip Matić (review)

358 SEER, 84, 2, 2006 In the words of Maurice Pearton, the theories of Corneliu Codreanu 'were derived from the Book of Revelation'. Codreanu made a practice of going up in the mountains to pray, something that Hitler and Mussolini were not known to have done. Codreanu conceived the Guard'sprogrammelike a monastic order.It was endowed with a spiritualmissionto change Romanians by creating 'the new man', one bent on socialjustice. There was no place for the bourgeoisie.Codreanu'soppositionto democracywas expressedin a virulent anti-Semitism.The Guard'sarticlesof faithdictateda pathologicalhatred ofJews whom Codreanu saw as the fount of Communism. lordachi ascribesthe Guard'sappeal to Codreanu'scharisma.The genesis of that charisma was a vision that Codreanu had on 8 November 1923 whilst in prison for organizing a plot to shoot politicianswho had supported an amendment to the Romanian constitutiongrantingJews the right to citizenship . He claimed that the ArchangelMichael had appearedto him, urging him to dedicate his life to God. The particular inspiration for Codreanu's charismatic revelation seems to have been an icon of Saint Michael in a Bucharestmonasteryin which the archangelis depicted in a punitiveposture, wieldinga swordin one hand, and holding scalesofjustice in the other. It was in this mould that St Michael became the object of a fanaticcult. Proclaiming the archangel as patron and symbol, Codreanu founded, in July I927, the Legion of the ArchangelMichael. Michael'ssaint'sday 8 November was the officialcelebrationof the Legion. lordachi constructsa convincing theoretical frameworkin which to place an illuminatingexegesis of the Guard'spropaganda. Codreanu's intellectual followers developed his charisma into an effective propaganda machine. In various articles Codreanu was portrayed in multiple and complementary roles, as a religiousprophet, spiritualreformerand predestinedhero. He was proclaimedas 'a new Messiah',the instrumentsent by the ArchangelMichael to bring salvation to the Romanian people. Codreanu's charisma was thus supernatural,being based on a divine call of mission originatingoutside the established Church. In his depiction as a predestined revolutionaryleader, Codreanu was celebrated as one of a line of Romanian heroic figures,just as Ceausescu was some half a century later. Codreanu was compared with Stephen the Great (I457-I504), and was addressedby the title of 'Captain' on the model of the haiducs, popular outlaws fighting for socialjustice. With this intricate yet lucid analysis, the author furthers our understanding of Romanian Fascism. School of Slavonic andEastEuropean Studies DENNIsDELETANT University College London Matic, Igor-Philip. EdmundVeesenmayer. AgentundDiplomatdernationalsozialistischen Expansionspolitik. StidosteuropaischeArbeiten, II4. R. Oldenbourg, Munich, 2002. 324 pp. Notes. Bibliography.Index. ?49.80. FOR most of the Third Reich, from I934 to I944, Dr Edmund Veesenmayer was virtuallyinvisible to the public as he worked mostly behind the political REVIEWS 359 scenes. Only when Hitler appointed him Plenipotentiary of Hungary in March I944, did Veesenmayer step out of this political twilight.The trained economist, member of the NSDAP (fromI932) and the SS (fromI934), was an economic consultantand special agent at the same time and worked in these capacities at keyjunctures in the making of Hitler'sempire:the Anschlussof Austria (1938), thedestruction of Czechoslovakia (I939) andYugoslavia (I94I), and the German invasion of Poland in I939. In all these assignments his main task was to make contact with key players of industryand commerce, undermine political opponents of National Socialist Germany, and foster future allies in the local nationalistparties. Veesenmayer's career path took a differentturn only months afterhis successin Croatia. InJuly I941, he was sent to quell the military and civil resistance against German occupation in Serbia. As in his previous assignments,Veesenmayer's overall assessmentof the local situationwas factualand rational.He advisedthe ForeignOffice that only a political and not a militarysolutionwould end the popular supportfor the Serbianresistance,which he feltwas largelyled by Communists.However, Veesenmayer also identified the SerbianJews as the main instigatorsof this resistanceand suggested that allJewish men (about 8,ooo) be deported. The assignmentto Serbia was Veesenmayer'sfirstcontact with National Socialist anti-Semitic policy. It would continue to play a sizable role in his last three years as a career diplomat in Slovakia (I943/44) and as Plenipotentiaryof Hungary (I944). Veesenmayer believed then that a shared guilt in the deportation of the Jews would bind the wavering allies Slovakia and Hungary to Germanyat a time when the EasternFrontwas alreadybreakingdown. At...

‘This is not a place for delicate or nervous or impatient diplomats’: the Irish Legation in Perón's Argentina (1948–55)

This paper seeks to assess the approach taken by Ireland in its diplomatic relations with Argentina during the tenure of President Juan Per6n (1946-55). A permanent Irish legation in Buenos Aires was opened in 1948, with long-serving career diplomat Matthew Murphy assuming the role of Irish charg6 d'affaires of what was effectively a one-man mission. On the evidence of his confidential reports back to Dublin, Murphy integrated into the tight-knit Buenos Aires diplomatic community with ease. Working life during the period was challenging, given the Per6n government's general antipathy towards the diplomatic corps. Furthermore, Per6n's rise to power resulted in a considerable decline in the level of influence that the country's elite, of which the Irish-Argentinean community formed a significant component, would have over Argentinean socio-economic life. Through his interactions with diplomatic and journalistic contacts as well as with IrishArgentinean acquaintances, Murphy perceptively documented both the dubious economic policies and the increasing totalitarianism of the government, which ultimately paved the way for Per6n's downfall. In this sense, Murphy's reports back to Iveagh House constitute a valuable analysis of one of the defining regimes of Latin American populism.

'This is not a Place for Delicate or Nervous or Impatient Diplomats': The Irish Legation in Perón's Argentina (1948-55)

This paper seeks to assess the approach taken by Ireland in its diplomatic relations with Argentina during the tenure of President Juan Perón (1946-55). A permanent Irish legation in Buenos Aires was opened in 1948, with long-serving career diplomat Matthew Murphy assuming the role of Irish chargé d'affaires of what was effectively a one-man mission. On the evidence of his confidential reports back to Dublin, Murphy integrated into the tight-knit Buenos Aires diplomatic community with ease. Working life during the period was challenging, given the Perón government's general antipathy towards the diplomatic corps. Furthermore, Perón's rise to power resulted in a considerable decline in the level of influence that the country's elite, of which the Irish-Argentinean community formed a significant component, would have over Argentinean socio-economic life. Through his interactions with diplomatic and journalistic contacts as well as with IrishArgentinean acquaintances, Murphy perceptively documented both the dubious economic policies and the increasing totalitarianism of the government, which ultimately paved the way for Perón's downfall. In this sense, Murphy's reports back to Iveagh House constitute a valuable analysis of one of the defining regimes of Latin American populism.

Reflections on Thirty Years in the Diplomatic Service

For a British career diplomat active from 1969 to 2001, the most profound environmental change was the transition from the Cold War – which exposed diplomats to greater ideological than physical pressures – to today's global security environment in which diplomats are as vulnerable as any to the dangers of conflict, crime and terrorism. Within the Foreign and Commonwealth Office's own work, major trends over this period were increasing multilateralisation, the de-singularisation of diplomats' agendas and expertise compared with the rest of the public service, growing professionalisation, particularly of management, and reduced reaction time. Throughout, the Diplomatic Service has preserved certain qualities of creativity, integrity and sheer fun.

Global Dialogues, Paradigmatic Shifts, and Complexity: Emergent Contours of Theory and Praxis in Telecommunications Policy

Dear Reader, The essay below began as an introspective piece after a year in residence (1997± 1998) at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Washington DC. CSIS is one of the largest foreign policy think-tanks in Washington, with a centrist political philosophy and largely inhabited by former government of® cials (mainly drawn from the State Department, the Pentagon and Defense Department, the Executive Of® ces of the President, and various of® ces of the intelligence community). Having spent the past 20 years wandering the nexus of media history, international studies, and telecommunication policy this was a rare opportunity to both observe and occasionally participate in policy formation as practiced beyond the actual agencies of governance. In so doing, I became (and somewhat remain) a very minor member of a small and lively community with a vast range of opinions and ideologies who share a deep dedication toward trying to build a better world. I learned their old worldview of policy formation, based on a history of habits and actions shaped around the contours of the twentieth century and especially the Cold War, was disappearing before their eyes at an incredibly rapid rate. I learned that the disappearance of this old worldview was spurring a rich and diverse dialogue about the world that is arriving. The only constant in that dialogue was the need for new ways of thinking Ð about everything. While there was lively and occasionally contentious debate about the implementation of praxis, or policy formation, the ultimate questions for discussion often centered around questions of theory. I found, to my great surprise that more than a few participants (but far less than a majority) had more than passing familiarity with a vast range of late twentieth-century theorists. On occasion, the retired intelligence agency of® cial would suggest we think about issues rhizomatically. A career diplomat would muse on the difference between authenticity and simulation. Someone with a star or two on his shoulder would compare the netrocentric with the nomad. A lifelong wonk would return to the of® ce talking about his recent interviews with teenage hackers. Once, when I mentioned speeds and

Culture wars and the global village: a diplomat's perspective

Why is there so much conflict in the Balkans, the Middle East, Africa, and many other parts of the world? Is there something innate in human nature that makes it next to impossible to achieve peaceful coexistence? The answer, says career diplomat Carl Coon, must be sought in the distant prehistoric past when intergroup hostility became ingrained as a pattern of cultural evolution. For thousands of generations, our ancestors organised themselves in distinctive groups that competed with one another. Sometimes the competition was peaceful, but more often than not the struggle took violent forms.Today, we still witness the vestiges of these prehistoric roots when the intermingling of different ways of life results not in harmonious co-operation but in animosity, conflict, and violence. Coon suggests that we have recently embarked on a new phase of cultural evolution, one comparable in importance to the dawn of the Neolithic, when our forebears graduated from a hunter-gatherer way of life to agriculture and animal husbandry.At that time many diverse cultural groups were subsumed by larger, better organised groups whose talent for organisation was necessary to manage the complexities of a new agricultural and technologically more sophisticated society. Today, this process has reached its culmination with organisation established on a world-wide scale and societies becoming ever more multicultural. With the emergence of the global village the world is experiencing the natural atavistic impulse toward violence in certain parts of the globe just as the mechanisms and technology are being put in place to further intercultural co-operation.The challenge for enlightened men and women in contemporary society, says Coon, is to realise that cultural conflicts are an inevitable result of our evolutionary heritage; to use this insight to help manage the transition to a new, global society; and then to focus in a co-operative fashion on the new global priorities of environmental preservation and the promotion of an equitable, prosperous, and peaceful world community.

In Memoriam: Donald Wakeham Lamm, 1914-1996

Donald W. Lamm was born 14 September 1914 in Washington, D.C., and died 2 December 1996 in Tucson, Arizona, after a long illness. Donald joined the AOU in 1941 and became an Elective Member in 1977. He developed a lifelong interest in birds at an early age when he came under the influence of Alexander Wetmore, specifically using Wetmore's method of keeping field notes and collecting specimens. Donald was a career diplomat in the U.S. State Department until his retirement in 1964, when he settled in Tucson. He spent nearly his entire service abroad, choosing assignments to further his interest in ornithology. Postings included Japan (1936 to 1942; he was interned in Japan at the beginning of the war), Receife, Brazil (1943 to 1947), Australia (1947 to 1949, 1960 to 1964), Mozambique (1950 to 1952), and Ghana (1955 to 1957). He traveled abroad extensively, always with the purpose of observing birds. His adventures resulted in several papers on the distribution, abundance, and natural history of birds of Brazil, Ghana, Mozambique, Australia, Mexico, and Columbia, which were published in Auk, Emu, Ostrich, and Condor. Of particular interest are Contribution to the Study of the Ornithology of Sul do Save (Mozambique) with A.A. da Rosa Pinto (1953-1960, Parts I-IV, Memorias do Museu Dr. Alvaro de Castro) and Notes on the Birds of the States of Pernambuco and Paraiba, Brazil (Auk 65:261-283). In effect, he spent a lifetime carefully documenting avian diversity. During his retired years he remained active in the field. He participated in the banding study, initiated by Charles E. Cochran and with Phillip M. Walters, at the private Tanque Verde Guest Ranch, Tucson, for 23 years. He worked with Stephen M. Russell in Sonora, Mexico, for more than 20 years and continued to travel and work abroad (e.g. Colombia). Donald was a welcome and valued member of the Advanced Ornithology classes at the University of Arizona and always an eager participant in field trips. He maintained his detailed field notes until only recently, arising nearly every day at 0500 to write. Donald is survived by his son, Peter; two daughters, Judy and Susan; 10 grandchildren; and 5 great-grandchildren. His memories and example are with all of us who spent time with him in the field birding and around the campfire.

A Messenger to Moscow

Anatoly Dobrinin, In Confidence: Moscow's Ambassador to America's Six Cold War Presidents (1962–1986) Since Stalin's times, Soviet ambassadors have often acted as mere cogs in a machine whose operators sat in Moscow. Yet, the author of this memoir was anything but a cog in the intricate machinery of the U.S.-Soviet relations. A brilliant career diplomat, ambassador to Washington from 1962 to 1986, and witness to every superpower summit from 1955 to 1990, Anatoly Dobrynin was privileged to attend Politburo discussions and to report regularly to many Soviet leaders, from Nikita Khrushchev to Mikhail Gorbachev. He served as a direct, at times unique, conduit between presidents and general secretaries, aided in this role by his wit, affable, gregarious nature, and razor-sharp memory. Even after the Soviet collapse, the retired Dobrynin continued to evoke enough respect among the Russian bureaucracy to be able to review top classified records that were no longer accessible to other Soviet veterans.

Reducing nuclear dangers in South Asia: A Pakistani perspective

A former career diplomat of Pakistan, Abdul Sattar served as Ambassador to India (1978-82 and 1990-92) and the Soviet Union (1988-90). He was also Pakistan's Foreign Minister in the caretaker government in 1993. In 1993-94, he was a Distinguished Fellow at the United States Institute of Peace in Washington, D.C., which supported his research for this article. The views expressed in the article are those of the author alone. by Abdul Sattar

Marching off to War on the Wrong Foot: The Final Note Tokyo Did Not Send to Washington

At 2:20 in the afternoon on Sunday, December 7, 1941, Ambassador Kichisaburo Nomura and Special Envoy Saburo Kurusu were ushered into the office of Secretary of State Cordell Hull. Nomura, who had risen to the rank of admiral in the Imperial Japanese Navy, frankly believed that he was not cut out to be an ambassador.1 Kurusu, a career diplomat, had only recently been sent by his government to render whatever assistance he could bring to the floundering conversations that had thus far keptJapan from plunging into war against the United States.2

Anti-Protestant Music for Sixteenth-Century Ferrara

This study explores the motivations that lie behind three polyphonic works by musicians active at Ferrara and Mantua in the first half of the sixteenth century: a motet by Maistre Jhan, and a motet and mass by Jacquet. The background that links all three is the intense campaign that was waged between reform and orthodoxy. Music and visual art were sometimes put to use as propaganda. The Este and Gonzaga families who ruled the two states were related by blood and political alliances. They had strong reasons to defend the orthodox religion; they were also deeply persuaded of music's communicative power. Not surprisingly, their court musicians were often called on for music with a political message. The three works chosen here, each in its own way, reflect the religious convictions and personal ambitions of leading members of the two families caught up in crises: duke Ercole II D'Este, uneasy vassal of the pope; his wife Renée de France, habitual protector of religious rebels; and Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga, a career diplomat hopeful of wearing the triple crown.

Compagnie et consulat : lois germaniques et emploi des travailleurs sur les plantations de Samoa, 1864-1914

Summary. Compagnie et Consulat. Plantation development in Samoa until the outbreak of the First World War was overwhelmingly dominated by the Hamburg firm of J. C. Godeffroy & Sohn and their commercial successor, the DHPG. Far from being a triumph of free enterprise capitalism, the company's Samoan plantations were only successful because the directors in Berlin and the managers on-the-spot so assiduously and successfully courted state support. During the 1860s and 1870s the local company manager doubled as the German consul, and operated in the absence of any regulations covering the imported labour force. Even when protective legislation was introduced between 1882 and 1884 the material conditions of labourers on the DHPG's plantations deteriorated. Since the DHPG plantations constituted Germany's sole political claim to Samoa, a succession of German consuls (by now a post for a career diplomat) functioned as the official arm of the firm and they worked to ensure its survival in the face of critical labour shortages and severe profitability constraints. Consular co-operation involved easing the company's labour crisis, minimising its labour costs and by endorsing a system of harsh discipline, and was reinforced by the company directors lobbying their political and personal contacts in the Colonial Department of the Foreign Office, and sometimes even the Chancellor himself. Even after the hoisting of the German flag over the western islands of Samoa in 1900, official policy continued in the DHPG's favour. Annexation was followed by an influx of smaller cacao and rubber plantation companies and individual planters who languished while the DHPG prospered in the circumstances of privileged access to New Guinea labour. Other planters had to employ expensive Chinese labour, and they attributed their problems to Governor Wilhelm Soif s partiality towards the DHPG. But Solf survived their attacks and the status quo continued, in part because he was supported the company which dominated German Samoa and which wielded most influence in Berlin, the DHPG. The paper concludes by suggesting that although the DHPG grew up under the shelter of massive state and government support and was harsh in its treatment of labourers, parallels are to be found in the British Pacific. Depending on wider political and economic circumstances, the British labour trade could display all the abuses of its German counterpart.