Capitalist Penetration Research Articles

The Shomvi: A Precursor to Global Ethnoscapes and Indigenization in Precolonial East Africa

This article examines the precolonial history of the region surrounding Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, through oral traditions and memories about the Shomvi people, who lived in the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries. Elite members of Shomvi settlements claimed “foreign” origins in the Middle East, Yemen, and Persia and viewed themselves as highly mobile, continually “founding” settlements throughout the region and moving back and forth between them. Traditions also suggest that the growth, maintenance, and reproduction of coastal communities were premised on a conceptual bifurcation of the community into the foreign and highly mobile Shomvi elite and others claiming to be “indigenous” residents of the region, who drew privilege and prestige from their role as first peoples and hosts to the Shomvi. A discussion of precolonial traditions and memories of the region supports what more and more scholars are recognizing: discourse concerning “globalization” and “indigenous” peoples, usually thought to be characteristic of the post-colonial period, may have had analogues that antecede the penetration of industrial capitalism and the entrenchment of European colonialism.

Persistence of traditionalist value orientations in Serbia

Systematic failures in attempts to modernize Serbian society during the past two centuries have led to the survival of traditionalist value orientations. The long period of Ottoman rule allowed patriarchal, warrior-tribal cultural patterns to persist and shape the basis for national and overall cultural identity. Extreme poverty, autarkical agricultural production, the slow penetration of capitalism and a market economy, an undifferentiated social structure with majority of rural population, patriarchal organization of both the private and public sphere and the authoritarian character of authority, were characteristics of Serbian pre-modern society, which inhibited its development and contributed to the persistence of traditionalism. Although the socialist period was modernizing in many respects, homology between socialist and pre-modern collectivist, egalitarian and authoritarian orientation, made it easy for nationalism to penetrate and consequently led to decomposition of the state in civil wars. Delayed post-socialist transformation, characterized by civil war, economic collapse, extreme impoverishment, and international isolation, has only strengthened the orientation towards pre-modern patterns of identification. This paper examines the persistence of collectivism, authoritarianism and patriarchal orientation in the period of unhindered post-socialist transformation, based on the data obtained in the "South-East European Social Survey Project" (SEESSP), conducted from December 2003 to January 2004. These results are compared with those obtained in the research project "Changes in the Class Structure and Mobility in Serbia", conducted in 1989.

The Re-invention of Africa: Edward Said, V. Y. Mudimbe, and Beyond

Edward W. Said and V. Y. Mudimbe are both whistleblowers against ideologies of Otherness, which Mudimbe calls "alterity" and Said has made famous as "Orientalism." Said traces "the invention of the Orient" back to the Western quest for "the Other" while Mudimbe traces "the invention of Africa" back to similar Western explorations. In reality Africa has been re-invented in different stages. The first stage saw North Africa as part of the classical Mediterranean world; the second concerned Africa's interaction with Semitic peoples; the third was stimulated by the birth of Islam and its expansion both north and south of the Sahara; the fourth came with the impact of European capitalist penetration and subsequent colonization; and the final phase was its globalization. In the final analysis, the essay reaffirms that Edward W. Said and V. Y. Mudimbe are bulwarks against the exotic "Orientalization of Africa." They have sought to contain the forces of "Otherization" in North-South relations.

Out of Sight and Out of Mind

In the July–August 2003 issue of Monthly Review (titled "Imperialism Now") a number of compelling articles brought into clear focus the rapidly-emerging reconfiguration of U.S. global domination. As John Bellamy Foster noted in his lead essay, "The New Age of Imperialism," the current reshaping of the world under capitalism is indicative of a "systematic reality arising from the very nature of capitalist development." Within this new systematic development, the logic of capitalism penetrates everywhere in its quest to secure new markets and natural resources. This article addresses an important but as yet little examined area of capitalist penetration—the open ocean—and the Bush administration's attempt to privatize this last remaining remnant of common property. The social and economic consequences of such a privatization have yet to be played out, but every indication leads us to anticipate that these will include windfall profits for corporations, slackening environmental regulations, and the relentless externalizing of costs while profits accrue to a handful of oceanic actors, namely oil corporations and fish farmers. Remarkably, the lead federal agency, the Department of Commerce (DOC), is paving the way for these results under a cloak of great secrecy, masking their case for privatization with the disingenuous hyperbole of a seafood trade deficit, "farming the seas," and "feeding the world." Under the auspices of the DOC, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) has drafted legislation that will allow the ocean waters and bottom lands of the continental shelf to be leased to fish-farming operations, a move that promises to unleash a host of ominous environmental, economic, and social consequences.This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

Modular Modern: Shifting Forms of Collective Identity among the Akha of Northern Thailand

In this article, I demonstrate that notions of collective identity among the Akha of Northern Thailand have shifted in recent history from a comprehensive, holistic form to a compartmentalized form. I contrast forms of collective (Akha) identity during the period of my initial fieldwork (1982-1985) with forms emerging post-1985 through 1998, a time period characterized by increasing nation-state and capitalist penetration. This recent shift is placed within a broader, long-term historical context of the shifting politics of identity in upland/lowland relations. A comprehensive, holistic form of collective identity was historically developed by the Akha as a protective and organizational complex under conditions of dispersion, orality, local autonomy and unequal power relations with outside, lowland (especially Tai) groups. Thus recent critiques of holistic, bounded approaches to culture need to take into account the fact that such forms may be produced by native actors, both as concepts and as lived realities. This form, which was defined as permeating multiple dimensions of everyday life, is being replaced by a form in which it is acceptable to compartmentalize Akha identity as an "ethnic" component that is relegated to special occasions and social domains. These two different forms of identity have different implications for the way the Akha construct and relate to others (non-Akha). Such a change raises comparative questions concerning the creative formation of and limits on modern forms of collective identity. Both new tensions and new accommodative potential between ethnic groups arise under these new conditions.

‘War is Good for Thieving!’ The Symbiosis of Crime and Warfare Among the Kuria of Tanzania

AbstractAmong the agro-pastoral Kuria people of East Africa, whose population straddles the border between Tanzania and Kenya, many young men are engaged in an illicit, violent livestock trade in which cattle stolen in Tanzania are sold to Tanzanian or Kenyan buyers for cash. This raiding is inextricably bound up with the phenomenon of warfare between mutually antagonistic Kuria clans, which not only serves to legitimise raids on the enemy's cattle herds so long as the fighting rages but which also fosters and sustains an atmosphere of inter-clan enmity that lends support to cattle raiding, particularly on the herds of former adversaries, even after hostilities have ended. Clan warfare emerges as both a cause and an effect of raiding as well as serving as a training ground for novice raiders. On the basis of field research in the Tarime District lowlands, the article argues that although Kuria cattle raiding, oriented to the cash market, owes its existence to capitalist penetration and is driven by the rising demand for cattle, particularly in Kenya, it remains heavily dependent on inter-clan warfare, which has two main causes: animosity engendered by commercialised cattle raiding, and boundary adjustments initiated by the government, either for administrative reasons or, paradoxically, in an effort to resolve existing disputes over access to pasture, grazing and water.

'War Is Good for Thieving!' the Symbiosis of Crime and Warfare among the Kuria of Tanzania

Among the agro-pastoral Kuria people of East Africa, whose population straddles the border between Tanzania and Kenya, many young men are engaged in an illicit, violent livestock trade in which cattle stolen in Tanzania are sold to Tanzanian or Kenyan buyers for cash. This raiding is inextricably bound up with the phenomenon of warfare between mutually antagonistic Kuria clans, which not only serves to legitimise raids on the enemy's cattle herds so long as the fighting rages but which also fosters and sustains an atmosphere of inter-clan enmity that lends support to cattle raiding, particularly on the herds of former adversaries, even after hostilities have ended. Clan warfare emerges as both a cause and an effect of raiding as well as serving as a training ground for novice raiders. On the basis of field research in the Tarime District lowlands, the article argues that although Kuria cattle raiding, oriented to the cash market, owes its existence to capitalist penetration and is driven by the rising demand for cattle, particularly in Kenya, it remains heavily dependent on inter-clan warfare, which has two main causes: animosity engendered by commercialised cattle raiding, and boundary adjustments initiated by the government, either for administrative reasons or, paradoxically, in an effort to resolve existing disputes over access to pasture, grazing and water.

A Push-Pull Model of Ethnic (Re)configuration in a Plural Society: Trinidad and Tobago

The purpose of this essay is to attempt an analysis - albeit a preliminary one - of the shifting ethnic configurations in the plural society of Trinidad and Tobago with the help of a push-pull model. It basically argues that the boundaries of ethnic groups and identities can be fluid and can be redrawn depending on external and internal factors. These two factors, which I call push and pull factors, can alter the configuration of ethnic relations. External in the sense of forces that ethnic groups have little control over and yet these forces influence their behavior (colonialism, capitalist penetration, globalization and regionalization). Internal in the sense their relationships with other social groups with whom they have to coexist and even compete, politically and economically, within a national territory. A brief historical sketch is provided to illustrate how ethnic configurations have taken shape in Trinidad during the colonial and the post-colonial periods. The latter half of this presentation alludes to the impact of the current processes of globalization and regional integration on ethnic (re)configuration. The push-pull model used in this essay is adapted from Albert O. Hirschman’s (1979), Shifting Involvements. This is a dynamic model that helps explain changes and (re)configurations in ethnic relations.

Liberalization at Any Cost? Implications of IMF Policy for Sovereignty and Stability in East Asia

Globalization pits pressures for liberalization against state claims to political and economic sovereignty. Less powerful states in particular face strong pressure from the international trade regime to liberalize their economies irrespective of the impact on domestic stability and national goals. East Asia has been a hold-out against the global trend toward liberalization. This paper shows that the bail-out package demanded by the IMF in 1997 during the East Asian financial crisis imposed unprecedented restrictions on state governance without regard for long-term implications. The paper argues that the IMF's motivation was to harmonize financial governance of the affected economies with Western practices. However, the cost of this initiative to the stability of the region has been overlooked. The East Asian region has carved out for itself a unique niche in the international political economy by resisting penetration of Western finance capital. Already governments have fallen and deep resentments have been sewn over the reversal. More seriously for the future, assumptions that free-market liberalism can be imposed top-down ignore the extent to which economic institutions and preferences are embedded in culture.

ALIEN-NATION: IMMIGRATION, NATIONAL IDENTITY AND TRANSNATIONALISM

This article examines recent anti-immigration initiatives, like California's Proposition 187, in light of the contemporary processes of economic and political reorganization that seem to have undermined the viability of the nation state (i.e. the globalization of the market economy and the end of the cold war). It argues that anti-immigration discourse works on a symbolic level to recuperate a coherent sense of national identity in response to the social and psychic ‘alien-nation’ caused by the global penetration of capitalism. The study compares two similar yet distinctly different moments of mass immigration- Chinese immigration in the late nineteenth century and ‘illegal’ immigration in the late twentieth- to determine (1) why these mass migrations have elicited legal regulation when others have not, and (2) what might be done to disrupt the re-emergence of a paradigm of legislated exclusion in the current case. It concludes by examining the conditions of possibility for collective political action within a mass-mediated public sphere. Specifically, I ask how resistance to the historical paradigm of legislated exclusion might best be mobilized from within a public sphere dominated by visual media that not only personalize the political, but also exacerbate the inequalities of access to public life endemic to liberal democratic political theory.

Land, Stories, and Resources: Discourse and Entification in Onabasulu Modernity

Resource development may involve codifications of social organization that alter preexisting arrangements. This is the case in Onabasulu society today, impacted by Chevron's petroleum extractions nearby and the codifications of collective life introduced by multinationals and the State of Papua New Guinea alike. Located on the Great Papuan Plateau of Papua New Guinea, Onabasulu “clans” are largely an artifact of a certificate‐based incorporation process and do not preexist the era of petroleum development. This “entification” of clans is matched by an entification of ethnic groups, which previously enjoyed soft (or “thick”) rather than hard (or sharp) edges and boundaries. Various discourses—lineage histories, myths, other stories—are best viewed as instruments that political actors—the Onabasulu as a people, various clans, various individuals—use to embrace, contest, or manipulate the new codifications as these actors strive to position themselves competitively in relation to resources in an era of nationalist and capitalist penetration. “Land, Stories, and Resources” argues for a discourse‐centered political ecology of Onabasulu modernity, one that recognizes the political and discursive roots of human‐land relations in an unfolding and open‐ended history predicated on an emerging politics of difference within a globalizing context, [political ecology, discursive practices, cognized models, Onabasulu (Papua New Guinea)]

A Most Promising Weed: A History of Tobacco Farming and Labor in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1890-1945

A Most Promising Weed examines the work experience, living conditions, and social relations of thousands of African men, women, and children on European-owned tobacco farms in colonial Zimbabwe from 1890 to 1945. Steven C. Rubert provides evidence that Africans were not passive in their responses to the penetration of European capitalism into Zimbabwe but, on the contrary, helped to shape both the work and living conditions they encountered as they entered wage employment. Beginning with a brief history of tobacco growing in Zimbabwe, this study focuses on the organization of workers' compounds and on the paid and unpaid labor performed by both women and children on those farms.

Reproducing Domination Identity and Legitimacy Constructs in the West Indies

Emerging from the historical conditions of colonialism, educated elites from middle strata groups were able to mount successful challenges to colonial power almost everywhere. This was accomplished in the West Indies through the shaping and fashioning of an ideology of Afro-creole nationalism. The latter catapulted the political leadership of these groups into positions of control in post-colonial institutions of government1. Once achieved, such control was employed to satisfy the accumulative power, prestige, and status interests of their middle strata supporters. Afro-creole nationalism served also to legitimise the continued dominance of international economic capital while making available to this ascendant elite international resources of power. In this manner, the penetration of international economic capital was intensified in the post-colonial state. Such penetration was both direct and orchestrated through diplomatic representatives of governments and representatives of bilateral and multilateral agencies directly linked to international capitalist interests. I will focus on the appropriation of symbolic capital in the form of Afro-creole nationalism by elite representatives of these ascendant middle strata groups in the English-speaking West Indies. I will demonstrate how such capital was employed to fashion constructs of identity and legitimacy. Finally, I will focus on the role these constructs played in the reproduction of a Manichean order of domination in West Indian post-colonial formations.

Women, Land, and Labor: Negotiating Clientage and Kinship in a Minangkabau Peasant Community

One of the central dynamics shaping agrarian change, and one seldom highlighted, is the structure and ideology of kinship and clientage in peasant communities. This article examines the importance of kin ties in the maintenance of nonwage labor relationships in a wet-rice farming community in West Sumatra, Indonesia. In this village patron-client ties are primarily organized on the basis of matrilineal kin ties through and between women. Elite women and their client kin are both bound to and invested in a complex relation of land, labor, and obligations that supports the continued interdependence of landlord/tenant and helps keep agricultural wage labor from becoming the dominant relation of production in the village. (Sharecropping, matriliny, peasants, wage labor, Minangkabau, Sumatra) Agrarian transformations have resulted in an increasing complexity of peasant relations. Earlier assumptions that the penetration of capitalism would result in the development of a peasant proletariat dispossessed from their land and living off wage labor have been refined as numerous case studies revealed the continued presence of smallholder farming and sharecropping in peasant communities (Bray 1983; White 1989). Scholars now argue for recognition of the historical specificity of capitalist development. Agrarian change is a product of complex local and global political, economic, and social conditions (Stivens et al. 1994; Pincus 1990; Scott 1985). One of the central dynamics that merits greater attention is changing production relations among landowners, smallholders, and landless peasants. The specific kinds of peasant relations and the importance of kin ties in agrarian change are the focus of this article. This study presents an analysis based on what I call the cultural economy of the Minangkabau, interrogating the interplay of the structure and ideology of kinship and clientage with state-supported agricultural development. The Minangkabau peasant community of Taram in West Sumatra, Indonesia, has been heavily involved in the development process as a result of the economic policies of the Indonesian state. Since 1965, agricultural development and resultant transformations in technology have created changes in labor practices and access to land. While agricultural wage labor is now common throughout the village, particularly for members of poor or average-income households, renting land through sharecropping has continued to be a predominant form of land tenure. Most households have access to some land they work themselves and thus are not forced to rely solely on income from wage labor. This article examines some of the cultural factors underlying the maintenance of nonwage labor relationships in a peasant community. Sharecropping as a major form of land tenure in Taram is embedded in kin ties. For landless or near-landless farmers, access to land often comes through elite members of the lineages to which they belong. The connection between landowner and tenant rests not just in the agrarian relationship but in a wide range of social and ceremonial obligations and duties. Thus, changes in the land-tenure relationship would also threaten other well-established social bonds. Other studies have noted the importance of kin or personal ties in maintaining the sharecropper relationship and abating proletarianization (White 1989) or the development of a privileged class (Harmsworth 1991; Gastellu 1987; Arnould 1984; Robertson 1980; Coughenour 1992). In Southeast Asia in general and Java more particularly, the sharecropping relationship, often based on kinship ties or residential propinquity, has been described as a benevolent or moral relation that benefits small landholding peasants who can claim such ties (Hefner 1990; Husken 1989). Jay (1969:230) notes that the Javanese landholder becomes a patron to the sharecropper, giving material aid in emergencies, as well as advice and gifts, in return for labor and social gestures that acknowledge his quasi-paternal role and superior rank. …

Port Sudan: The Evolution of a Colonial City (review)

88 Book Reviews the collectivism of a UN organization with limited resources and the pivotal role of the powerful Western democracies with effective means for implementing UN decisions. This has clearly established a leadership role for the West. (p.117) Reading between these lines, one senses an identification of UN leadership with the West, and even with one person, and takes this as a necessarily desirable development. The problem, of course, is that there is no guarantee that such leadership will not be exercised in the pursuit of partisan interests. This immediately raises other questions. If the United Nations is inadequate for this task, what other option is available? If no other option is immediately available, how can one ensure that the United Nations discharges this task in a responsible manner? If the use of military force is required, how is this to be made operational in such a way that the intervening forces themselves do not commit abuses no less serious than those inflicted by governments? How does one harmonize military and civilian interventions? These are not idle questions; they have already surfaced in connection with the United Nations intervention in Somalia, for example . They are also questions to which it would be unfair to expect readymade answers. But they need to be raised, because there may be a large gap between enunciating a principle and its satisfactory implementation. On the whole, however, this is a thoughtful, well-written book which many will find excellent and stimulating reading on the daunting problem of displacement and on how the international community may deal with it. Eshetu Chole Princeton University Port Sudan: The Evolution of a Colonial City Kenneth J. Perkins Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1993. 264 pp. Kenneth J. Perkins's book on the history of Port Sudan is a timely contribution to the literature of the Red Sea region of eastern Sudan. The status of our knowledge of this region is scanty compared to that of many other areas of northern Sudan. This goes for the Beja communi- Book Reviews 89 ties living in the rural areas of the Red Sea Hills, as well as for the regional towns with their inhabitants of mixed occupational and ethnic backgrounds. Increased knowledge about Port Sudan stands out as being of particular importance. It has been a major market in the region, functioning as a force of capitalist penetration of the hinterland. As Sudan's major port, it has been of crucial importance to the capital, Khartoum, and the nation as a whole. It has also been a gateway eastward, into the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden areas and, hence, to the Indian Ocean. Perkins's book places Port Sudan within all these contexts, but the major focus is on the city itself—its founding, and its development. The story of Port Sudan starts in 1904, when it was founded by the British at Shaikh Barghuth, the burial place of a Muslim saint, and ends in the 1950s, when the administration of the city increasingly became the concern of the Sudanese themselves. The place of the new city was chosen because of the area's suitability as a harbor, but the book takes a broader view of the development of Port Sudan. In three chronologically ordered parts (1904-1918, 1919-1942, 1943-1953), the author deals with themes such as the creation of an orderly urban community, the supply of the city's basic needs, how it was administered and governed , and how its growth was managed. After the British decided that Suakin, the old urban center on the western shore of the Red Sea, was no longer a suitable harbor for the twentieth-century Sudan, the development of Port Sudan became a major concern for British colonial rule. Perkins shows how many of the developmental issues that faced the Port Sudan planners in the early days also remained important issues throughout the periods with which the book is concerned. Since the city was to be built on a new site, its establishment was believed to be undertaken without taking into account any preexisting society. Therefore, Port Sudan was modeled on the planners' notions of an ideal colonial city. But reality...

Some Observations on Unfree Labour, Capitalist Restructuring, and Deproletarianization

Both historically and actually, there is a complex interrelationship between the existence of unfree labour and the process of class formation and struggle in the course of agrarian transformation. However, much current writing about rural labour in the Third World is based on three interrelated assumptions. First, that labour market imperfections are always the fault of peasants resisting the attempts of capital to proletarianize them; second, that capitalist penetration of agriculture always transforms peasants into proletarians, in the full meaning of the latter term; and third, that where these exist (non-urban contexts, backward agriculture, and/or underdeveloped countries), unfree relations are always unproblematically pre-capitalist forms of production destined to be eliminated in the course of this process. In the marxist approach which follows, it will be argued that each of these three assumptions is wrong.

Cattle, Capitalism, and Class. Ilparakuyo Maasai Transformations

Photographs Figures and Sketch Maps Preface Acknowledgments 1. Introduction 2. The "Last of the Maasai": Self-Fulfilling Prophecy or Frustrated Death Wish? 3. Class Formation in Historical Perspective 4. Ideology, Religion, and Capitalist Penetration 5. Pastoralism, Egalitarianism, and the State 6. Some Ilparakuyo Views of Peripheral Capitalism 7. The Dynamics of Contemporary Class Formation 8. Ilparakuyo Maasai Transformations: African Episteme and Marxian Problematic Appendix Notes Bibliography Index

Family Farming and Household Enterprise in a Philippine Community, 1971–1988: Persistence or Proletarianization?

The tenacity of family-farming householdsin agrarian economies experiencing capitalist penetration has long figured in a debate about the ultimate consequences of such penetration for agrarian social structure. On the one hand are those who argue that, while various forces may work to speed or delay the process, the most likely long-term outcome of the capitalization of agriculture is that envisioned by Lenin: polarization of the countryside into two opposing classes, capitalist farmers and landless laborers, linked by wage relations (Bartra 1974; de Janvry 1981). On the other hand are those who claim that, at least under some conditions, capitalist farming can stimulate small-scale entrepreneurship and socioeconomic differentiation, with the attendant persistence of small family farms (Goodman and Redclift 1982:109–12; Maclachlan 1987:16–23).

On Seeking Common Ground between Medical Ecology and Critical Medical Anthropology

he power of a political-economic perspective is clear at a time when the penetration of world capitalism has led to widespread environmental degradation, disruption of the fabric of social life, and manifold constraints on biobehavioral responses. Yet, to dismiss the importance of biobehavioral responses and the reciprocal effects that such responses have with social relations and the environment, seriously diminishes the scope of anthropological interpretation. Ideological and epistemological barriers doubtlessly divide human ecological and adaptability and critical and political-economic perspectives,' making a complementary impossible for some to envision. At the extremes, critiques of a functionalist, positivist, reductionist, and ultimately alienating human biological science are juxtaposed with a disdain for a nonscientific, ideologically driven advocacy to information generation. Witnessing the debate in the Anthropology Newsletter over the salience of the four field approach gives one pause that anthropology is close to so fundamental a crisis of disagreement that the sides (mainly biological anthropologists on one side and cultural anthropologists on the other) are at risk of no longer communicating with each other (Brown and Yoffee 1992). The struggle to hold the field together and maintain a firm biocultural perspective is particularly acute in bridging subfields such as medical anthropology. Thus, in our assessment, quite a bit is at stake in the debate within medical anthropology. This comment is directed from a biological anthropology perspective toward articulating the need for integrated approaches in medical anthropology and possible directions this might take. The potential for more integrative approaches remains strong, as long as scholars such as Andrea Wiley and Merrill Singer continue to communicate across the divide within medical anthropology. Wiley and Singer, together, have made substantial contributions in identifying tensions and points of paradigmatic conflict between medical ecology and adaptability and critical medical anthropology. In her response to Singer's (1989) critique, Wiley (1992) has provided the most comprehensive, current defense of the adaptation and 202

Cattle, capitalism, and class: Ilparakuyo Maasai transformations

Photographs Figures and Sketch Maps Preface Acknowledgments 1. Introduction 2. The Last of the Maasai: Self-Fulfilling Prophecy or Frustrated Death Wish? 3. Class Formation in Historical Perspective 4. Ideology, Religion, and Capitalist Penetration 5. Pastoralism, Egalitarianism, and the State 6. Some Ilparakuyo Views of Peripheral Capitalism 7. The Dynamics of Contemporary Class Formation 8. Ilparakuyo Maasai Transformations: African Episteme and Marxian Problematic Appendix Notes Bibliography Index