Candidates In Local Elections Research Articles

Implications of Bawaslu's Interpretation of the Constitutional Court Decision on the Eligibility of Former Convicts as Regional Head Candidates in Local Elections

Implications of Bawaslu's Interpretation of the Constitutional Court Decision on the Eligibility of Former Convicts as Regional Head Candidates in Local Elections

Putting their money where their mouth is: The gendered dynamics of central party financial transfers to local election candidates

Political parties around the world have made widely publicized efforts to improve women’s representation in elected office. While many have investigated these efforts by focusing on gender dynamics during candidate recruitment and selection, party support for women after they are nominated remains somewhat under-analysed. We begin addressing this gap by asking if central party bodies provide women candidates with additional financial support during general election campaigns. Our study leverages population data capturing intraparty financial transfers within three major parties during the 2008 and 2011 Canadian federal elections ( n=1845). The results demonstrate that parties, regardless of ideology, can and do support women candidates with additional campaign funds. However, support from the centre is not always consistent across time or competitive contexts. We conclude that if political parties are sincere in wanting to reduce representational inequities, then consistently providing women candidates with additional financial support is another way of doing so.

Ranking Candidates in Local Elections: Neither Panacea nor Catastrophe for Candidates of Color

AbstractElectoral rules can affect who wins and who loses elections. Most cities select office holders through plurality rule, but an alternative, ranked-choice voting (RCV), has become increasingly popular. RCV requires voters to rank candidates, instead of simply selecting their most preferred candidate. Observers debate whether RCV will cure a variety of electoral ills or undermine representation. We test the effect of RCV on voter’s choices and perceptions of representation using survey experiments with large, representative samples of respondents. We find that candidates of color are significantly penalized in both plurality and RCV elections, with no significant difference between the rule types. However, providing respondents with candidates’ partisan affiliation significantly increases support for candidates of color.

Who wants women to run? an investigation of gender differences in patterns of support among Irish local election candidates

ABSTRACT Interventions aimed at increasing women’s numeric representation in politics tend to solve the problem by tackling a lack of demand among gatekeepers. However, even where there is an increase in demand, it is still important to consider what is happening on the supply-side; that is, the circumstances under which individuals will put themselves forward to run for office. One factor that has been identified as an important predictor of whether someone will choose to do so is whether they receive encouragement to run. This paper explores whether such encouragement is gendered. We investigate this question using a unique data set of candidates who ran in the 2019 Irish local elections. We find that female candidates received more encouragement to run than their male counterparts and that they were also more likely to receive such encouragement from particular sources (elected politicians, spouses, family members).

Organisational capacity and electoral gains: why majority parties nominate Roma candidates in local elections

ABSTRACT The representation of ethnic minorities is often investigated through the lenses of ethnic parties. Much less attention is paid to how parties belonging to the ethnic majority represent minorities. In particular, we know very little about why such parties nominate ethnic minority candidates on their lists in elections. This article aims to explain this process and focuses on the Roma candidates on ethnic majority party lists in the 2016 local elections in Romania. The study covers 289 party lists from 77 localities with a minimum Roma population of 1% from three different counties. The analysis proposes a supply-side approach that covers party and competition variables. The results indicate that the size of the party, the size of the Roma group and the presence of Roma parties in the electoral competition have an effect on the nomination of Roma candidates.

One step forward, two steps back in political integration: why are Polish candidates not making progress in Irish local elections?

ABSTRACT The Republic of Ireland has had a significant Polish minority since the European Union enlargement of 2004. Despite their positive reception and successful economic integration, Poles rarely stand as candidates in local elections (in which all foreigners are entitled to run and vote); in fact, their involvement has even diminished – from nine Polish candidates in 2009 and 2014, to three in 2019. This article, based on interviews with 13 of the 19 Poles who have run thus far, 15 other politically or socially active Polish migrants and a survey (N = 503, CAPI, conducted in 2018) of Poles in the Republic of Ireland (henceforth Ireland) investigates this conundrum of a lack of progress in political integration. The political opportunity structure can be analysed from the perspective of the receiving political system – for example the attitude of political parties – or the perspective of the immigrant community. This article focuses on the latter and demonstrates that changes in the Polish community in Ireland over the last decade have made political integration more difficult. Our findings suggest that the politics and policies of the country of origin should also be considered as an important element influencing the political integration of migrants in the destination country.

The incumbency advantage in second-order PR elections: Evidence from the Irish context, 1942–2019

Do candidates in local elections benefit from an incumbency advantage? And which factors moderate the strength of this incumbency bonus? Analyzing seven decades of Irish local elections (1942–2019) conducted under proportional representation through the single transferable vote, we reassess and extend the mixed evidence on the incumbency advantage under proportional representation and in second-order elections. By applying the Regression Discontinuity Design, we find that the incumbency advantage is at least as strong in Irish local as in general elections, which are conducted under the identical electoral system. We also show that marginally elected candidates in local elections have much higher reelection probabilities when they do not face a high-quality candidate in their local electoral area after getting elected. The findings point to the importance of name recognition as a major driver of the incumbency advantage in local elections.

Ranking Candidates in Local Elections: Neither Panacea nor Catastrophe

Ranking Candidates in Local Elections: Neither Panacea nor Catastrophe

Best of both worlds? Independent lists and voter turnout in local elections

ABSTRACT How does the presence of independent lists influence voter turnout in municipal and sub-municipal elections? Despite the persistence of independent lists in local elections of European countries, this question has remained underexplored. Our paper examines the influence of independent lists on voter turnout both theoretically and empirically. In the theoretical discussion, we outline two competing hypotheses. On one hand, the best of both worlds hypothesis predicts that owing to increased choice for the voters, the presence of nonpartisan lists would increase voter turnout. On the other hand, the competing hypothesis suggests the opposite due to higher information costs associated with independent lists. We test our hypotheses using data from four election cycles of Portuguese municipal and sub-municipal levels of government. Since 2001, Portugal’s electoral law allows the participation of nonpartisan lists of candidates in local elections. The empirical analysis employs fractional probit and beta regression models and finds strong support for the best of both worlds hypothesis, both at the municipal and the sub-municipal levels.

PERENCANAAN KOMUNIKASI IKLAN POLITIK GUBERNUR TERPILIH PADA PILKADA RIAU 2018

This study aims to describe about communication planning of political advertisement (ads) by candidate in local election’s Riau 2018. Basically there is no guarantee that can ensure a candidate's victory is determined by the number of political ads displayed along the way. But political ads can be utilized by canditates to attract public attention through creative ideas. This study uses qualitative methods with descriptive analysis. The result of this study showed that the political ads, used by the elected candidates in local election 2018 in Riau, are part of the political marketing communication process carried out by Syamsuar-Edy Nasution and their team. The communication plan was a systematic and comprehensive political decision starting from research, planning, development, trial planning, implementation and monitoring. The strength factor’s is from candidate's himself. While the weakness factors are from regulations, differences perception between the candidate’s successor team and budget constraints.

Media Sosial dan Budaya Politik Generasi Milineal dalam Pemilu

Social media nowadays has been crutial part of human being life particularly for the genarations those are so called millenial. The massive use of social media is not merely functioned for the social purpose such as information sharing among them but also has been used for business and economic or even political purposes. The local election of the Jawa Barat province in the year of 2018 is a moment where the millineal generation functioned the social media such as facebook and whattsap for the political purposes. This article discusses the phenomenon of using internet-based social media as an instrument in political communication and campaigning in the local election of West Java Province in 2018 as well as discussing the effectiveness of the media contents in shaping the pattern of millennial generation political behavior. The research adopts is qualitative approach by taking the object of research on political communication, as well as culture and political behavior. The main informants from this study were beginner voters who also catogerisaed as the group of the millennial generation. This study found that social media contents in general became an important instrument in shaping the pattern of political behavior of the millennial generation. The roles of the media for instance are indicated that current life of the millennial generation that cannot be separated from such media, social media contents provides political knowledges about profiles of candidates in local election, social media content provided political education both related to the technical implementation of the election and also the vision and mission of the candidates and, millennial generation have their respective communities which they make as a forum for discussion about the social media contents.

Running Local: Gender Stereotyping and Female Candidates in Local Elections

An implicit assumption underlying the gender stereotyping literature is that female candidates have an advantage in local elections. Two factors motivate this assumption. First, some local issues, such as the provision of social services, fit into the stereotypic strengths of female politicians. Second, as the level of office increases, so too does the perceived masculinity of the office. Research on local policymaking, however, indicates that the tasks associated with local political offices, such as economic competition with other cites, require masculine rather than feminine qualities. I integrate research on local policymaking with the gender stereotyping literature to clarify the role of gender stereotypes in local elections. Using two national survey experiments, I find that female candidates, especially Republican female candidates, benefit from emphasizing masculine stereotypes and not feminine stereotypes.

Independent Candidates in the Concurrent Regional Election in South Sulawesi: What is Independent and Why?

Researchers in many countries consider that independent candidates affect the quality of elections wherein independent candidates can enhance the consolidation of democracy within the context of political openness, bring about more competitive elections, and become an established pathway for alternative leadership figures. In Indonesia, these conclusions need to be further explored with the implementation of provisions regarding independent candidates in local elections. Therefore, the main objective of this research is to illustrate the political events involving each individual candidate based on questions of individual actions. The main questions relate to why candidates choose the path of an independent, what capital they have, why are independent candidates more influential than others, and what are the consequences of their presence for democracy in Indonesia. This paper concludes that the independent track is merely one of the means available, in addition to the party, in pursuing political office in local elections. There is no apparent footing relating to what independent candidates stand for. Moreover, there is yet to be an independent candidate who is truly a social activist wanting to promote alternative issues, a representative of interest groups, or a representative of classes in the local community. Independent candidates are a part of a Schumpeterian procedural logic which is merely for political elite circulation. To put it simply, there is nothing new and rejuvenating in the practices of local democracy in Indonesia.

La validación interna y externa de la selección onomástica de candidatos extranjeros en elecciones locales

The use of the names and surnames of individuals as a selection criterion to construct the sampling frame of an investigation is an important strategy in the study of migration. Whether for a descriptive purpose or as a preliminary step in the design of a sample, it allows identifying a subpopulation that would otherwise remain difficult to access. This does not prevent obvious difficulties, typical of data collection methods in general and of this particular application (Alaminos, 1989; Frances et al, 2015; Santacreu, 2016). In this sense, as a strategy to investigate the reality of intra-European migrants, it has been frequently used by the OBETS research group in many national and international research projects, using as reference information telephone directories or, for example, electoral lists with the candidates in local elections. These pages examine their application conditions, as well as evaluate their internal and external validity. The study Political participation as candidates for European residents in Spain, Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (CSO2012-32930), is taken as a reference case. For the internal evaluation, the information of cases extracted by means of inclusion and exclusion algorithm is reviewed on the basis of onomastic coincidences. The validation review highlights problems related to compound names or second generation. External validation is performed by comparing the results of internal validation with official and documentary information published by the media or political parties. Given the scarce public systematization of the data, this comparison is made in a specific way for different moments of time. The external validation designed corresponds to the logic of the hybrid data, proposed by Euroestat, using multiple sources of information.

Who supports gender quotas in Ireland?

ABSTRACTCandidate gender quotas were passed into law in the Republic of Ireland in 2012. This paper examines support for this quota amongst three different groups: local election candidates, a sample of professionals and the general public. Using responses from three different datasets, we identify the key ideological, partisan and demographic predictors of support for the quota. We find that the best predictors of support for the quota are, not surprisingly, the gender of the respondent and being a feminist. There is a weak effect for left-wing ideology and partisanship and for beliefs regarding the causes of women’s absence from political life. Overall, the results suggest that resistance to the quota is still relatively strong amongst both potential candidates for Dáil Éireann and the Irish electorate.

Deriving major policy issues regarding political party-nomination system for local election candidates: Future policy directions

Deriving major policy issues regarding political party-nomination system for local election candidates: Future policy directions

Pemetaan Media Luar Ruang Pada Pelaksanaan Pemilihan Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur Riau (Pilgubri) Tahun 2013 Di Kota Pekanbaru

The participation of candidates in local elections the democratic party is the dominant of the voteto win the political competition . Various attempts were made to improve the participants' tendencyto choose politics . Implementation of the election for governor and vice governor of Riau Provincein 2013 can not be separated from political activities such as marketing activities undertaken byall partner candidates for governor and vice governor of Riau Province .This study refers to the mapping ( mapping ) use outdoor media conducted by the regional headcandidates in the election of governor and vice governor of Riau Province in 2013 , especially inthe city of Pekanbaru . This study used a qualitative research approach ( qualitative research ) .The data will be used consists of two types of data , namely , the primary data , the data is obtaineddirectly from respondents and observations that have been conducted and secondary data , ie dataobtained from documents related to the study .Based on the results of the study concluded that the outdoor media used by candidates and prospectivecandidates of governor and vice governor of Riau Province in 2013 was in the form of billboards, billboards , banners and banner . The outdoor media widely installed in strategic areas inthe city of Pekanbaru as junction region , area shopping centers , bridge district , area attractions, and hospitality areas .Keywords : Mapping , Outdoor Media , Pilgubri 2013

Immigrant political integration in Ireland: unpacking the puzzle

The involvement in of Africans in various forms of political activities in Ireland is manifest in the emergence of two first-generation Africans as local representatives in the 2004, the subsequent election of one of them as the first black mayor in Ireland in 2007, the 2011 candidacy of four Africans as national parliamentary candidates and the high number of African candidates in the June 2009 local elections (42.2% of the total immigrant local election candidates and 1.7% of the total candidates nationwide). Drawing strongly from the findings of my recent research on African immigrants in Ireland, I argue that both institutional and structural factors in Ireland serve to enhance certain forms of political behaviour, while limiting others. My research illustrates that the significant presence of African candidates in Irish local elections remains a puzzle that has failed to ‘ignite’ or rather stimulate a plethora of participation in traditional forms of political activities like voting, registering to vote and join Irish political parties, and part of the puzzle can be explained by their unique characteristics.

The Left and Minority Representation: The Labour Party, Muslim Candidates, and Inclusion Tradeoffs

As ethnic diversity rises across Europe, the Left faces a trade-off between incorporating new minorities while retaining support from settled, working-class voters. Focusing on the Labour Party's selection of Muslims and employing a dataset containing over 42,000 local election candidates in England, this article argues that inclusion is less likely where core voters are most concerned about the representation of Muslims' material and religious interests: economically deprived areas with sizable Muslim populations. It shows that in these areas Muslim candidates underperform at the polls and Labour Parties are less likely to choose Muslim candidates here as a result. Selection thus varies based on the economic and cultural threats that Muslim representation poses to the Left's core constituency. These findings contribute to our understanding of the forces that shape ethnic minority political incorporation across contexts.

BAME Candidates in Local Elections in Britain

Differences between white and Black, Asian and other minority ethnic (BAME) local election candidates in Britain are examined using survey data. BAME candidates are more likely to be younger and better educated but fewer women are recruited from among this group. Such candidates are electorally inexperienced, have stronger ties with community-related organisations and are more likely to make their own decision to stand for election rather than being approached by a fellow party member. Community ties are also evident when respondents are asked about their support network upon becoming a candidate with almost two-thirds of BAME candidates experiencing positive support from this quarter.