Canadian Foreign Policy Research Articles

“Canada remains deeply concerned”: (de)politicized feminist foreign aid, settler colonialism and reproductive justice in occupied Gaza

ABSTRACT Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) was introduced in June 2017, representing a positive shift in Canadian foreign policy and a reaffirmation of the Trudeau government’s intended global leadership on gender equality and sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). Since its inception, FIAP has faced growing criticism as a neoliberal, individualized approach to achieving gender equality that is void of an understanding of underlying systemic inequities. This paper applies this critique to Canada’s complicity in Israel’s ongoing military violence in Gaza. Adopting a reproductive justice framework, we argue that the reproductive violence against Palestinian women enacted during the current war on Gaza must be understood as part of Israel’s larger settler colonial project. For Canada to fulfill its commitments to global SRHR as set out in its own foreign policy framework, the Trudeau government must adopt a more politicized and intersectional approach to feminist international assistance, including taking political action against Israel’s colonial violence in Gaza.

Allies at Heart? A Study of Ideational Continentalism in Canadians’ Foreign Policy Attitudes

Abstract The United States has long represented one of Canada's primary international allies. This partnership has remained strong despite turbulent times in the relationship, such as the one brought forth by the Trump presidency. Our article seeks to understand the sources of such continuity through the lens of continentalism. While historical accounts of continentalism have portrayed it as a passive force stemming from Canada's material self-interest, scholars have recently identified the emergence of an evolved form of continentalism that represents a dominant idea and a coherent analytical framework in Canadian foreign policy. Has this new form of continentalism indeed gained widespread acceptance among Canadians? We answer this question by considering continentalism in the ideational realm. Using novel public opinion data, our analysis investigates whether continentalist attitudes have become embedded in Canadians’ national identity and foster closer alignment preferences vis-à-vis the United States. We find significant and robust evidence of such effects.

Canadian Orientalism: Israel, Palestine, and the Middle East in the ‘Golden Age’ of Canadian Foreign Policy

Beyond the issues of Palestine’s partition and the Suez crisis, the Middle East has received little attention within the history of Canadian international relations. And yet, in 1947 and in 1956, Canadian officials undertook fateful actions that shaped this region’s politics. This paper examines Canadian foreign policy toward the Middle East during the 1940s and 1950s, the so-called golden age of Canada’s international influence. In this period, and despite a reputation as honest brokers, Canadian officials came to identify with and support Israel, a country they viewed favourably because they saw it as a fellow Western state that stood out from its Oriental neighbours. Examining how Canadian foreign policy elites viewed Israel, Palestine, the wider Arab world, and the people of these regions during the 1940s and 1950s, this paper traces Orientalism’s important influence on Canada’s relations with the Middle East and stance toward the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Canadian foreign policy analysis and Inuit within Canada

ABSTRACT This article examines transnational Indigenous cooperation among Permanent Participants in the Arctic Council using decolonialism and Indigenization in Canadian foreign policy analysis. The mainstream IR approaches primarily consider Indigenous NGOs as civil society groups united by common interests and cultures and as organizations that promote social change. This study argues that unlike other types of NGOs, Indigenous organizations have a complex social identity, which is influenced by settler-colonial heritage. Besides this, transnationalism promotes collective Indigenous agency. Like feminist IR, Indigenous IR scholarship challenges dominant worldviews and conceptualizations of Westphalian sovereignty, nation-state, and security. This study suggests comparing the state-centred IR concepts and Inuit within Canada’s understandings of the same terms. Although the Inuit within Canada perceive international relations distinctly, their conceptualizations of IR should be recognized by state structures. The article suggests that CFPA should incorporate Indigenous ways of knowing and promote transnational Indigenous IR studies to decolonize foreign policy and include Indigenous views in analysis.

China-Canada Economic Relations in the Early 21st Century

In Canada's corporate and political communities, it is now commonly acknowledged that China is becoming a global economic superpower. For instance, it is now accepted knowledge that all companies, and even all government agencies, must create a "China Strategy," whether or not they conduct any business with China directly. Since the conclusion of the Cold War, China has assumed a larger role in world geopolitics and gained the attention of the most influential political figures. Canada is a prime example of a selective or specialized power today and looks to have established its steady place in international affairs. In order to assess the position of the modern People's Republic of China (PRC) in Canadian foreign policy, this paper explores Canada-China relations from the most current angle. This study examines several facets of bilateral ties, including human rights and democracy, economics and commerce, the ability of Chinese Canadians to advocate and their impact on Ottawa's PRC policies. An overview of the development of ties between Canada and China is also included in the article.

Overlooking nature: the Arctic, climate change, and environmental diplomacy in the study of Canadian foreign policy

ABSTRACT This article examines three prominent concepts in post-Cold War foreign policy in Canada: the Arctic, climate change, and environmental diplomacy. We study the prevalence of articles on these topics in the wider field of Canadian foreign policy studies, who is responsible for their production, and how they relate to each other and to the broader field of Canadian foreign policy studies. Through a quantitative analysis of these concepts in six academic journals between 1989 and 2022, we find that contrary to their importance to Canadian foreign policy practice during that time, the Arctic, climate change, and environmental diplomacy are: (1) marginal to mainstream scholarship on Canadian foreign and security policy; (2) conceptually closely linked together; and (3) shaped by the knowledge production of a relatively small epistemic community of scholars. We outline the methodology of our literature review for the Arctic, climate change, and environmental diplomacy within Canadian foreign policy scholarship, present our findings, and discuss their significance for understanding these topics within the broader field of Canadian foreign policy studies.

Local impacts, global consequences: assessing the mass displacement and migration tied to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine

ABSTRACT Since Russia’s February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, the region’s dynamics have shifted considerably calling for an interdisciplinary assessment of the reverberating effects at home and abroad. This special issue of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal contributes to contemporary public affairs, refugee, migration, and diaspora studies by offering an overview of the broad impacts underway. The issue’s international authors give readers an opportunity to listen to voices addressing all levels of the invasion’s challenges–socially, politically, and economically–uniting thematic and regional expertise on this urgent topic while making linkages between Canada and the region. Their contributions bridge the disciplines of history, geography, political science, architecture, sociology, public policy, and philosophy. This introductory text provides an initial reflection on the pressing issues, summarizing the broad consequences of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine while outlining each author’s distinct contribution. In addition to discussions of the invasion's consequences, it also begins to frame the resultant openings—and challenges—of greater regional pluralism moving forward, as refugees and internally displaced persons leave their homes and interact with new host societies, both domestically and internationally. This special issue looks across the affected region while offering a unique view overseas into the impacts here in Canada.

The Arctic as a New Priority for Canada-US Relations and Canadian Foreign Policy

In 2023, a number of analytical articles analyzing Canada's role in the world were published. The Canadian researchers agree that the country's foreign policy interests are concentrated within the North American continent. Experts call the Arctic and the North a priority area of bilateral Canada-US relations and Canadian foreign policy in general. The discussion of this issue has also been developed at the official level. Protection of sovereignty in the Arctic is among the priorities of Canadian policy, as well as cooperation with the U.S. on the modernization of NORAD. In turn, an analysis of U.S. official documents allows us to conclude that Canada and the United States share the same assessment of risks and threats in the Arctic and that the United States is interested in deepening cooperation with Canada on issues related to ensuring the security of the Arctic region and the North American continent.

Explaining Canada’s Unsurprising Response to Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine, 2022–2023

This study argues that Canada’s foreign policy behavior has remained predictably unchanged in the face of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Historically, Canada’s foreign policy has been directed by external considerations, specifically a liberal international order, multilateralism, key allies, and the United States. These orientations have determined Canadian foreign policy for generations. They guide Canada’s foreign policy decision-making but are sometimes contradictory. In the case of Ukraine in 2022, however, these orientations aligned perfectly, allowing the Justin Trudeau government to participate in international efforts to support Ukraine without controversy. This paper surveys four major external orientations and one domestic orientation before describing the country’s contributions to international efforts to support Ukraine. It concludes with a discussion about the troubling implications of a foreign policy that is tightly linked to external consideration: the costs of exit and the fundamental purpose of Canada’s foreign policy in the first place.

The Efficient and Dignified Roles of the Crown in Canadian Foreign Policy

This article draws on Walter Bagehot's distinction between efficient and dignified institutions to examine an understudied facet of the monarchy in Canada: the Crown's role in Canadian foreign policy. The Canadian Crown acts in global affairs in two ways: through the efficient prerogative powers of the Crown exercised by Cabinet, and by means of the dignified “public diplomacy” performed by the office of the governor general. The article demonstrates that the Crown's prerogative powers remain the underlying authority that Canadian governments exercise when pursuing foreign policy objectives and acting in the world. The article then traces the growth of the vice-regal office's foreign policy functions, as well how the governor general's public diplomacy efforts contribute to Canada's global engagement. The article concludes with a brief discussion of King Charles III's place in Canadian foreign affairs as the head of state of multiple, independent realms.

US-Canada Relations in the 1950s - 1980s: Consensus or Disagreement?

The purpose of the article is to finalize the impact of the relationship between the USA and Canada on the Canadian foreign policy in 1957-1984. The author focuses the reader’s attention on analysis of trends in the relations between USA and Canada, as well as the identification of the patterns of their further development. Based on the use of an appropriate historical sources and scientific literature, the article gives an idea of the characteristic features of the relationship between the USA and Canada during the premierships of John Diefenbaker, Lester Pearson, Pierre Trudeau. When writing an article, the author uses a comparative historical method, as well as an interdisciplinary approach. The first allows us to compare the development of the relations between USA and Canada in 1957-1984. The latter shows the influence of the relationship between USA and Canada on the activities of political parties in Canada. The scientific contribution of the author of the article is that for the first time in Russian historiography, he considers not just the general directions of Canada’s foreign policy, but analyzes the key of them - the relationship between USA and Canada, its evolution and dynamics. The author comes to the conclusion that the periodization of the relationship between USA and Canada reflected the complexity of their development, and the anti-americanism of Diefenbaker and Trudeau had no deep foundation. Firstly, it was the result of Diefenbaker’s personal grievances against Kennedy. Secondly, Trudeau demonstrated that Canada’s foreign policy has an independent character. However, this did not mean his departure from the relationship between USA and Canada as a major.

ESTABLISHMENT OF BASIC APPROACHES TOWARDS FOREIGN POLICY OF CANADA

The article deals with Canada’s foreign policy conceptual orientations on the world arena. Historically, Canada’s endeavor to define its position on both global and regional levels correlated with a number of factors, like the impact of the world super-powers, establishing international organizations (UN, NATO, OSCE), relations with the European countries in the realm of integrational processes on the European continent. The aim of the article is analysing basic principles of foreign policy formation in a post-war period and covering the main approaches: Continentalism, Europeanism and Internationalism. Methods of research involve systemic and chronological approach in theoretical analysis based on transdisciplinary scholars’ investigation. The outcome of the research ensures multilateral approach towards realizing Canada’s role in the world politics. Chronological analysis of transatlantic policy may result as follows: Canadian foreign policy effectively involves alternative external orientations, aimed at diversification of international relations, with the objective of its personal role as both neutral and active representative of international environment.

Canadian developmental assistance in Southeast Asia

ABSTRACT Canada has provided development cooperation funding to Southeast Asia since the 1950s, but lacked consistency over time. Aid priorities echoed wider Canadian foreign policy goals and trends in global development thought. Early stress on infrastructure and “basic needs” gave way to “civil society strengthening,” then to corporate partnerships. An early focus on aid to Malaysia shifted to Indonesia, then to Vietnam and the Philippines, and finally to democratizing Myanmar – a trend reversed since military rule. Canada was also briefly a leading donor to Timor-Leste. Government has relied heavily on non-governmental organizations to deliver aid to the region. As NGO freedom shifted into firmer government control, aid effectiveness and Canada’s reputation in the region have been harmed. A new shift within Canada’s “feminist international assistance policy” may herald a return to centering non-governmental voices. This article offers a historical overview of Canadian development assistance work in Southeast Asia. It argues that despite some success stories, changing priorities in Ottawa have hampered overall effectiveness. Canadian governments have too often undermined their own claims to seek long-term economic development through aid. Listening to civil society in Southeast Asia and stronger awareness of Southeast Asian priorities would create more effective aid outcomes.

Opportunities to Promote Human Rights and Democratic Norms Abroad: The Case of Canadian Foreign Policy Toward Cuba

ABSTRACT This article argues that to understand Canadian foreign policy toward Cuba, and specifically its quiet and reserved support for democratization in the island, one needs to examine the opportunities at both ends of the bilateral relationship; specifically, opportunities for democratization in Cuba, and opportunities to prioritize human rights and democratic values in Canadian foreign policy. The greater these opportunities, as is the case for bilateral relations with Venezuela and Nicaragua for instance, the greater the probability that a vigorous policy of democracy promotion will be adopted. Conversely, in the case of bilateral relations with Cuba, low opportunities make this option unlikely, although the article examines how that could change, in light of the recent protests of July 2021.

Left, but how left? Analyzing the foreign policy of the New Democratic Party of Canada

This article analyzes the modern foreign policy of the New Democratic Party of Canada (NDP). It uses the framework of Aaron Ettinger's work in the International Journal on an emerging left-wing in the US Democratic Party. I first situate the research within the existing literature on leftist internationalism, Canadian foreign policy, and the New Democratic Party. I then analyze a dataset that I created based on the last five NDP federal election platforms and use it to analyze 210 different foreign policy commitments. I use these findings to argue two things: (1) the NDP has a comprehensive foreign policy that reflects dual struggles of electability and left-wing ideals; (2) there is no identifiable left-wing turn in recent NDP platforms. I conclude this article with a discussion on the future of NDP foreign policy.

In search of a Canadian Middle East policy: A look at past approaches

Public debate about Canada's role in the Middle East is divided between two camps. One camp contends that Canadian foreign policy should return to its Pearsonian roots, in which Canada plays the role of a dispassionate but honest broker. The other holds that Canada's foreign policy should be defined by high-minded principles. The disagreement is over norms, not interests. This paper refers to two former Prime Ministers who roughly embody the two schools of thought on Canada's foreign and defense policy in the Middle East: Lester B. Pearson and Stephen Harper. Contrary to conventional wisdom that Harper was a realist and Pearson, a Pearsonian, the paper demonstrates that Pearson pursued a realist foreign policy that advances Canada's national security interests whereas Harper was guided by a values-based neo-conservative ideology.

Language, Federalism and Canadian Diplomacy

Canadian diplomacy has greatly shaped Canada’s debates over language and vice versa. How has the history of Canadian diplomacy reflected the bilingual and bicultural nature of the country? Or, conversely, how have Canada’s debates over language and Quebec nationalism affected Canadian diplomacy? The answers are complex. Francophone diplomats played a key role in pushing for Canadian autonomy from Britain at the 1926 Imperial Conference. As Robert Talbot explained, “Canadian foreign policy was being shaped with French-Canadian and modern Anglo-Canadian priorities in mind.” This role was less prominent over the following three decades but, with the election of the Quebec Liberals in 1960, federal diplomacy became directly challenged by Quebec’s international ambitions. This tension reached a crisis point with the Montreal 1967 visit of General Charles De Gaulle, President of France, and again during the Quebec referendums of 1980 and 1995.

Canada's 1927 Election to the Council of the League of Nations: Imperial Unity and National Interests

The activities of universal international organizations (the League of Nations and the UN) have always influenced the dynamics of world processes. In the article, the author examines the election of Canada to the Council of the League of Nations in 1927. This event influenced the principle of the formation of the system of electoral groups, reflected on the transformation of relations between the Empire and the Dominions, determined the vector of development of Canadian foreign policy in the framework of the concept of "middle power".

Silences in Canadian Foreign Policy Textbooks and Course Outlines

In this article, I examine one book, seven edited volumes, and twenty-four Canadian Foreign Policy course outlines to assess the inclusion of women scholars, feminist research, Indigenous scholars, and Indigenous-themed research. As we will see, the degree to which “silences have been broken” is strikingly uneven. Indigenous scholars are rare in the field and the inclusion of work by Indigenous scholars is also rare. The extent of inclusion of women scholars in edited volumes is varied, as is the representation of women scholars in readings found in course outlines. Some texts and course outlines show that the silences have been broken. However, through whose work they include, some textbooks and course outlines suggest that the work of women scholars remains marginal to the field, that Indigenous content is of little relevance, and in some cases, the work of Indigenous and female scholars is neither heard nor seen.

Much ado about very little: Canada’s national interests in history and practice

Ever since Canada failed to be elected to the United Nations Security Council as a non-permanent member in June 2020, there have been calls for Ottawa to realign Canadian foreign policy with the national interest. It is hardly the first time that such a plea has been made: critics advocated similarly in the 1870s, the 1930s, the 1960s, and the 2000s. Yet, in each case, they recommended a different policy solution. Having reviewed these episodes, this essay concludes that the real debate in Canadian foreign policy has never been about the national interest, per se. To borrow from the language of strategy, Ottawa’s critics have merely privileged different “ways” of achieving the same “ends,” while everyone yearns for the “means” to do more.