Cabinet Decision Research Articles

일제 말기 '국민징용령'에 따른 조선인 노무동원의 시기와 실태

This article is an empirical review of the way Koreans were forcibly mobilized by issuing a conscription order during the Asia-Pacific War. In the meantime, the labor mobilization of Koreans following the issuance of the draft ordinance has been largely recognized as the Cabinet decision on August 8, 1944, and the application of general labor after September. According to the 1939 Labor Mobilization Plan, the “collective transfer” of Koreans was implemented in a way of recruitment, government arrangement, and recruitment. And each mobilization method was changed according to the policy judgment of the Japanese government’s cabinet decision. Recruitment in 1939, government mediation in 1942, and conscription in 1944 were all the results of such policy decisions. National draft was enacted in July 1939 under the enactment of the “National Service Draft Ordinance” and was implemented on October 1 of the same year in Joseon. However, it is recognized in existing studies that it was first invoked in 1944 after hesitating to invoke it out of fear of “national resistance” to the invocation of the conscription decree. This perception was almost uncritically accepted. There was no review of the reason for the delay until 1944. Can the gap from the enforcement of October 1, 1939 to the Cabinet decision of August 8, 1944 be explained by ‘national resistance’? The Japanese government was cautious from the beginning of the enactment, fearing that the invocation of the draft ordinance would disrupt the economy and bring about public resistance. Then, as the war situation worsened, the government strengthened the strong relocation of labor by expanding the target and clarifying the nationality. 1944 was the year when the largest expansion of private businesses was made to expand military supplies. On the other hand, the number of workers plunged to one-third of the previous year due to the provision of troops. Against this background, the Korean people’s invocation of the requisition order was necessary for strong labor relocation. This is the background of the 1944 announcement, known as “national resistance.” In addition, the invocation of the requisition order was already in effect before that, overshadowing the explanation that it was in accordance with the Cabinet decision on August 8, 1944. In fact, the Cabinet’s decision was nothing more than a policy decision that tolerated the reality that the draft ordinance had no choice but to be widely applied to relocate labor to a vast private workplace.

Changes in Implementation and Teacher's Trust Curriculum in English in Malaysia

This concept paper aims to identify the changes that occur in the education system in Malaysia regarding the curriculum in English. The writing of this concept paper was made with reference to two previous studies based on (Fullan's Theory of Educational Change, 2001; Stenhouse's Curriculum Model, 1975). The findings of previous studies show different opinions on the need for English language teaching, although administrators' attitudes towards facilitating English language teaching in their schools are generally very positive. However, they expressed concern about the newly replaced teaching program and indicated general agreement that a review was needed. While the findings of the interviews showed a very significant change in teachers' beliefs towards curriculum changes in English involving management, teaching and assessment as well as student learning. The implications of this concept paper have an impact on national education policy such as implementing changes in education policy in the teaching and learning of Science and Mathematics in English which was implemented in 2003 with the approval of the Cabinet decision (2002). In addition, the implications of this implementation also involve implications for teacher training and educational institutions. In conclusion, changing the attitude and role of administrators as well as teachers' beliefs is a very important element to make educational institutions a center for the production of human capital that should be sensitive and ready to make changes so that the generation built through the implementation of the curriculum in English becomes a reality and works for the country.

The Asquith Cabinet and the Decision to Send an Expeditionary Force to France in 1914

ABSTRACT The decision to send the British Expeditionary Force to France has been much discussed from the perspective of its long-term military-strategic background. Yet where the eventual decision to despatch the Force in August 1914 is concerned, limited attention has been paid to the role of the British Cabinet, which gave political approval to the step. Some historians have highlighted a Cabinet decision of 1 August against sending the BEF abroad and pointed out that Prime Minister H.H. Asquith and two key ministerial allies – Lord Haldane and Sir Edward Grey – accepted it. No one has provided a full analysis of why this trio of ministers consistently stuck to their position over the following days. Nor does a full explanation exist of the Cabinet’s eventual agreement, on 6 August, to approve the despatch of the Force. This analysis addresses these questions, arguing that far from being some reluctant step forced on the interventionists by their anti-war colleagues, Asquith, Haldane, and Grey pre-emptively decided to delay the despatch of the BEF. They did this as a way of preventing the disintegration of the government, while leaving open the possibility that Britain would go to war.

The Silence of the Treaty of Peace with Japan on the Sovereignty over Dokdo ‒ A Subject of Interpretation? ‒

This paper ascertains whether the interpretation of the 1951 Treaty of Peace with Japan is useful for determining the legal status of Dokdo(Takeshima). The treaty, while delimiting the boundaries of Japanese territories in Article 2(a), contains no explicit provision concerning the attribution of Dokdo. In these circumstances, there have been various attempts to establish the status of these islands with reference to the context and travaux préparatoires of that treaty, which have constituted one of the major issues in the controversies between Korea and Japan about the sovereignty over Dokdo. Japan has insisted that, considering the deletion of Dokdo from the Article 2(a) enumerating the islands belonging to Korea, Dokdo remains a part of Japanese territory and that, considering the relevant diplomatic documents of the U.S. government, Dokdo should be regarded as intentionally excluded from the territories that Japan must renounce. According to Japan, as Article 2(a) of the treaty means that Japan recognized the separation and independence of Korea as annexed by Japan in 1910, Dokdo, which had been incorporated into Japanese territory through the cabinet decision of 1905 prior to the annexation, could not be regarded as a territory that Japan should return to Korea. This position has been refuted by Korea suggesting that Article 2(a) mentioning only three islands without referring to Dokdo could not be interpreted as excluding Dokdo from the territories Japan should renounce. Regarding the incorporation of Dokdo by Japan in 1905, Korean government asserts that this act was null and illegal inasmuch as these islands had been a part of Korean territory till then. Given the silence of the Peace Treaty with Japan on the attribution of Dokdo, it should be emphasized that the interpretation of the treaty is not so useful for resolving the problem. Surely the inquiries into the context and the process of the preparation of the treaty could be of a great importance in establishing the stream of the consciousness of the Allied Powers concerning the status of Dokdo and in understanding the details of how the mention of Dokdo was deleted in the final text. However, such an approach could not afford any answer to the question of the attribution of these islands. There has been no agreement among the Allies on the attribution of Dokdo, which made them adopt the Article 2(a) without mentioning these islands. As such the Parties to the treaty could be considered to have intended not to stipulate the attribution of Dokdo. Therefore, the interpretation of the Treaty of 1951 would not be adequate for determining the legal status of these islands. It would be unreasonable for Japan to assert that Dokdo(Takeshima) belongs to it by the 1951 Treaty of Peace in the same way that Korea can affirm its sovereignty over Dokdo without relying upon the interpretation of the treaty.

Challenges and Road Map towards Starting a New COVID Hospital.

ABSTRACT Background and Aim:With advent of the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (covid-19) pandemic, need for a dedicated government hospital was felt. Following directions after a cabinet decision, a dedicated Covid hospital was made functional within a month in Central district of Delhi. This manuscript briefs the journey and challenges experienced during this mission.Method:As per decision of the state health ministry, bed allocation was planned along with provision for diagnosis, treatment and prevention of Covid -19. Various trainings were simultaneously conducted, licences were obtained and manpower and material were arranged starting with procurement to service provision and waste management.Result:Concerted efforts resulted in initiation of clinical and diagnostic services within one month of initiation of teamwork. Government supported in all the licencing requirements and material management. The hospital became functional during the first wave; and by the start of second wave, 20-bedded fully equipped Intensive Care Unit (ICU) was ready with pressure swing adsorber (PSA) oxygen generator in premises.Conclusion:A well-coordinated action in the right direction with administrative support can help in achieving difficult targets. Opening a new hospital amidst lockdown and resource constraints in an emergency situation was a rewarding achievement.

The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Middle Eastern and North African History

The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Middle Eastern and North African History

The first German climate case

This article explains the first German climate case filed against the Federal Government in the Berlin Administrative Court in 2018 and decided in October 2019. The article identifies and examines the key elements of the decision of the Berlin Court and it places the legal issues of the case within the relevant framework of German administrative court procedure law, administrative law and constitutional law. The case evolved around the legally binding force of a cabinet decision of the Federal Government which laid down the German greenhouse gas emissons reduction target for 2020. Despite the fact that the application was dismissed for lack of standing, some important legal developments can be derived from the judgment, especially in relation to justiciability of the case and the state’s duty to protect fundamental rights under the German Basic Law (Grundgesetz) in the climate change context. Just after the judgment was delivered, the German Federal Parliament (Bundestag) adopted the first Federal Climate Protection Act in November 2019 and thus defined the state’s new climate targets in statutory form. This changed the legal landscape and claimants consequently abstained from appealing the judgment. However, the German Constitutional Court now has the opportunity to clarify further some of the legal issues that arose in this first German climate case from applying ‘traditional’ legal concepts to the challenge of climate change, if it decides to hear the constitutional complaint which was filed in 2020 against the Federal Climate Protection Act.

الطعن على قرار إحالة العطاءات في عقد األشغال العامة دراسة مقارنة بين التشريعات األردنية والفلسطينية

This study discusses the issue of contesting the resolution related to the assignment of bids in the public works contract in both Palestine and Jordan. The legislators in both countries have organized the legal procedures that the administrative bodies and the bidders must adhere to when contracting in the public works of government according to the bylaw resolution 8 of 2014 on Palestinian General Procurement, and the Cabinet Decision of the Palestinian Public Procurement System for 2014, as well as the instructions of the Jordanian government tenders for the year 1987. The appeal may be based on the resolution of referral through the defects of the administrative resolution, which is the defect of deviation, jurisdiction, form and procedures, or based on the resolution to refer to an incorrect reason or defect of violation of the law. The post-contract disputes are assigned to the ordinary court, The interpretation of the contract and the rights of its parties is a dispute governed by the contract, where it is considered a civil dispute. The study concluded that the resolution of assignment in the contract of public works should be subject to the full jurisdiction of the administrative judiciary, with the necessity for the Palestinian Administrative Judiciary to become Cancellation and compensation judiciary with multiple administrative courts in terms of location, Similar to the Jordanian administrative judiciary.

Portrayal of women in advertisements: A regulating perspective

India is a country where women population is 631 million against the total population of 1.3 billion (sex ratio is 943 females per 1000 male). “The principle of gender equality is enshrined in the Indian Constitution in its Preamble, Fundamental Rights, Fundamental Duties and Directive Principles. The Constitution not only grants equality to women, but also empowers the State to adopt measures of positive discrimination in favour of women.” On the contrary, the Indian television has portrayed the image of women in an unrealistic manner. Most advertisements project distorted image of woman, cigarette ads like “Wills”, in which a half-dressed woman with her male counterpart is seen enjoying the charm of smoking or of soft drink “Frooti”, where a woman is quenching her thrust in again a revealing dress in a swimming pool. In most of the television advertisements only the sexual signification of a female is being exploited for attention. The simple reason for it is that the sensational portrayal of women in advertisement helps to attract attention of the target audience in favour of a respective product or service. Advertisements like “Slice” (Soft Drink), many type of Deodorants, Body Spray like “Engage”, “Axe”, “Wild Stone” and products for men are quite sensuous in projecting women models. In many two and four wheeler advertisements and advertisement of E-commerce website of second hand products also have been using women models often as glamorous and self-centred. This paper aims to identify the important legal and constitutional provisions for women, in India, with special reference to Representation of women in advertisements. The Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act was passed in 1986. It is an Act to prohibit indecent representation of women through advertisements or in publications, writings, paintings, and figures or in any other manner and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto. The paper would also bring out the legal provisions, and questions its applicability to advertisements. “The Union Cabinet decision to extend the scope of the Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act of 1986 (IRWA) to cover the indecent portrayal of women through audio-visual digital media including SMSs, MMSs, etc., shows a light of hope, as it is a law focused towards preventing indecent portrayal of women in general.” A historical case study approach was done to trace the evolution and bring out the landmark judgments in favor of women and their representation in advertisements.

Equating Social Inclusion With Income Inequality: A Note on the Recent Reservation Policy in Kerala

Retaining of a hierarchical social order looms over the discussion on representation in all walks of life. Caste based reservation in India emerged in this backdrop as a panacea for social oppression and hierarchy; whereas the income-based reservation argument is a product of bridging economic inequality by keeping the view of class divisions. The LDF government of Kerala in its cabinet decision on November 15th 2017 brought a new recruitment policy in Devaswom Board – increasing the community-based reservation from 32 to 40 percent and an additional income based reservation to economically poorer Hindus belonging to forward communities. The current note is an examination of the rationale of bringing income based reservation over the caste based reservation; and in what way the policy is (in)compatible to address the intra community disparity with reference to government employment.

Policy by Other Means: Collective Self-Defense and the Politics of Japan's Postwar Constitutional Reinterpretations

Policy by Other Means:Collective Self-Defense and the Politics of Japan's Postwar Constitutional Reinterpretations Adam P. Liff (bio) keywords japan, security policy, u.s.-japan alliance, collective self-defense, japanese constitution [End Page 139] executive summary This article analyzes Japan's landmark cabinet decision reinterpreting the constitution to allow the limited exercise of collective self-defense (CSD) in both a historical and a contemporary context and assesses its implications for the conditions under which Japan may use military force. main argument In July 2014, a historic cabinet decision reinterpreted Article 9 of Japan's 1947 constitution to allow the use of force to aid an ally under attack, overturning 60 years of authoritative constitutional interpretations categorically prohibiting Japan's exercise of CSD. The decision was followed by a revision of the U.S.-Japan Defense Guidelines and landmark legislation intended to transform Japan's security policy. Yet the change is evolutionary rather than revolutionary. Japan's self-imposed precondition for the use of force by the Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) remains uniquely strict: an armed attack posing an existential threat to Japan's security. Nor is this the first case of a major reinterpretation of Article 9. Though its original wording remains untouched, the article's effective policy significance has changed repeatedly over 70 years in accordance with shifting domestic political winds and perceived strategic exigencies. Specific to post-2014 developments, understanding what changed and why—especially how Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his allies' push for full exercise of CSD failed—elucidates the strategic, political, and normative factors shaping changes to Japan's security policy and the U.S.-Japan alliance. policy implications • While Japan may now legally exercise "limited" collective self-defense, unique, self-imposed conditions appear so strict that the use of force in support of allies or partners outside a defense-of-Japan scenario seems unlikely. • Security legislation in effect since 2016 opens up space for more expansive JSDF logistical support for U.S. military operations, bilateral planning, and exercises, as well as new authorities that somewhat resemble collective security or CSD operations in peacetime, including use of small arms during UN peacekeeping operations and protection of foreign militaries engaged in activities contributing to Japan's defense. • Without formal constitutional revision (at a minimum), however, more ambitious efforts to fundamentally transform Article 9's interpretation or the scope of scenarios in which Japan can use force overseas are unlikely without major domestic political realignments. [End Page 140] On July 1, 2014, global headlines were awash with news of Japan's historic cabinet decision "reinterpreting" its never-revised 1947 constitution to allow the country for the first time to exercise collective self-defense (CSD)—the UN Charter–sanctioned right to use force to aid an ally under attack. This substantively unprecedented, controversial decision spearheaded by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe overturned 60 years of authoritative government interpretations forbidding the exercise of CSD on constitutional grounds. It sparked a political firestorm domestically, and its policy impact was swift: in April 2015, Tokyo and Washington rewrote the seminal document articulating the allies' respective responsibilities and procedures for operational coordination. In March 2016, landmark legislation intended to transform and "normalize" Japan's security posture and expand the roles and missions of the Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) came into effect. The debate that was sparked by the Abe administration's push to enable Japan to exercise CSD without formally revising the constitution's famous Article 9 "peace clause" became a revealing focal point for the latest intense contestation of core issues permeating Japan's postwar domestic politics. These issues range from the legitimacy and appropriate role of Japan's de facto military and alliance with the United States to deeply sensitive domestic political issues concerning civil-military relations, Japan's democratic institutions, and even national identity. The political atmosphere was highly incendiary. Domestic and overseas criticism of Abe's allegedly unprecedented affront to Japan's democratic norms and constitutionalism was widespread, while warnings of resurgent Japanese "militarism" abounded and opposition parties disparaged bills codifying the reinterpretation in law as "war legislation" (senso hoan) that would inevitably trap young Japanese in foreign wars "on the far side of the...

Formulation Process of Diet Law and Cabinet Law in Japan – A Comparative Study of Basic Environmental Law and Basic Law on Biodiversity –

<p>This paper introduces the process of law formulation and the characteristics of basic laws in Japan. More specifically, this paper presents the effects of the Basic Environmental Law and the Basic Law on Biodiversity on environmental administration as a case study. In Japan, both the cabinet and legislators can submit a bill to the diet. When a ministry develops a bill, it must obtain a report from a council that justifies the necessity of the new law. The ministry must then obtain approval from the ruling party and consent among the other ministries including the Cabinet Legislation Bureau. After a cabinet decision, the bill is submitted to the diet. At the end of 2015, there were 48 basic laws in effect, and while there is no firm definition of a basic law, such a law generally provides simple policy framework and direction. The cabinet submitted the bill of the Basic Environmental Law, and the law was established in 1993. A collaboration of environmental officers and big-name politicians initiated its formation, and the law legalized environmental impact assessments, economic instruments, and provided a global environmental policy, significantly improving Japanese environmental policy. A group of NGOs drafted the Basic Law on Biodiversity, which was subsequently submitted by diet members. It was established in 2008; however, it has not significantly influenced environmental policy. Major issues stipulated by the Basic Law on Biodiversity had already been implemented or planned prior to the establishment of the law.</p>

Temporal variability of sewage sludge heavy metal content from Greek wastewater treatment plants

Abstract The aim of this study was to evaluate the temporal variations of selected heavy metals level in anaerobic fermented and dewatered sewage sludge. Sewage sludge samples were collected in different seasons and years from three municipal wastewater treatment plants (WWTPs) located in Northern Greece, in Kavala (Kavala and Palio localities) and Drama (Drama locality) Prefectures. An investigation of the potential of sludge utilization in agriculture was performed, based on the comparison of average total heavy metal concentrations and of chromium species (hexavalent, trivalent) concentrations with the allowed values according to the Council Directive 86/278/EEC and Greek national legislation (Joint Cabinet Decision 80568/4225/91) guidelines. In this regard, all the investigated heavy metals (Cd, Cr, Cu, Ni, Pb, Zn, Hg) and chromium species Cr(VI) and Cr(III) have average concentrations (dry matter weight) well below the legislated thresholds for soil application, as following: 2.12 mg kg−1 Cd; 103.7 mg kg−1 Cr; 136.4 mg kg−1 Cu; < 0.2 mg kg−1 Hg; 29.1 mg kg−1 Ni; 62.0 mg kg−1 Pb; 1253.2 mg kg−1 Zn; 1.56 mg kg−1 Cr(VI) and 115.7 mg kg−1 Cr(III). Values of relative standard deviation (RSD) indicate a low or moderate temporal variability for domestic-related metals Zn (10.3-14.7%), Pb (27.9-44.5%) and Cu (33.5-34.2%), and high variability for the metals of mixed origin or predominantly resulted from commercial activities, such as Ni (42.4-50.7%), Cd (44.3-85.5%) and Cr (58.2-102.0%). For some elements the seasonal occurrence pattern is the same for Kavala and Palio sludge, as following: a) Cd and Cr: spring>summer>winter; b) Cu, Ni and Pb: winter>spring>summer. On average, in summer months (dry season) metal concentrations are lower than in spring and winter (wet seasons), with the exception of Zn. For Kavala and Palio the results demonstrate that the increased number of inhabitants (almost doubled) in summer time due to tourism does not influence the metal levels in sludge. Comparing the results obtained for similar spring-summer-winter sequences in 2007 and 2010/11 and for the spring season in 2007, 2008 and 2010, it can be noticed that, in general, the average heavy metal contents show an increasing tendency towards the last year. In all the measurement periods, the Palio sludge had the highest metal contents and Kavala sludge the lowest, leading to the conclusion that the WWTP operating process rather than population has a significant effect upon the heavy metal content of sludge. Cr(VI)/Cr(total) concentration ratios are higher for Kavala sludge in the majority of sampling campaigns, followed by Drama and Palio sludge. The metals which present moderate to strong positive correlation have common origin, which could be a domestic-commercial mixed source.

Kōmeitō’s security ideals and collective self-defense: betwixt pacifism and compromises

After much deliberation, Kōmeitō, the junior partner in the second Abe Cabinet, supported the Cabinet Decision on the reinterpretation of the Japanese Constitution, which allowed for a limited version of collective self-defense. Since an expansion of the boundaries of Japanese security policy is not easily aligned with Kōmeitō’s pacifist ideals, the objective of this paper is to identify the rhetorical strategies employed by Kōmeitō in the process towards the Cabinet Decision. Through a reading of newspaper articles over a one and a half year-period, I find eight rhetorical “commonplaces”—commonsensical arguments—that the Kōmeitō leadership activated in their attempt to convince the public that Kōmeitō’s policy positions and political strategies were reasonable and to persuade the Liberal Democratic Party to rethink its position. An important finding is that most of the commonplaces Kōmeitō employed were about the form of the policy process rather than the content of the specific policies agreed upon.

Decoding Japan’s Security Discourse: Diverse Perspectives

East Asian theatre is fast evolving. China’s arrival as a major power in international politics is altering the existing regional balance of power and intensifying Japan’s quest for securing a rightful place in the international system. Japan is reacting to the asymmetrical power politics and Shinzo Abe is increasingly becoming restless in attempting to redefine Japan’s secondary power identity. This requires undoing the limitations that were forced on Japan in the post-war period, including the constitutional restrictions, especially the pacifist clause. Amid fiercely contested domestic debate, reinterpreting the pacifist constitution is certainly a bold step towards infusing clarity in Japan’s future security role. The key objective is to convey to Japan’s allies concerning the manner the SDF will cooperate with the US and other regional powers, such as Australia, India, Philippines, etc. How this ‘limited’ right to collective self-defence will translate into operation will remain to be seen. To understand the rapidly unfolding policy shift, it is imperative to understand the different waves of the debate on collective self-defence and deconstruct the recent cabinet decision; explore the arguments of the competing schools of thought in Japan; examine the nuances and drivers that propelled Japan to redefine its passive constitution; and understand how regional and extra-regional powers evaluate this policy reorientation. Few regional stakeholders raised an alarm over the approach adopted by Abe to achieve the policy objective underscoring his militarist ambitions. While the aggressive historical baggage has caused considerable unease, it is premature to be alarmed over Japan’s shifting security posture as possible re-militarisation is unlikely to represent the traits of Imperial Japan.

Contextualising Australia–Japan security cooperation: the normative framing of Japanese security policy

ABSTRACTOn July 1, 2014, Prime Minister Shinzō Abe's cabinet commenced a historic transformation of post-war Japan's security policy by overturning previous interpretations of the constitution's pacifist clause, Article 9. The Cabinet Decision on the Development of Seamless Security Legislation to Ensure Japan's Survival and Protect Its People stated that collective self-defence was consistent with the constitution and, consequently, Japan would immediately develop a more proactive and less constrained security policy. But while this outcome may seem sensible and overdue from a realist perspective of Japan's standing as a mature democratic nation in an increasingly difficult geopolitical situation, the manner in which it is being enacted may seriously undermine the normative legitimacy of Japan's new security identity. In this article, the author examines how Shinzō Abe's administration has attempted to shape the norms surrounding security policy revision in Japan, and how these norms, in turn, have affected or constrained Abe's agency. This is done with specific reference to the external contexts of the USA's ‘rebalance’ policy and the deepening of Japan's security relationship with Australia, with a view to anticipating how normative turmoil might impact on the potential of this relationship.

Revisiting the left cabinet share: How to measure the partisan profile of governments in welfare state research

Measuring the power of the political left with the ‘share of social democratic cabinet seats’ is the gold standard in the literature on partisan effects. We argue that this measure of left power suffers from conceptual ambiguity and propose an alternative approach to measure the ideological orientation of governments based on their power in cabinets and data on party positions. We see several shortcomings of the traditional measure: the social democratic cabinet share neglects the fact that parties’ ideological profiles differ across countries and have significantly changed over recent decades. Also, specific policy measures of party preferences are often more appropriate to gauge the government’s position than relying on highly aggregated left/right measures. In addition, the social democratic cabinet share does not take into account the impact of coalition partners, cabinet decision making and the possibility of minority governments relying on parliamentary support outside the cabinet on the ability of parties to implement the social policies. After discussing the reasons for the conceptual ambiguity of existing indicators for the power of the left, we present alternative measures for the ideological orientation of the government based on the composition of cabinets and different information about party positions. We demonstrate how these measures can be combined to a single indicator that takes into account both the ideological position of governing parties in a particular policy domain and their power to affect cabinet decisions. We critically discuss the availability and merits of data on party positions and cabinet compositions and provide recommendations for constructing measures in welfare state research.

Establishing Self‐regulatory Guideline for the Functional Claims of Health Foods Including Dietary Supplements in Japan

Within the scopeof the Revitalization Strategypolicies and elongating healthy life span, government of Japan has been in the process to set a new labeling system of health claims for processed foods and fresh foods, in which industries can describe functionality based on scientific evidence under industry responsibility, without individual reviews by the government that is currently required for Foods for Specified Health Uses. This new labeling rule is referred to the labeling system of the dietary supplement in the US. Government of Japan explored the way of appropriate labeling. A consumer survey was conducted in 2014 to clarify basic knowledge regarding currently revealed issues such as the evidence level to determine functionality labeling and the readability of the labeling among general consumers including specific population assumed to easily misunderstand health claims. Based on the survey results, issues and the new system will be discussed by relevant experts. The new rule is planned to be finalized and implementedby March 2015. This will be a major shift in the food functionality labeling system. An overview of the perspective of the studies on the new functionality labeling system, with focuses on the meaning of the cabinet decision statement and the main issues that are anticipated in the future, will be presented.

A Glimpse into North Korea's Psychiatric Care System

Few –if any-countries in the world are poorer, more totalitarian and, foremost, isolated than North Korea. The impact of this situation on the country's psychiatric care system is expected to be huge. Literature review on Pub-Med, Scopus and Google. Up to date, there are no studies on this topic from North Korea. Information comes only from North Korean defectors in South Korea, therefore caution is required. Anxiety disorders and depression seem to receive no specialized psychiatric treatment in North Korea. These disorders are ascribed to a malfunctioning autonomous nervous system and are commonly treated by neurologists. In 2012, according to WHO, 9,790 suicides have taken place in North Korea, a country of 22.5 million. Suicide appears to be viewed as an act of ‘treason’ against the state rather than a symptom of severe psychopathology. Patients with psychotic disorders are usually hospitalized in remote mental institutions called ‘number 49 prevention posts’ –after North Korea's cabinet decision No.49 on mental health-, under appalling conditions. The patients themselves are called ‘number 49 subjects’. Insulin-coma therapy seems to be still implemented in such places. Counseling and psychotherapy are apparently non-existent. Methamphetamine –used during the ‘Arduous March’ of the mid-90's for suppressing appetite-is the main substance of abuse. The low status of the specialty, the remote location and the terrible state of the mental institutions discourage the best medical students from becoming psychiatrists. Based on the available data, North Korea's psychiatric care system seems to suffer from very serious structural deficiencies.

Japan at a Crossroads: Abe Shinzo's Politics and Abenomics

In 2014, Prime Minister Abe Shinzo dominated Japanese politics. He successfully hiked the consumption tax in April and decisively won the Lower House Election in November. In an ideological tilt to the right, Abe also shifted Japan away from its post-war pacifism by making a cabinet decision to accept collective security. By paving the way for Japan to exercise military force through the assistance of third parties beyond its US ally, Abe will fundamentally change the role and identity of Japan in the post-Cold War era.