Buddhist Family Research Articles

Emotional Harmony: Strategies for Building a Prosperous and Happy Buddhist Family (HITA SUKHAYA)

Humans as social creatures need interaction and depend on each other. So that this interaction can be in line with each individual, a group is formed. Family is the smallest group in life. A family is formed from a household life, but married life is a choice in Buddhism, so when the choice falls on married life it is necessary to pay attention to strategies to create a happy and prosperous family. Building a household is the same as building a house, a strong foundation is needed so that the house can stand firmly, likewise, with the right foundation for a household, a harmonious, prosperous and happy family will be created. When marriage is no longer just about two people but two families, uniting two individuals who may have different characters and emotions is not easy, let alone two families. For this reason, it is necessary to understand the right strategy to create harmony in household life based on Buddhist teachings. The method for this writing is qualitative with a descriptive approach through various literature studies. In this article, we will explain everything from self-preparation in choosing the right partner to make it easier to take further steps, understanding the nature of marriage to be more confident in carrying out domestic life, and also the economy which is a generator of prosperity which is quite a topic of disharmony in the household. at this time. There is great hope that after understanding all of these concepts, Buddhists who choose to live as married people can create a prosperous, happy and harmonious Buddhist family based on Buddhist teachings (Hita Sukhaya)

Kekuatan Hukum Akta Hibah Wasiat Berdasarkan Putusan MA Nomor 2979K/Pdt/2019

A will or testament, according to Article 875 of the Civil Code, is a deed that contains information about a person's last message regarding what will happen to him when he dies. Cases related to testamentary grants in Supreme Court Decision Number 2979 K/Pdt/2019. In the case, it was explained that the will grant was given by a father to his son in a non-Chinese Buddhist family. This inheritance was from the couple Lay Tjin Ngo (plaintiff) and Sumita Chandra (late), and during Lay Tjin Ngo's marriage to Sumita Chandra, joint property had been obtained. The problem arose when Sumita Chandar, without the approval of Lay Tjin Ngo, made Testament Number 24 dated July 25, 2014, at Notary Kamelina, SH. The defendant's actions made Testament No. 24 dated July 25, 2014, even though there was no approval from The plaintiff, as the wife or partner of Sumita Chandra (late), is an act that violates and has caused losses to the plaintiff, who, as the wife of Sumita Chandra (late), is entitled to a portion of the joint assets of Sumita Chandra with the plaintiff. The problem discussed in this study is how the judge considers the deed of testamentary grants made by Sumita Chandra as the grantor to the defendant as the beneficiary of the will grant in terms of the perspective of joint assets and what the position of the will deed made by a notary is in terms of the perspective of shared assets. This research uses the case-based problem approach. The sources and types of data used are primary and secondary data. Based on the results of the research and discussion, it is stated that family law relates to joint property, and in the case of a testament made by a husband or wife when the spouse is still alive, the consent of the spouse is still valid.

Categorical confusions: gender and the colonial construction of the ‘Chinese Buddhist’ in Burma

British law in colonial Burma separated the legal personhood of imperial subjects by religious status. However, colonial law failed to clarify boundaries around religious categories. This lack of clarity was amplified when the court was forced to consider how to apply Buddhist law between different Buddhist communities, like the Chinese and Burmese. Owing to differences in how marriage, divorce, succession, and other rights are handled in Chinese- versus Burmese legal traditions, recognition as either Chinese or Burmese carried significant weight. Through a historical anthropology of Chinese-Burmese Buddhist family law in colonial Burma, this article argues that the British colonial judiciary’s failure to appreciate connections between Burmese and Chinese Buddhists produced novel legal segregations of mixed communities. Further, this categorical splitting was generated along gendered lines, where judicial acceptance of men’s claims of Chinese separateness disenfranchised native, mixed, and migrant women who sought to foreground their connections to Burma.

NILAI POSITIF TAYANGAN TELEVISI MENURUT KELUARGA BUDDHIS DI KABUPATEN KARANGANYAR

This article aims to describe the television shows that are the favorite of Buddhist families in Karanganyar Regency, and the most frequently used broadcasting hours for watching and how Buddhist families view the positive value of television shows. The research method used in this research is a case study. The research was conducted in Karanganyar Regency. The research data were obtained from interviews, documentation studies, participatory observations and direct observations. The results showed that the most accessible communication media was television. The time most often used to access is at 17.00 WIB - 23.00 WIB. The programs that become the favorites of the father's group are sports and news shows, the programs that become the favorites of the mother's group are soap operas and news, while the programs that become the favorite shows of the younger generation are infotainment shows. The positive values ​​that can be taken from television shows that are consumed by the Buddhist community include being diligent and diligent in worshiping, Tepo Sliro and love of peace.

How does Interpersonal Communication affect the Harmonious Buddhist Family?

This study aims to find out efforts to improve family harmony through interpersonal communication. Interpersonal communication plays an essential role in maintaining balance in a family. This research uses a quantitative approach with a survey method. The population studied was the householders of Dharma Dippa Monastery in Central Lampung, totaling 35 respondents, so the sampling used saturated samples. Based on the study results obtained t count of 3.742 and ttable of 35 Respondents with dk n-2, it becomes 35 respondents with a significant level of 0.05 is 1.334. Then it is known that t count ≥ t table with a value of 3.742 ≥ 334 or sig < 0.05 (0.001 < 0.05). So it can be concluded that the two variables have a regression relationship, and there is an influence between the interpersonal communication variable (X) on family harmony (Y), meaning that H0 is rejected and Ha is accepted. There is a positive and significant effect of interpersonal communication on family harmony. The magnitude of the influence of interpersonal communication on family harmony is 54.6%, and other theories outside this study influence the remaining 45.4%.

RELIGIOUS ETHICS EDUCATION OF MUSLIM AND BUDDHIST FAMILIES IN WATAMPONE

<p class="07AbstrakInggris">This paper examines the phenomenon of religious ethical education in Moslem and Buddhist families in the city of Watampone. This study aims to reveal the family behaviors in carrying out efforts to internalize the values of religious ethics in the scope of the family, especially children. In this case, the researcher focuses on the Moslem and Buddhist families, in order to find the multicultural and inclusive-based substance and formulation of inter-religious ethic education. This research is qualitative descriptive with phenomenological approach and using comparative method. Researchers found that the most essential thing in religious ethics education in the family is exemplary and good advice. Buddhist families in Watampone undertake ethical education with the application of the Majjima Patipada as a path to holiness, avoiding the bad kamma to attain nibbana. While the Moslem family paid great attention to aspects of worship and good manners (akhlaq mahmudah)</p>

Our social legacy will go on: Understanding outcomes of family SME succession through engaged Buddhism

Family business succession has been typically understood as a function of safeguarding a biological, social or material legacy for future generations. While existing scholarship has suggested that family business succession to non-kin warrants further exploration, few have identified religion as an influential factor in such a process. In this study, we offer a counterintuitive illustration to existing explanations of kin succession in family businesses influenced by the role of religion. Our study of 12 Buddhist family businesses in Vietnam shows a connection between non-kin succession and Buddhist philosophy. In particular, we find that the Buddhist principles of non-attachment and impermanence were instrumental in influencing how incumbents rejected succession as a biological and material legacy process. In contrast, family businesses conceived succession as the continuance of a social legacy, whereby those who were best-placed to carry on the social legacy were selected as successors. We offer an inductive conceptual model that connects Buddhist principles to the foregrounding of a social legacy and our paper concludes with implications and opportunities for further research.

Our social legacy will go on: Understanding outcomes of family SME succession through Buddhism

Family SME succession has repeatedly remarked how succession is a function of protecting a biological and material legacy for future generations. While scholarship has suggested that family SME succession to non-kin warrants further exploration, few have identified religion as a factor in the succession process. Our aim is to develop theory-building in this field by offering a counter-example that runs contrary to existing explanations of kin succession, and to illuminate the role of religion in that process. Our study of 12 Buddhist family SMEs shows a demonstrable link between family SME succession and Buddhist philosophy. In particular, the Buddhist principles of non-attachment and impermanence were instrumental in influencing how firms rejected succession as a biological and material legacy process. In contrast, Buddhist family SMEs conceived succession as the continuance of the social legacy, whereby those who were best-placed to carry on the social legacy were selected as successors. Implications and opportunities for further research are offered.

Talking about Death, Becoming Buddhist Families: A Case Study of Religious Parenting Education in Contemporary Taiwan

AbstractReligious belief and practice affect how parents engage their children; the experience of parenting, in turn, can reshape religious ideas. Religious parenting resources serve to guide parents’ understanding of their relationship with their children and provide an important perspective on the family as a site of religious practice. Taking a special issue of a Taiwanese Buddhist journal as a case study to examine parenting strategies around the topic of death, I argue that conversations with their children about death provide parents an opportunity to re-write traditional scripts around death. Discussions around death also serve to re-orient the parent-child relationship to give greater weight to the child’s voice, and offer space for the parent to learn as well. These religious parenting materials provide new Buddhist perspectives on death and on how parents and children should relate.

Chen Hailiang’s Vision of Buddhist Family Life: A Preliminary Study

This paper attempts to provide an overview of how modern Chinese Buddhists worked to blend self-cultivation and family life, with a focus on the ideal of the “Buddhicized family” (Fohua jiating 佛化家庭) as expressed in the writings of the lay Buddhist elite Chen Hailiang 陳海量 (1910–1983), which provided spiritual and material advice for readers striving to achieve equilibrium between religious requirements and social norms. Due to his extensive work with young Buddhist men and women who were seeking spouses, getting married, and starting their own families, Chen’s works paid close attention to issues of gender and sexuality, including childbirth, menstruation, masturbation, etc. Chen’s vision of modern Buddhist family life sheds light on significant processes of change taking place in the early twentieth century, with that religion’s urban elites seeking to define their approach to Buddhism in such a way that both maintained their commitment to social activism yet established the basis for a rich religious life. The data below highlight the complexity of Buddhist thought during the modern era, the interaction between religious discourses and others circulating at that time, and the continuing relevance of these issues in present-day Chinese societies around the world.

Contesting “Conversion” and “Reversion” among Young Adult Asian American Buddhists

This paper engages the perspectives of thirty young adult Asian American Buddhists (YAAABs) raised in non-Buddhist households. Grounded in semi-structured, one-on-one in-person and email interviews, my research reveals the family tensions and challenges of belonging faced by a group straddling multiple religious and cultural worlds. These young adults articulate their alienation from both predominantly white and predominantly Asian Buddhist communities in America. On the one hand, they express ambivalence over adopting the label of “convert” because of its Christian connotations as well as its associations with whiteness in the American Buddhist context. On the other hand, they lack the familiarity with Asian Buddhist cultures experienced by second- or multi-generation YAAABs who grew up in Buddhist families. In their nuanced responses to arguments that (1) American convert Buddhism is a non-Asian phenomenon, and (2) Asians in the West can only “revert” to Buddhism, these young adults assert the plurality and hybridity of their lived experiences as representative of all American Buddhists, rather than incidental characteristics of a fringe group within a white-dominated category.

От храма к домашнему алтарю (буцудан и дзуси в японской культуре)

The article focuses on one of the most important Buddhist sacred objects of Japanese religion known as household altar (butsudan) as well as the miniature icon case (zushi) which has genetic relation with the latter. These objects are the most typical examples of religious art in Japan. Aside from their major religious significance in Japanese culture, various religious ideas and many skillful techniques were incorporated to them that transform them into wonderful works of art. The Buddhist family altar is one of the most peculiar objects that characterize Japanese religiosity. This paper examines some issues of the origin, development and existence of a Buddhist altar. It is the center of family worship and devotional activities in Japan, as an important communication tool between this world and the world of the afterlife; it also produces a sense of continuity between the generations, e.g. when people report to the ancestors events related to the living members of the family. In Japan, where religion is increasingly observed critically, religious practices centered on the Butsudan are one of the country’s most enduring social and religious traditions.

Anagarika Dharmapala’s Meditation

ABSTRACT Dharmapala was the son of a pious Buddhist family, although educated in missionary schools where he acquired knowledge of English and Christian scripture. English gave him access to Western scholarship on Buddhism and made him a useful member of the Theosophical Society, which arrived in Sri Lanka in 1880. Wanting to be a religious worker, Dharmapala served as Colonel Olcott’s translator, and he soon came to be influenced by Madame Blavatsky’s highly imagined interpretation of Buddhism. The upshot was that Dharmapala’s lifelong practice of meditation was shaped by Theosophical interest in esoteric Buddhism and the moral course of the advanced spiritual seeker.

ブータン王国パロ県の農村集落チュバ及びアツォにおける伝統住居の屋内平面空間構成に関する研究

The original lifestyles in traditional Bhutanese houses are at risk of disappearance due to ongoing rapid modernization. This study aims to understand the spatial organization inside traditional Bhutanese houses through an empirical survey in Paro, Western Bhutan, on the uses of rooms and their names in local Dzongkha language. The research objects were seven traditional houses located in two communities, Chuba and Atsuo, located about seven kilometers north of the urban area of Paro, which is the second-largest city in the western part of the Kingdom of Bhutan. An on-site survey was carried out in the two villages to record the local Dzongkha name and the use of each room. In addition, the basic patterns of spatial organization and the use of each room/space were clarified and classified, and the following information on the characteristics of traditional houses in Atsuo and Chuba was ascertained. 1) The spatial arrangement of the traditional houses is different on each floor. The first floor is a non-residential space, which used to function as a barn for livestock and is now used for purposes such as storage. The living space is above this floor, and the top floor is a drying and storage space for the harvest. 2) The basic spatial organization of the main floor is, in order from the entrance, an intermediate space (Bako in Dzongkha), a living room (Youkha), and the Buddhist family chapel (Choshom) with an inner altar room (Tshamko). The main floor of three-story buildings is on the second level and that of four-story buildings is on the third level. 3) Common among the houses is the fact that the living room (Youkha) sees the most diversity in use and is regarded as the central space of life activities, while the Buddhist family chapel (Choshom) is the spiritual center of the house. The window side in the living room (Youkha) is the primary place for the view, sun and wind, and traditionally had precedence. The layout of the Buddhist family chapel, in which two rooms are joined together with the outer sanctum placed at the room entrance side and the inner sanctum placed at the far end, indicates its significance and high sanctity. 4) The ways of recognizing spaces find their expressions in local Dzongkha names, which differ from room names in English, thus reflecting the difference between cultures. Some names in Dzongkha (e.g., Bako, Youchu and Jabyong) express the placement of the space in the overall spatial organization rather than the room functions, as is the case in English. Also, Dzongkha room names for storage areas differ according to what is stored (e.g., Phung for food storage, Mithu for rice storage and Satao for fodder storage). These spaces/rooms do not have exact English translations, and it would be irrelevant to apply existing English room names to them. This should be noted for understanding the spatial organization, actual use and original characteristics of each room/space in traditional Bhutanese houses, which fostered Bhutanese people for a long time and engrave wisdoms on how to and what is to live in harmony with the environment.

Introduction: Tensions between Families and Religious Institutions

It has been well noted at this point that Buddhist studies has suffered from a disproportionate emphasis on its idealized ascetic representations. Family life has, as a result, been marginalized (if not entirely ignored).Recent scholarship has been broadening the conversation, challenging the worldview presented by popular textbook materials such as Walpola Rahula's What the Buddha Taught. The attempt to sever worldly attachments is certainly a key Buddhist goal, but it is not necessarily the practice around which all Buddhists organize their lives. Family ties have surely always bound Buddhist communities together, regardless of how impermanent those families might be or how easily such ties can lead to dukkha. Placing the spotlight on family life brings these ties and practices into focus.The articles in this collection do a wonderful job of describing messy moments that arise when families and religious institutions interact. Each article in its own way reminds us that religious communities are filled with families and that these families necessarily contribute to the organization of those communities. To use a classical Buddhist formula, Buddhist institutions and Buddhist families are deeply and inevitably interconnected. They can never be pulled apart into neatly separate categories. Buddhist clerics may function as institutional authorities in certain contexts, but the articles here remind us that clerics do not have their authority handed over to them in a social vacuum. On the contrary, Buddhist institutional power, in its various community settings, is invariably replete with social and familial ties and dynamics.We (the guest editors) find these articles suggest that the relationship between religious authority and family ties can be one of competition. Although none of the articles identifies competition as a feature of this dynamic, when read together, we see the highlighting of competition as a fascinating by-product of the contributors' analyses.Consider, for example, Joel Gruber's contribution. In it he examines two Ny ingma texts including Blazing Splendor, the memoirs of Tulku Urgyen, which, among other things, tells of his grandmother Konchok Paldron, a teacher in her own right. The family/ religious-authority connection is evident in its very authorship, but Gruber's study goes well beyond this obvious point. Gruber highlights a number of scenes in the text in which the religious establishment comes into conflict with Paldron's own family's history and needs. The most powerful example presented takes place when Konchok Paldron's son is identified as a tulku. After his identification, a monastic committee arrives at the house requesting that the child be handed over to them. The problem, however, is that they have come during a family funeral. Konchok Paldron therefore requests that they return at a more appropriate time. The monastic committee is offended, but does eventually leave, only to return not long thereafter with a much larger group with a more threatening demeanor. To avoid shedding blood, Konchok Paldron finally agrees to give her son away, but a few years later, after the drama appears to have subsided, she asks for permission to have her son visit her at home. The monastic authorities agree, and the son returns. She then refuses to send him back. According to the text, this is how she manages to get her revenge.This scene, as described by Gruber, functions as an extraordinary example of how families and religious institutions can find themselves in a tug-of-war over the children they each believe they have priority over. Elijah Ary, a tulku in the West, describes a similar tension arising around his own identification as a tulku.1 Gruber and Ary ask poignant questions: To whom does a child belong? Does the child belong to religious communities claiming to have power over the supramundane world, or does the child belong to the family? Or to both? And when, if ever, is the child empowered to be part of answering those questions? …

Genealogy and Ambivalence of a Therapeutic Heterodoxy. Islam and Tibetan Medicine in North-western India

AbstractThis paper examines the case of a Shiite practitioner of Tibetan medicine in Ladakh, North-western India. It recounts the story of a Buddhist family converted to Islam, for which the abandonment of religion has not led to the discontinuation of a lineal medical practice known to have Buddhist overtones. This situation provides an invitation to explore the social consequences of maintaining the practice in a region characterized by religious conflict, as well as the criteria of sameness and difference, technique and genealogy that make a marked ‘other’ a practitioner of Tibetan medicine. These religious overlaps are, however, not only apparent at the social level; they are also present in the preparation of medicines, in etiological narratives or in the physical regimes of bodily care. The composite nature of medical practice helps us to observe from a new angle the role of religion in the practice of Tibetan medicine. The way medicine is enacted and performed in this context provides empirical materials to study the paradigms that both structure and confer motion to Tibetan learned medicine. The ethnography of a remote region in the Himalayas opens up research paths for the anthropology of Asian medicine amongst new categories of healers and renewed contexts of practice.

South Thailand: Politics, Identity, and Culture

There are approximately five million Muslims in Thailand (7 percent of the total population), with about 1.8 million in the southernmost provinces bordering on Malaysia. A considerable literature in history, anthropology, political science, international relations, and religious studies has been produced since January 4, 2004, when a violent Muslim insurgency dramatically erupted in the area. At that time over 100 Muslim insurgents raided an arms depot of the Fourth Army Engineers in Narathiwat Province. On January 22, in south Thailand, two Muslim young men on a motorcycle used a long knife to slit the throat of a sixty-four-year-old Buddhist monk, killing him. The monk had just returned from his early morning round of tham bun (alms-collecting extending merit to Buddhist families).

Thai Buddhist families' perspective of a peaceful death in ICUs

To describe the concept of a peaceful death in intensive care units (ICUs) from the perspective of Thai Buddhist family members. This descriptive qualitative study was based on data generated from individual in-depth interviews of nine Thai Buddhist family members from the southern region of Thailand whose loved ones died in adult ICUs. Colaizzi's phenomenological approach was used to analyse the data. Rigour for the study was established by Lincoln and Guga's guidelines for qualitative research studies. Five core qualities emerged that made-up the concept of a peaceful death as described by Thai Buddhist family members who cared for their loved ones while they were dying in ICUs. These core qualities were 'knowing death was impending, preparing for a peaceful state of mind, not suffering, being with family members and not alone, and family members were not mourning'. Thai Buddhist family members described what they meant by a peaceful death. 'This was: preparing for a peaceful state of mind in knowing that one's impending death is not a situation of suffering or being alone, but rather a time of being with family members who are not yet mourning one's death.' The findings support that family members should participate in promoting a peaceful death for their loved ones dying in ICUs. The five core qualities of a peaceful death reported in this study could be used as a framework for nurses to create nursing practice interventions for quality end-of-life care for Thai Buddhists.

Eminent Nuns and / or / as Virtuous Women: The Representation of Tang Female Renunciants in Tomb Inscriptions

This paper shows that tomb inscriptions provide detailed descriptions of the lives of Tang Buddhist nuns that complicate the exclusively divine representation in traditional Buddhist hagiographies. I suggest that tomb inscriptions, though highly formulaic, create such different images of female renunciants by rooting their religious practice in secular society and familial affiliations. I introduce the formula of tomb inscriptions for Tang female renunciants through a reading of a representative stele written for Huiyuan, an eighth-century nun from a prestigious and devoutly Buddhist family. I recount the effort of the inscription's author to incorporate the values of both Confucian historiography and Buddhist hagiography into a single "non-sectarian" composition. Attending next to biographical records of nuns associated with the Anguo Convent in Chang'an from the eighth century, I compare traditional biographies of exemplary women and Buddhist accounts of eminent nuns with the tomb inscriptions of deceased female renunciants. I conclude that tomb inscriptions amplify manifold life experiences and achievements of the female renunciants in the Tang Dynasty and therefore merit further scholarly investigation.

ETHNIC, FAMILY, AND SOCIAL CONTEXTUAL INFLUENCES ON ASIAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENTS' RELIGIOSITY

In recent years, a number of excellent ethnographic and qualitative studies have signaled a growing interest among scientists in immigrants and their religious practices. Few large-scale studies, however, have examined the religious practices and family religious context of Asian immigrant adolescents. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, a large nationally representative survey, we explore the important associations between ethnic and family contexts and Asian American adolescents' religiosity. Specifically, we find that first generation Asian American adolescents report higher levels of public and private aspects of religiosity than their native-born counterparts; Filipino and Korean immigrant adolescents report higher religiosity than Chinese immigrant children; however, the most important factor influencing Asian immigrant children's religiosity is their parent's religious practices and the concordance between parent and adolescent's religious affiliations. Protestant Asian adolescents who are also from a Protestant family report higher religiosity than Buddhist or Catholic adolescents who are from a Buddhist or Catholic family. Implications of these patterns for the intergenerational transmission of religious faith and other aspects of immigrant religious practices are discussed.