Broken Promises Research Articles

Broken Promises? NAFTA, Immigration, and ‘Shadow’ Regionalism

The reduction of immigration was never an official objective of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Yet, it was generally supposed to be one of its long-term consequences. Fifteen years later, Mexican immigration to the United States has in fact increased. The agreement has failed to reduce the attractiveness of the U.S. labor market for Mexican workers and to provide sustainable alternatives to immigration. Over the same period of time, American politicians and the American media have consistently embraced a narrative in which immigration control has become a matter of national security. A paradox has emerged from these two conflicting trends. While the measures taken by the federal government have failed to prevent unauthorized migrants from entering the country, they have also encouraged them to stay longer in the U.S. by making border-crossings too risky. The 1990s therefore witnessed a significant growth of the undocumented population of the United States. This paper analyzes the emergence of a “shadow” regional system between Mexico and the U.S., driven by immigrants themselves, as well as those who profit from undocumented immigration, rather than by institutional actors. This shadow integration is the product of two types of flows: people moving north of the border and, increasingly, remittances moving south. Remittances in turn reinforce immigration trends since they perpetuate the expectations of immigrants. This article examines the development of this parallel form of integration that has taken place at the same time as the implementation of the trade agreement, beyond the control of the Mexican and American governments.

B.D. Sharma, Unbroken History of Broken Promises—Indian State and the Tribal People, New Delhi: Freedom Press and Sahyog Pustak Kuteer, 2010, pp. 200, Rs.100, paperback.

B.D. Sharma, <i>Unbroken History of Broken Promises—Indian State and the Tribal People</i>, New Delhi: Freedom Press and Sahyog Pustak Kuteer, 2010, pp. 200, Rs.100, paperback.

Broken Promises: A Novel of the Civil War

Broken Promises: A Novel of the Civil War

Education, Financing and Making Good Broken Promises

Graca Machel asks why the pledges made at international conferences to ensure education is a priority for development have not been met. She points to the tens of millions of primary school-age children across the world who are not yet in school and the critical shortages of trained teachers and physical infrastructure to help achieve even the goal of primary education for all children. She gives her vision for sustainable development founded on three strands of education as a right and life-saving measure based on knowledge, skills and values of equality, equity, and respect for everyone.

Poetry, Potlatch and the Site: Arturo Carrera's Estación Pringles

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1 Unless otherwise attributed, all translations are my own. 2 See Ricardo Strafacce's Strafacce, Ricardo. 2008. Osvaldo Lamborghini, una biografía, Buenos Aires: Mansalva. [Google Scholar] Osvaldo Lamborghini, una biografía (2008) for documentation of Carrera's collaboration with Lamborghini. Originally written in 1981, El Palacio de los Aplausos (o el suelo del sentido) was first published in 2002, by the press Beatriz Viterbo. The plays produced by the puppet troupe, whose name was El escándalo de la serpentina, are compiled in a text titled Retrato de un albañil adolescente & Telones zurcidos para títeres con himen, first published in 1988. 3 Neither Escrito con un nictógrafo nor Momento de simetría are paginated. 4 There is a good English-language version of this text at http://www.poetryintranslation.com/PITBR/French/MallarmeUnCoupdeDes.htm. 5 See Jacques Derrida's Derrida, Jacques. 1987. From Restricted to General Economy: A Hegelianism without Reserve. Writing and Difference, Trans. Alan Bass 251–77. Chicago: U of Chicago P. [Google Scholar] ‘From Restricted to General Economy’ for a brilliant exposition of the concepts of ‘restricted’ and ‘general’ in Bataille's work. 6 See Jean-Joseph Goux's 1968 text ‘Marx and the Inscription of Labour’ for a thorough examination of this homology as it was understood in Carrera's theoretical milieu. 7 Besides Foucault, see Charles Taylor's Taylor, Charles. 1989. Sources of the Self: The Making of Modern Identity, Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP. [Google Scholar] genealogical reconstruction of modern subjectivity in Sources of the Self. 8 Kate Jenckes Jenckes, Kate. 2007. Blind Witnessing and the Aneconomics of the Literary (in Arturo Carrera's Potlatch). American Comparative Literature Organization Annual Conference. Panel: Post-Literature. Puebla, Mexico. April 19–22, 2007. Personal copy. [Google Scholar] has also made note of Carrera's revision of Bataille. She writes, ‘Although he doesn't explicitly reject Bataille's understanding of the term, he does counterpose Bataille's use of the redemptive terms ‘sacrifice’ and ‘salvation’ with the fact of pain, which does not go away once closed symbolic economies are broken open or interrupted by the poetic inscription of “not-enduring, not having, not-knowing”’ (7). 9 See Luis Alberto Romero's Romero, Luis Alberto. 2003. La crisis argentina: una mirada al siglo XX, Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI. [Google Scholar] La crisis argentina. Una mirada al siglo XX (2003), for an excellent, concise account of the economic crisis and its social repercussions. Also, see David Harvey's A Brief History of Neoliberalism (2004), which places Argentina's embrace of orthodox economic policies into relief against other such experiments throughout the world. 10 See Broken Promises, edited by Edward Epstein and David Pion-Berlin Epstein, Edward and Pion Berlin, David, eds. 2006. Broken Promises: The Argentine Crisis and Argentine Democracy, Lanham, MA: Lexington Books. [Google Scholar], for studies of these and other new social phenomena in Argentina. 11 See Giunta's Giunta, Andrea. 2007. Avant-Garde, Internationalism, and Politics: Argentine Art in the Sixties, Trans. Peter Kahn Durham: Duke UP. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar] Avant-Garde, Internationalism, and Politics: Argentine Art in the Sixties for an excellent discussion of Tucumán Arde. 12 Proyecto Venus Proyecto Venus. http://proyectov.org/venus2/ [accessed 20 April 2010]. [Google Scholar] ceased operating in 2006, though its website (http://proyectov.org/venus2/) remains accessible. On Eloísa Cartonera, see the project's website (http://www.eloisacartonera.com.ar) and also my own ‘New Media, Cardboard, and Community in Contemporary Buenos Aires.’ Epplin, Craig. 2007. New Media, Cardboard, and Community in Contemporary Buenos Aires. Hispanic Review, 75(4): 385–98. [Google Scholar] 13 Carrera has traced the gendered practice of declamation in Latin America back to the early twentieth century. ‘La declamación,’ he writes, ‘alcanzó un momento culminante durante el período de la poesía modernista en toda Latinoamérica y en España. Tuvo una diva central que la impuso y la puso de moda y hasta creó escuelas de declamación en todo el continente latinoamericano: Berta Singerman – amiga de los poetas más importantes de su época: Lorca, Neruda, Mistral, Storni, Ibarbourou’ (‘Declamation reached its culmination during the modernista period in Latin America and Spain. It had a principal diva who imposed it and made it fashionable, and who even founded declamation schools across the continent of Latin America: Berta Singerman – friend of the most important poets of her age: Lorca, Neruda, Mistral, Storni, Ibarbourou’; ‘De corazón’). 14 The problem of expertise in contemporary society has been the object of numerous studies. To mention just one, Rethinking Expertise by Harry Collins and Robert Evans (2007 Collins, Harry and Evans, Robert. 2007. Rethinking Expertise, Chicago: U of Chicago P. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]), offers a useful typology of expertise with regard to scientific knowledge.

Book review: Broken Promises, Broken Dreams: Stories of Jewish and Palestinian Trauma and Resilience

Alice Rothchild BROKEN PROMISES, BROKEN DREAMS: STORIES OF JEWISH AND PALESTINIAN TRAUMA AND RESILIENCE 2010 Pluto Press PB 304 £13.99 9780745329703 Two awful events resulting in the loss of innocent life have shocked and disturbed us all in the last few weeks. Listening to one of the GPs who had to deal with the immediate aftermath of the killings in Cumbria was moving and harrowing. Our hearts went out to the victims' families and friends and to the members of the emergency services who responded. We all share a need to try to understand why it happened and if, and how, it could have been prevented. When we heard first-hand accounts by people on the ships taking humanitarian aid to Gaza about the violence on board, we, and the international community, were shocked and there was an immediate call to understand what had led to the deaths and injuries. Two stories in Israel's Haaretz newspaper describe responses from within Israel. One headline was that major Israeli supermarket chains were going to boycott Turkish goods: ‘For reasons of ideology and conscience, it would …

Broken Promises: Private Equity Bidding Behavior and the Value of Reputation

This paper examines reputation and contract design in private equity acquisitions. We use a novel dataset of both completed and terminated private equity buyouts from 2004 through 2010. We find that private equity firms and targets rely on reputation to fill intentional contractual gaps. During the financial crisis private equity firms complete uneconomic, pre-agreed takeovers up to the point when estimated buyout losses rise to at least 7% of sponsors’ fund sizes, or $200 to $400 million in nominal values. Target firms are willing to engage with defaulting private equity firms in future transactions but they penalize these firms by demanding significantly larger contract nonperformance penalties. We conclude that both reputation and explicit contracting can play important and interrelated roles in private equity and complex business relationships generally.

The World Bank and the gods of lending

Introduction: Broken Promises and the Gods of Lending Chapter 1: Managing for Mediocrity Chapter 2: The Economist Managers Chapter 3: Confucius and the Bank Chapter 4: Feeding the Beast Chapter 5: Groping in the Dark Chapter 6: And Darkness was Upon the Face of the Implementers Chapter 7: A Very Special Account Chapter 8: Playing with the Books Chapter 9: C is for Corruption Chapter 10: As the Train Left the Station Chapter 11: A New Regime.

Toward Healing Trauma in the Holy Land

Broken Promises, Broken Dreams: Stories of Jewish and Palestinian Trauma and Resilience, written by Alice Rothchild, is an ambitious book—a combination of personal revelation, travelogue, psychopolitical theory, and interviews with selected informants. The resulting melange at times feels chaotic and emotionally draining, but it accurately mirrors the experience of the Holy Land itself. While the constant movement back and forth between personal, factual, and theoretical discourse makes it hard for the reader to absorb all that is being offered, the book has an almost visceral emotional impact. If in the end it feels somewhat Broken Promises, Broken Dreams: Stories of

Broken Promises? The Argentine Crisis and Argentine Democracy ‐ Edited by Edward Epstein and David Poin‐Berlin

Broken Promises? The Argentine Crisis and Argentine Democracy ‐ Edited by Edward Epstein and David Poin‐Berlin

Tunnels, Territory, and Broken Promises: France Betrayed By The Anglo-Saxons?

March/April 2008 Historically Speaking 25 Tunnels, Territory, and Broken Promises: France Betrayed by the Anglo-Saxons?* Margaret MacMillan MargaretMacMillan was the Provost of Trinity College andprofessor of history at the University of Toronto. She is now Warden of St. Antony's College, Oxford. Her books include Women of the Raj and Peacemakers: The Paris Conference of 1919 and Its Attempt to End War, published in the United States as Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World. Her most recent book is on PresidentNixon's trip to China, published in the United States as Nixon and Mao: Six Days That Changed die World. Professor MacMilkn is a FeIfow of the RoyalSociety of Literature andan Officer of the Order of Canada. civil war as its new Bolshevik rulers batded their many enemies? What was going to happen in Central Europe now that Austria-Hungary had fallen to pieces? Or in the Middle East as die Ottoman Empire slid rapidly toward its own end? Clemenceau was in London to savor the triumph but also to plan the future with his counterIn her book Paris 1919, the authorprovides a comprehensive, engaging account of the conference thatproduced thepeace treaty that ended World WarI. In this essay, she transports herself back in time to twoprivate meetings: one in November 1918, and another in March 1919, that may have substantially affected the outcome of the Paris Peace Conference. At the end of November 1918, Georges Clemenceau, the French prime minister, paid a visit to London. There was much to celebrate. The Great War was finally over and Germany lay defeated, abandoned by its former allies. The great German armies that had menaced France had shattered in the face of Allied attacks diat August . The Kaiser's beloved navy, which had threatened the British Empire and its command of the seas, was safely interned in British ports. Germany itselfwas in turmoil; the Kaiser had fled into exile and many of its cities were under the control of self-appointed councils of workers and soldiers. There was much also to mourn. The millions of men lost in batde and the damage to those who had survived: the devastation of much of the north of France and of Belgium, of litde Serbia, and the territories along Germany's and Austria-Hungary's frontiers in the east. The waste was tremendous, the questions unanswerable. How had Europe, the mighty continent that had so confidendy dominated the world in 1914, turned on itself so savagely? What did die future hold when revolution seemed to be spreading westward from Russia, itself in the grip of * Copyright €> 2008 by Margaret MacMillan, from the book / Wish I'd Been There®, Book Two: European History, edited by Byron Hollinshead and Theodore K. Rabb, to be published in May by Doubleday, a division of Random House, Inc. Reprinted with permission. Many French, and perhaps even Clemenceau himself, toyed with the idea of dismembering Germany, after all a very new country, but the British and the Americans made it clear that they would not go alongwith that. part, British prime minister David Lloyd George. The two men had been partners in the war and in some ways they resembled each other. Both were vigorous, impetuous, and bold. Bodi had come into their offices in the darkest days of the struggle, when it looked like the Germans might win, and both had led their countries to victory. Their relationship was an uneasy one, though. On a personal level, for all their similarities, Clemenceau and Lloyd George were not destined to be close friends. The French leader was an intellectual; Lloyd George, for all his quickness, was not. Clemenceau came from a family with a distinguished pedigree; Lloyd George was proudly middle class. Nor did their two peoples entirely trust each other. The friendship between France and Britain was a very recent one and could not entirely eradicate the memories of old rivalries and enmities. Each man, moreover, represented a country that had a strong sense of itself and its own national interests. France was consumed by the need to defeat Germany and liberate French soil. During the war, when the British had planned expeditions in the east...

The 1990 Elections in Myanmar: Broken Promises or a Failure of Communication?

Whoever is elected will first have to draw up a constitution that will have to be adopted before the transfer of power. They haven't said how the constitution will be adopted. It could be through a referendum, but that could be months and months, if not years. --Daw Aung San Suu Kyi interview with Dominic Faulder, AsiaWeek, 21 July 1989 Burma, redesignated Myanmar in 1989, was a somewhat fractious, though vibrant democracy from independence in 1948 until 1962 when General Ne Win, the head of the Armed Forces, seized power and ruled through a Revolutionary Council, which proclaimed the Burmese Way to Socialism. In 1974 a new constitution, similar to the People's Democracies of Eastern Europe, was approved in a national referendum and a new Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma established under the guidance of the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP). However, popular dissatisfaction with one-party rule, with the socialist regime, and with growing economic problems resulted in some rioting in mid-1987, anti-government demonstrations in March 1988 led primarily by students, culminating in the bloody suppression by the military of widespread but peaceful protests on 8 August 1988. On 18 September 1988, fearful of still mounting chaos, the military seized power again, cracked down hard on rioters and dissidents, but nonetheless promised that multiparty democratic elections could be held and political parties set up. In the ensuing general elections held in Myanmar (Burma) on 27 May 1990, the National League for Democracy (NLD), whose founding Secretary-General Nobel Peace Prize laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi (1) had been placed under house arrest on 20 July 1989 along with other leading members of the NLD, won a resounding victory, fielding 447 candidates and securing 392 of the 485 seats to the Pyithu Hluttaw or National Assembly. The NLD secured 80.82 per cent of the seats with 59.87 per cent of valid votes cast, 52.44 per cent of all votes cast (valid and invalid) and 38.11 per cent of all eligible votes that could have been cast. The NLD's nearest rivals in terms of valid votes cast were the National Unity Party (NUP), the successor to the BSPP, which had dominated political life in the one-party state. The NUP, which most observers expected to do well, polled only 21.16 per cent of valid votes cast and secured only ten seats although fielding 413 candidates. They failed to capture a single seat in the capital Rangoon, even in districts with military cantonments. The remaining seats were won by other parties and independent candidates who were either in electoral alliance with the NLD or generally supported their aims. If anything, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's enforced absence from the electoral campaign enhanced the success of the NLD. She had become the national symbol of democratic opposition to military rule. The statistical record (2) was as shown on the next page. No. of constituencies 492 No. of elections held 485 (7 constituencies suspended for security reasons) No. of eligible voters 20,818,313 No. of votes cast 15,112,524 (3) No. of valid votes cast 13,253,606 No. of party candidates 2,209, of whom 479 were elected No. of independent candidates 87, of whom 6 were elected No. of registered political parties 235 No. of parties presenting candidates 93 % of No. of Valid No. of % of 485 Valid Votes Seats Contested Votes Cast National League for Democracy 392 80.82 7,934,622 59.87 Shan Nationalities League for 23 4.74 222,821 1.68 Democracy Arakan League for Democracy 11 2. …

Broken Promises? The Argentine Crisis and Argentine Democracy (review)

Broken Promises? The Argentine Crisis and Argentine Democracy (review)

Public Education in the Twentieth Century and Beyond: High Hopes, Broken Promises, and an Uncertain Future

Public education and democracy have been firmly linked in the popular imagination since at least 1848, when Horace Mann, in his twelfth annual report to the Massachusetts State Board of Education, declared, “Education then, beyond all other devices of human origin, is a great equalizer of the conditions of men” (1868, p. 669). Half a century later, and just a few short years before the Harvard Educational Review published its inaugural issue, John Dewey’s (1916) progressive notions about education cemented the link between education and democracy. According to Dewey, schools could serve not only to level the playing field, but also as an apprenticeship for civic life. Current proclamations about public education seem strangely at odds with these sentiments. Now the talk is more about testing and rubrics than about democracy and equality, making it clear that we have strayed far afield from the ideals articulated by Mann and Dewey. In commemorating the Harvard Educational Review’s 75th anniversary, it is useful to reflect on how and why the goals of public education have seemingly shifted in such a dramatic way. In this article, I argue that the quintessential questions of public schooling over the past seventy-five years, and the answers to them, have emerged primarily from the changing demographics in our nation and schools. That is, changes in population in terms of race, ethnicity, social class, and other differences have helped to shape the educational experience of all students in our schools. I also suggest that the history of the past seventy-five years will influence how, as a nation, we view, design, and implement public education in the coming century.

Fifty Years after Brown: Tarnished Gold, Broken Promises

Fifty Years after Brown: Tarnished Gold, Broken Promises

Big Dreams and Broken Promises: Solomon's Treaty with Hiram in Its International Context

Abstract Opinions remain divided over whether the Hebrew term běrît in 1 Kgs 5:12 refers to a preexilic idea rooted in Israel's past or a postexilic idea reformulating Israel's past. Both positions harbor elements of truth, yet the repeated occurrence of the words kittu ("treaty"), raḫâmu ("love"), aḫḫûtu ("brotherhood"), māmītu ("oath-treaty"), and epēšu šulmu ("make peace") in the Amarna Letters implies an entire history of covenant-making prior to Solomon's treaty with Hiram. To imagine this relationship as having no history prior to the fifth century B.C. is to deny the witness of history itself, particularly as evidenced in the Amarna texts.

Big Dreams and Broken Promises: Solomon's Treaty with Hiram in Its International Context

Abstract Opinions remain divided over whether the Hebrew term běrît in 1 Kgs 5:12 refers to a preexilic idea rooted in Israel's past or a postexilic idea reformulating Israel's past. Both positions harbor elements of truth, yet the repeated occurrence of the words kittu ("treaty"), raḫâmu ("love"), aḫḫûtu ("brotherhood"), māmītu ("oath-treaty"), and epēšu šulmu ("make peace") in the Amarna Letters implies an entire history of covenant-making prior to Solomon's treaty with Hiram. To imagine this relationship as having no history prior to the fifth century B.C. is to deny the witness of history itself, particularly as evidenced in the Amarna texts.

Making It on Broken Promises: Leading African American Male Scholars Confront the Culture of Higher Education (review)

Making It on Broken Promises: Leading African American Male Scholars Confront the Culture of Higher Education (review)

Broken Promises: A Response to Stenning and Roberts' "Empty Promises"

The authors argue that the data relied upon in Stenning and Roberts' article Empty Promises: Parliament, The Supreme Court, and the Sentencing of Aboriginal Offenders do not support their conclusions that Aboriginal over-representation in prison is not a national problem and that Aboriginal offenders already receive shorter sentences than comparable non-Aboriginal offenders. The authors then argue that the proper purpose of s.718.2(e) is to reduce Aboriginal over-representation in prison and not, as Stenning and Roberts have argued, to eliminate discriminatory disparities in the sentencing of Aboriginal offenders. They suggest that s. 718.2(e) can be justified by theories that relate Aboriginal over-representation in prison to the unique experience of colonialism and not, as Stenning and Roberts suggest, to social and economic disadvantage that Aboriginal offenders may share with other offenders. Finally, the authors suggest that Stenning and Roberts' arguments against the reference to Aboriginal offenders in s. 718.2(e) are related to implicit assumptions about the needs for formal equality and sentencing tied to desert. These assumptions are not in accord with Canadian law, which favours substantive equality and sentencing that is not determined by desert.

Beyond Broken Promises: Reflections on Eliminating Barriers to the Success of Minority Youth with Disabilities

Beyond Broken Promises: Reflections on Eliminating Barriers to the Success of Minority Youth with Disabilities