English Tobacco Research Articles

"Bringing you the best": John Player & Sons, Cricket, and the Politics of Tobacco Sport Sponsorship in Britain, 1969-1986.

This article explores some of the marketing strategies associated with the British tobacco industry's sponsorship of sport during the 1960s and 1970s. It focuses on the British cigarette and tobacco manufacturer John Player & Sons and the firm's pioneering initiative to sponsor one-day cricket, which began with the John Player League in 1969. The league was enormously popular and gained significant broadcast coverage, becoming an invaluable means of increasing public exposure for the company, in the context of the ban of cigarette advertising from British television. At a time when the link between smoking and disease was making headlines, John Player & Sons nimbly deflected attention away from the health issue, and instead consciously repositioned the tobacco company as a generous benefactor of the nation's sport and leisure. Less conspicuously, but even more powerfully, spokespeople for the tobacco industry actively mobilised influential opinion behind the scenes in political circles. We show particularly how Denis Howell, Minister for Sport from 1964 to 1969 and from 1974 to 1979, became a valuable ally, acting as a bulwark against more restrictive government interventions into the sponsorship of sports by the tobacco industry. This alliance exposes changing industry-government relations and presents new historical context to better understand the way British tobacco manufacturers proactively sought to elide restrictions on their advertising activities from the 1980s onwards.

FURNACES OF SALAMANCA: VERNACULAR BUILDING TECHNIQUES APPLIED TO SEMI-INDUSTRIAL TOBACCO PRODUCTION IN CHILE BETWEEN 1960 AND 1990

Abstract. The furnaces of Salamanca were built during the period in which the British Tobacco Company operated in this area of the Region of Coquimbo in Chile (1960's to 1990's). A semi-industrial model of tobacco production was inserted, in which local farmers received technical training and materials to grow tobacco plants. During a first period the company bought green tobacco leaves, while later encouraging the sale of dried tobacco. This meant that local producers had to build their own furnaces, under the company's technical instructions. These instructions were delivered through architectural plans produced by the company, which were interpreted by local farmers according to their own vernacular construction knowledge. This combination resulted in a huge variety of constructive techniques – primarily based on earth – represented in one only architectural form. A cadastre accomplished by the authors in 2019 registered examples of furnaces built with adobe, quincha, tabique and a combination of several of these building systems. Similar systems also present variations - expressed especially in the use of different earthquake-resistant devices. These attend to variable economic conditions and constructive cultures of the local farmers. This article presents the register of 24 furnace ensambles located in 7 areas of Salamanca, characterized according to their construction type and state of conservation. These entries provide information on the richness of vernacular construction of the area and the efficiency of case-specific building solutions.

'People Love Player's': Cigarette Advertising and the Teenage Consumer in Post-war Britain.

This article explores the background, creation and reception of a prominent cigarette advertising campaign from the early 1960s. The advertisements featured young couples falling in love as they shared Player's Medium cigarettes together. As such, the advertisements reflected the central place of the teenager within post-war British consumer culture. The campaign was built upon the insights of market research, particularly that carried out by Mark Abrams and his research organization Research Services Limited. Historians have played down the significance of Abrams's work, but it is argued here that the studies and reports Abrams produced rendered the teenage consumer knowable in a powerful way. Advertisers and manufacturers now had detailed knowledge about young people's consumption habits and their motivations. Such research helped the British tobacco industry formulate a controversial marketing strategy-the need to 'recruit' young people to the smoking habit-and the People Love Player's campaign was created with this in mind. The representations of love and gender included in the advertisements gave the campaign an emotional pull which was designed to resonate with young people. The advertisements were widely criticized and this drove the British tobacco industry to remove from its advertising appeals which might influence the young, such as love.

Cohort study investigating the effects of first stage of the English tobacco point-of-sale display ban on awareness, susceptibility and smoking uptake among adolescents

ObjectiveA prospective evaluation of the effect of 2012 point-of-sale (PoS) display ban in supermarkets in England on perceived exposure to PoS displays, and on changes in susceptibility and smoking uptake...

EQUIPT: protocol of a comparative effectiveness research study evaluating cross-context transferability of economic evidence on tobacco control

IntroductionTobacco smoking claims 700 000 lives every year in Europe and the cost of tobacco smoking in the EU is estimated between €98 and €130 billion annually; direct medical care...

Harm reduction and the medicalisation of tobacco use

In tobacco control the focus has, for some time, been on abstinence from all types of tobacco use as the only solution to the problem of smoking, and harm reduction approaches are controversial. The most recent English tobacco strategy has incorporated harm reduction approaches in the form of new 'routes' to quitting smoking that encourage those who cannot quit to use safer sources of nicotine. This move away from a focus on abstinence can be seen as the result of gradual shifts over the past 50 years in the way that that the problem of smoking is understood and the solutions that are offered. These shifts have involved increasingly seeing tobacco use as a medical problem. This article uses conceptual tools from science and technology studies to examine developments over the last decade in England, primarily the increasing importance of harm reduction approaches. Drawing on 20 semi-structured qualitative interviews with key stakeholders and documentary analysis, I suggest that the shape harm reduction has taken in English tobacco control policy has been another shift towards the medicalisation of tobacco use, but that this process has occurred in ways that provide a contrast to commonly outlined 'drivers' of medicalisation.

THE POLICY RESPONSE TO THE SMOKING AND LUNG CANCER CONNECTION IN THE 1950s AND 1960s

A key current concern is how scientific knowledge may inform policy in relation to major environmental and health concerns. There are distinct schools of analysis about this relationship between science and policy. They stress rational relationships; denial and delay; or the role of networks. History is important in modifying such perspectives: smoking policy in the 1950s and 1960s is the case study here. The initial response in the 1950s to the link between smoking and lung cancer was in part conditioned by the role of the tobacco industry and the financial importance of tobacco: the British tobacco industry had closer relationships with government than the American one, and did not rely on public relations. Public health interests worked with the industry. But politicians were concerned also about the fluidity of the epidemiological evidence; the dangers of stirring up further pressure over air pollution; the financial and ideological implications of health education and its location; and the electoral dangers of intervening in a popular mass habit. In the 1960s the British and American medical reports stimulated the growth of a public health ‘policy community’. The initial political considerations began to weaken and these years marked the beginning of a new style of public health.

Pollution, peril and poverty: a British study of the stigmatization of smokers

AbstractThis paper considers the symbolic, experiential and institutional basis of the stigmatization of British smokers, particularly in the context of the higher rates of smoking in lower socio‐economic status (SES) groups. Interviews based on a free association task were conducted with 40 smokers and non‐smokers from higher and lower SES groups. Thematic analysis identified several areas of stigmatization of British smokers by non‐smokers: identification of negative aesthetic ‘marks’ of smoking and of smokers as ‘polluters’ who harm others; the display of direct and indirect social disapproval; and the association of smokers with out‐groups such as single mothers. Higher SES smokers tend to challenge the ‘facts’ on which this stigmatization is based, whereas lower SES smokers internalize the stigmatized aspersions. Recent British Tobacco Control campaigns, which play on the negative aesthetic of the smoker and the ‘peril’ which they represent, may exacerbate stigmatization. This may have de‐motivating effects on lower SES smokers for reasons explored in the paper. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

‘Carry on Smoking’: Public Relations and Advertising Strategies of American and British Tobacco Companies since 1950

The modern cigarette is one of the most perfect addictive products ever devised. Smokers are able to inhale its smoke deep into their lungs, delivering a powerful dose of nicotine directly into the...

Back to the Bowl: Using English Tobacco Pipebowls to Calculate Mean Site-Occupation Dates

The form of English white ball-clay pipebowls can be used to determine accurate mean dates for historical contexts. Using previously established bowl seriations and typologies on the well-dated material assemblage uncovered at the site of the 1607 James Fort at Jamestown Island, Virginia, a newly developed calculation proves to be a reliable technique of assessing chronology. Determining the pipebowl mean date involves identifying the shape of each bowl, counting the number of examples of each morphological type, and then completing a series of simple arithmetic calculations. The pipebowl-dating device correlates well with other archaeological lines of evidence. On average, pipebowl mean dates are within seven years of mean dates established by other factors. This method regularly outperforms established pipestem-based mean-date measures.

The Tsar in England: Peter the Great's Visit to London in 1698

Although it has been suggested that England was included - along with Rome and Venice - in the earliest itineraries planned for the 'Great Embassy' mounted by Peter the Great in 1696, there is no evidence that it remained a priority by the time the 200-strong party left Moscow in the following year. The decision that he should undertake the voyage across the North Sea seems rather to have been an impetuous one, conceived while the Tsar and his party were already settled in Amsterdam, developed at a hastily arranged meeting on 11 September 1697 with the English monarch King William III, who happened fortuitously to be at Utrecht, and concluded shortly afterwards. The encounter between the two rulers was quickly recognized as of significant diplomatic importance and led to the striking of a medal to commemorate the occasion (Fig. 1).Two considerations predominated in the Tsar's mind in seeking to develop a bond with Britain, of which the principal was his long-term desire to forge alliances with other European powers in his protracted struggle against the Turks, a matter made suddenly all the more acute by France's conclusion of an alliance with the Ottoman Empire. In this context, Peter's meeting with William III was a timely one: the King had played a prominent role in the War of the Grand Alliance against France, which was drawn to a successful conclusion with the signing of the Treaty of Ryswick nine days later, on 20 September 1697, while France's naval forces had been effectively confined to port. We need not doubt the sincerity of Peter's expressions of admiration for British military prowess - not even his claim to regret that 'since the peace is so nearly concluded, he would not have the opportunity . . . of fighting under the banner of England against France', or his declaration that 'if the war continued, he and his armies were at his majesty's service'.2The second motive Peter had for visiting England - more prosaic than the first though not unrelated to it - was prompted by his hunger for knowledge of western technology, and particularly of ship-building techniques, a preoccupation born of his desire to build a navy that would hold in check the Turkish fleet in the Black Sea. The experience he had gained at first hand while working in the Dutch shipyards, although valuable, had ultimately proved frustrating. Dutch ships of the period were as good as any, but Peter evidently found that dockyard practice in the Netherlands involved a disconcerting measure of intuition and unwritten custom that was difficult to codify with a view to introducing these same practices to Russia: according to the Introduction to a contemporary translation of Peter's Naval Regulation of 1720, he found that in Holland 'this art was not taught in the mathematical way, but only some principles of it, so that the rest must be acquired by long practice and experience'. This discovery, it was said, 'gave him a great uneasiness, that he had undertaken so long a journey for that purpose, and had failed in this end, so much desired'.3We can well believe the same report when it mentions that when Peter was told that in England 'this kind of practice is raised to the same perfection as other arts and sciences, and might be learned in a short time',4 his mind would quickly have been made up.For their part the English had quite a different agenda in cultivating the Tsar, one that was dominated by considerations of trade. Earlier commercial treaties between Muscovy and England had been abrogated by Tsar Aleksei Mikhailovich half a century earlier, ostensibly in response to the overthrow of King Charles I and his execution in 1649. As a result, the fortunes of England's Russia Company had declined considerably and its former monopoly on trade was now under attack from a new generation of entrepreneurs eager to break the Company's strangle-hold on commercial relations.5 The Muscovy merchants, on the other hand, doubtless would have been immensely eager to capitalize on the Tsar's presence on their home territory:6 there existed a healthy demand in England for Russian raw materials, especially from the ship-building industry,7 while English tobacco merchants had already expressed ambitions to penetrate the vast, under-developed market in Russia with a view to marketing their rapidly expanding stocks of Virginiagrown tobacco. …

Humor's Role in Imagining America: Ebenezer Cook's The Sot-Weed Factor

In stark contrast to the serious religious writings of the New England Puritans, Ebenezer Cook's poem The Sot-Weed Factor; or, a Voyage to Maryland portrays a colonial America full of con artists, rambunctious lawyers, and drunken planters. The narrator is an English tobacco factor who is swindled by these unscrupulous colonists. The poem becomes a form of revenge he hurls insults and curses, but, several critics have argued, the humor in the poem is two-fold. While the factor points out the shortcomings of the colonists, he reveals himself to be a buffoon unable to negotiate life in the New World. Both audiences for the poem, English citizens and colonists, would then find it humorous, J. A. Leo Lemay has pointed out, the English citizens laughing at the portrayal of colonists uncivilized and the colonists laughing at the British factor's ineptitude. The dual satire, however, does more than shrewdly appeal to two audiences. In this essay I will investigate humor's role in the process of imagining America a community separate from the motherland of Britain. Humorous writings in general and Cook's poem in particular have received little attention related to their role in the process of nationalism. (1) Their move is not admittedly the bold declaration of a on a hill set apart from England, but the humor works by subtly separating British from colonists, outsiders from insiders. As the factor insults the colonists, he distances himself from them, thus taking on the role of the outsider. In the dual satire, the colonists become insiders who perceive the humor in the factor's inability to adapt to life in America. The humor of the poem forms an imagined American community by uniting colonists who get the New World jokes. The factor describes his entrance into the New World unwanted and treacherous. He claims that he was Condemn'd by Fate to way-ward Curse (1) and was forced my Native Soil to fly, / And the Old World must bid good-buy (6-7). In describing his unwelcome journey from England to America, the factor establishes at the very beginning of the poem the important distinction between the Old World he left with heavy heart and the New World he enters unwillingly. He immediately takes on the role of the outsider he betrays his ignorance of the colonial experience. This entrance into the New World is paralleled in literary history by the character of Robin in Hawthorne's short story, My Kinsman, Major Molineux. Hawthorne's story is set later in colonial history and is more overtly concerned the distinction between Old World and New, but the positions of the factor and Robin are similar. (2) Both are unable to read the culture around them and so unwittingly become the objects of humor. Robin has come to the a young man expecting to get ahead in life through his wealthy uncle. We are told he enters the as if he were entering London city but instead finds the turbulence of colonial rebellion. Unaware of the events taking place, he tries to get directions to his uncle's house by asking the various citizens he meets, Whereabouts is the dwelling of my kinsman, Major Molineux? Instead of receiving a direct answer to his seemingly innocent question, he is repeatedly laughed at and even accused of being a runaway. The sot-weed factor of Cook's poem likewise is accused of being a runaway when the locals do not recognize him. He also betrays confusion about his surroundings when he, for example, mistakes the sound of cows for the howling of wolves and panics. Although he maintains a superior attitude, he is lost Robin entering the New World. Our factor, however, differs from the later outsider of Hawthorne's story in one dramatic aspect: while Robin expects the people he meets to treat him an equal and is shocked by being targeted an outsider, the factor does not recognize the colonists equals. In fact, the factor goes to great lengths in his satire to portray the colonists the Other because in his eyes they have deviated so drastically from their English cultural roots that they are no longer even remotely related to him. …

Denying nicotine's addiction potential: comments on Frenk & Dar

Sir—In 1963, Addison Yeaman, general counsel to the US British American Tobacco subsidiary Brown & Williamson, wrote a memo to his colleagues stating: ‘Moreover, nicotine is addictive. We are, then, in the business of selling nicotine, an addictive drug . . .’ (Yeaman 1963) Seventeen years later, Paul Knopick from the United States Tobacco Institute put the implications of this very plainly for his industry: ‘Shook, Hardy and Bacon [tobacco industry lawyers] reminds us, I'm told, that the entire matter of addiction is the most potent weapon a prosecuting attorney can have in a lung cancer/cigarette case. We can't defend continued smoking as “free choice” if the person was “addicted”’ (Knopick 1980). Accordingly, in the years since, the international tobacco industry has given high priority to an international effort to deny publicly that nicotine is addictive. It has bank-rolled and stacked the attendance lists of apparently independent scientific pharmacological conferences with ‘industry positive’ scientists (Francis 1986) to lend them the ‘deep fragrance of academia’ (Roe 1987). Before finally admitting in 1999 under the weight of hundreds of embarrassing internal documents that nicotine was indeed addictive (Philip Morris 2001), it fought for well over a decade to prevent the inclusion of ‘addiction’ on pack warnings. Against this background, what are we to make of Frenk & Dar's account (Frenk & Dar 2002) of being commissioned by a mysterious, unnamed research benefactor to review the literature on nicotine addiction, their subsequent decision to not declare this in their book and their final resort to a ‘people in glass houses’ defence of their coyness? Thanks to the revelations contained in internal tobacco industry documents, we now know a great deal about the way the tobacco industry has selected, vetted and then often ‘managed’ ostensibly independent scientists to produce work that fits its strategic objectives (Wood 1992). As Addiction's editor asks (Edwards et al. 2002), why did the tobacco industry's lawyers select these two—who remind us that they had no research experience in nicotine studies? A 1988 report of an industry meeting on recruitment strategy notes that ‘consultants should, ideally, be scientists who have no previous association with tobacco companies and who have no previous record on the primary issues’. The memo explains how potential consultants are sounded out by tobacco industry lawyers and, if suitable, then commissioned (Chapman 1997). Once a scientist crosses over to the tobacco industry, the cheques can just keep coming. With regard to a British professor, the memo explains that the British Tobacco Advisory Council ‘should continue to support him because it could be problematic to withdraw support from a scientist who has been sympathetic to the industry’ (Chapman 1997). In Australia in 1998, the tobacco industry engaged Dale Atrens from my own university to run similar arguments against a legal claim by a smoker to recover the costs outlaid by her to try to stop smoking (National Dispute Centre 1998). Atrens, once a member of the tobacco industry supported ARISE (Associates for Research into the Science of Enjoyment) was paid ‘about $A10,000’ (Ragg 2000) and has subsequently published a lengthy review reiterating his arguments that nicotine is not addictive—and like Frenk & Dar, also without acknowledgement of his history of industry support (Atrens 2001). One is left with the indelible impression that Frenk & Dar are either disingenuous or profoundly naïve. They ask us to consider that their account of being commissioned by an anonymous third party to re-examine a politically and legally white-hot topic was so unremarkable that the propriety of declaring this upfront was not an issue to them. While they are of course correct to point out double standards, their evasive argument is that this whole business is merely hypocritical and that the only question worth debating is the quality of their review. But their scientific sanctimony fits comfortably with an ongoing industry strategy: for as long as a scientific ‘debate’ can be said to exist, the tobacco industry can argue that policies to inform and warn smokers or regulate nicotine are premature. With the sort of debate they invite destined to be tucked away in the pages of publicly inaccessible low-circulation specialist journals, accounts of the to and fro will be left to tobacco industry spin-doctors and the occasional investigative journalist. Significantly, despite the industry admission about addiction deep in the fine print of websites, few nations today require an ‘addiction’ pack warning.

Survey shows junior doctors are still overworked Government will commission research on NHS prescribing British tobacco curbs remain voluntary Health secretary promises blitz on practice paperwork Nurses can prescribe more medicines

The preliminary results from the BMA's nationwide survey of junior hospital doctors shows that 300 are still contracted to work more than 83 hours a week—the ceiling that should have been achieved by 1 April 1993. The Department of Health maintains that there are only four posts in Britain over 83 hours. The survey was conducted so that comparisons could be made with the results from the regional task forces. By 31 December 1994 no junior doctor on an on call rota in a hard pressed specialty should have been working more than 72 hours. The survey shows that 22.8% of juniors are still contracted to work above 72 hours. The preliminary results are based on a random sample of 3500 responses spread across all specialties and all regions. The survey showed that 2.2% of senior registrars, 1.5% of registrars, 0.3% of senior house officers, and 1.3% of house officers were contracted to work more than 83 hours a week. Almost 60% of junior doctors are working longer than their contracted hours. The majority of these extra hours are unpaid. The department's official data do not take account of these extra hours. The results show that the take up rate of partial shifts, a working pattern introduced to help to reduce hours, has been low. Most doctors (68.5%) remain on the traditional working pattern of on call rotas; only 5.4% are on partial shifts. The survey asked about intensity of work and the results show that juniors are not receiving adequate periods of rest. …

The Thylacine on the Central Plateau

James Malley, a local dairy farmer-come-naturalist, and I, have been looking for the thylacine for the past 6 years or so. In that time we have spent about two years each on field trips, mostly in the northern half of Tasmania and on the south-west coast. Our major sponsors have been the Australian Conservation Foundation, the "Australian" newspaper, the Science and Industry Endowment Fund and the British Tobacco Company. Since June this year, with the assistance of Dr. Robert Brown, we have been conducting what we intend to be an exhaustive investigation of northeastern Tasmania while investigating any leads that may come from elsewhere in the State.

Iranian politics 1900–1905: background to revolution

The following article comprises a preliminary version of three chapters of a manuscript on the background and development of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution of 1905-11. To give a very brief background to the events of 1900-05: in 1896 the powerful and long-lived Naser ed-Din Shah had been assassinated by a political radical, and he was succeeded by his weak and ailing son, Mozaffar ed-Din Shah (1896-1907). The new Shah, although of a more kindly disposition than his father, was incapable of ruling, and was accompanied to Tehran from his former post in Tabriz by a group of greedy courtiers, mostly of Azerbaijani Turkish origin, who came to be known as the Tabrizi or Turkish party. Gifts, pensions, and sales of crown lands to this group quickly drained the Iranian territory, while the Shah began almost immediately to clamour for a foreign loan to finance the trips abroad that were recommended by his doctors. Mozaffar ed-Din Shah at first dismissed his father's unpopular Prime Minister, the Amin os-Soltan who, since the defeat of British interests at the time of the mass movement against a British tobacco monopoly in 1891-92, had been following a pro-Russian policy. The new Shah appointed the liberal and pro-British Amin od-Dauleh to be Prime Minister in 1897, and he attempted reforms that stirred up some of the ulama and other vested interests. In 1898, weakened by the high level opposition and by the British failure to offer the loan that the Shah was seeking, the Amin od-Dauleh was forced to resign, and soon afterwards the Amin os-Soltan was recalled to power. The Shah's demands for money hastened the movement toward substantial Russian control over the Iranian government in these years.

English tobacco

English tobacco

English tobacco

Journal Article English tobacco Get access A. H. D. A. H. D. Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Notes and Queries, Volume s6-I, Issue 4, 24 January 1880, Page 83, https://doi.org/10.1093/nq/s6-I.4.83g Published: 24 January 1880

English tobacco

English tobacco

English Tobacco

English Tobacco