British Social Research Articles

Exploring Public Attitudes to Welfare over the Longue Durée: Re‐examination of Survey Evidence from Beveridge, Beatlemania, Blair and Beyond

AbstractIt is commonly argued that public support for the welfare state is in long‐term decline in the UK. Evidence from the British Social Attitudes Survey (BSA) is typically cited to support this claim, but it only stretches back to 1983. Few would disagree that the Thatcher years offered an unusual socio‐political‐economic context, which raises a question over whether the BSA's early 1980s baseline provides a misleading view on support for the welfare state over the longue durée. In this article, we explore this issue, piecing together data from the Beveridge era through to the present day, drawing on data from contemporary studies and surveys; opinion polls; and historical government surveys and reports. Our method is undoubtedly a ‘second best approach’, making use of often limited historical data, which means we remain cautious in offering bold findings. However, we argue there is some evidence to suggest the 1980s were an unusual moment, suggesting the decline in support for welfare is less dramatic than analysis of the BSA might make it seem, but also that support for the welfare state during the postwar consensus years was likely more equivocal than we often believe it to be from today's perspective, perhaps reflecting a tendency to reify this period as a ‘golden age’ of welfare and so underplaying the complexity of the politics of social policy in the pre‐BSA period.

Expressive voting and two-dimensional political competition: an application to law and order policy by New Labour in the UK

There has been much debate regarding the electoral strategy adopted by New Labour in the lead-up to and then during their time in government. This paper addresses the issue from the perspective of left/right and liberal/authoritarian considerations by examining data on individual attitudes from the British Social Attitudes survey between 1986 and 2009. The analysis indicates that New Labour’s move towards the right on economic and public policy was the main driver towards attracting new centrist voters and could thus be labelled ‘broadly’ populist. The move towards a tougher stance on law and order was more ‘narrowly’ populist in that it was used more to minimise the reduction in support from Labour’s traditional base on the left than to attract new votes. The evidence presented provides support for an expressive theory of voting in that law and order policy was arguably used to counter alienation amongst traditional, left-wing Labour supporters.

Relative Poverty, British Social Policy Writing and Public Experience

Relative poverty, a concept developed by left-wing social scientists, categorises as ‘poor’ those who fall seriously behind normal nationwide material standards. This article argues that the widespread view that the word ‘poverty’ means ‘relative poverty’, which in left-dominated social policy academia often extends to implying that those who do not define poverty this way are necessarily misguided, has led to an incomplete portrayal of poorer British people's lived experience. The article examines published empirical work, before presenting findings from British Social Attitudes surveys and interviews with forty unemployed Jobseeker's Allowance claimants and thirty employed people. Both the existing and new findings exposed aspects of public attitudes and experience which resonate with unanswered academic criticisms of defining poverty as relative poverty. These public contributions have tended to be glossed over or treated dismissively by social policy authors, despite them attaching importance to Left-friendly aspects of poorer people's experience and attitudes.

Does media coverage influence public attitudes towards welfare recipients? The impact of the 2011 English riots.

Following the shooting of Mark Duggan by police on 4 August 2011, there were riots in many large cities in the UK. As the rioting was widely perceived to be perpetrated by the urban poor, links were quickly made with Britain's welfare policies. In this paper, we examine whether the riots, and the subsequent media coverage, influenced attitudes toward welfare recipients. Using the British Social Attitudes survey, we use multivariate difference-in-differences regression models to compare attitudes toward welfare recipients among those interviewed before (pre-intervention: i.e. prior to 6 August) and after (post-intervention: 10 August-10 September) the riots occurred (N = 3,311). We use variation in exposure to the media coverage to test theories of media persuasion in the context of attitudes toward welfare recipients. Before the riots, there were no significant differences between newspaper readers and non-readers in their attitudes towards welfare recipients. However, after the riots, attitudes diverged. Newspaper readers became more likely than non-readers to believe that those on welfare did not really deserve help, that the unemployed could find a job if they wanted to and that those on the dole were being dishonest in claiming benefits. Although the divergence was clearest between right-leaning newspaper and non-newspaper readers, we do not a find statistically significant difference between right- and left-leaning newspapers. These results suggest that media coverage of the riots influenced attitudes towards welfare recipients; specifically, newspaper coverage of the riots increased the likelihood that readers of the print media expressed negative attitudes towards welfare recipients when compared with the rest of the population.

A Question of Culture or Economics? Public Attitudes to the European Union in Britain

AbstractPrevious research has suggested that attitudes towards the European Union (EU) are shaped by two sets of considerations—economic and cultural. Using data from the 2015 British Social Attitudes survey, this article assesses which matters more in shaping attitudes in Britain towards the EU as the country prepares to vote in a referendum on whether it should remain in or leave the European Union. It shows that while concern about the cultural consequences of EU membership is widespread, voters are inclined to think that membership is economically beneficial. This cultural concern underpins a widespread scepticism about Europe, but voters are only likely to want to leave the EU if they are also convinced of the economic case for doing so.

The University as the “Imagined Other”: Making Sense of Community Co-Produced Literacy Research

The University as the “Imagined Other”Making Sense of Community Co-Produced Literacy Research Kate Pahl (bio) The motivation for working together is really less to do with bringing different skills to bear on a common problem but rather, it is this immediacy of response encountered in the discussion of ideas, combined with the consummate otherness of thought which the collaborative partner brings.1 Ian Rawlinson and Nick Crowe (2012) Writing With or Without the “Other”: What Is There to Know? Collaboration can begin with a conversation. Listening Voices, Telling Stories was a project that engaged women from ethnic minority backgrounds in reading poetry from a number of different cultures; they met in a community library in Rotherham, a city located in South Yorkshire, in the United Kingdom. Zanib Rasool was one of the community researchers who developed this project. Zanib is from a British South Asian background and is passionate about the need for women to recover their heritage through poetry. She suggested that together we could read Urdu women poets from Pakistan who were oft en overlooked in school poetry teaching. As an activist in the community, she was also determined to support women and work with them to create spaces for them to organize. I had a conversation with Zanib that took place in a community library, which I recorded in my fieldnotes in March of 2015: We arrived early, as I was planning to talk to Zanib about the safe spaces for women and girls project. We talked about the ways in which [End Page 129] it was important for women to do things for themselves. Zanib talked about a mother and toddler group run by women volunteers which closed when paid workers took it over. She mentioned a toy library that had been very successful. She talked about how informal ways of getting together—like her group at school—enabled different kinds of conversations to happen. Here Zanib’s focus was on the need to work informally to create safe spaces for things to happen with a focus on women and girls. She was working through her experience of community development through organizing a literary project. This made sense to me. My interest in community change processes emerged out of my own history. From 1987 to 1994 I was an outreach worker for an adult literacy scheme in Hammersmith (London) as an employee of the Council for Racial Equality. This was a neighborhood project that included a commitment to a student-led vision of what would happen within the adult literacy project, and it emphasized community writing and participation. I worked to support parents in setting up writing groups to produce poetry and life stories for publication. My main concern became constructing spaces for women where they could address their experiences. I continued working with the group outside of my role as an outreach worker because of my commitment to the goals of anti-racist practice within communities, reversing and shift ing sites of power to lever change as and when it was needed (Bird and Pahl 1994). Our shared history of community development work created a space where we could rely on collective understandings and visions. Over the years Zanib and I had planned and developed projects together: Zanib in her role as community activist, and I in my role as academic in the School of Education at a local university. Most recently our work had focused on the cultural context of civic engagement and the need to engage women in projects that were self-directed and owned by the women themselves, in community settings. This particular project was undertaken in the context of what was then known as the Imagine project, part of a national initiative called the Connected Communities program, which was funded by the British Economic and Social Research Council (esrc) and the Arts and Humanities Research Council (ahrc). This was a radical new funding initiative that asked university researchers and academics to write proposals that were co-designed with community partners. The [End Page 130] program was run by the ahrc in the United Kingdom (see Facer and Enright 2016). Imagine is a unique project that sought to create research...

Class and Cuisine in Contemporary Britain: the Social Space, the Space of Food and Their Homology

Thirty-five years ago Pierre Bourdieu asserted that food preferences, as much as any other element of culture, are distributed within a space of difference more or less homologous with the social space of class positions. Plumbing data on annual spends on all manner of food items, he detected two key oppositions – a taste for the light versus a taste for the heavy on the one hand and a taste for rich foods versus a taste for healthy and exotic foods on the other – and located their generative principles in differences of volume of capital and composition of capital respectively. Deploying a correspondence analysis of similar data using the 2010 Living Costs and Food Survey, supplemented by data from the 2008 British Social Attitudes survey and the 2003 Cultural Capital and Social Exclusion Survey, we seek to examine whether comparable differences in expenditure and preferences are observable in contemporary Britain and, consequently, to illuminate the current structure of the food space and its homology with class. Ultimately, we conclude that Bourdieu's general model is essentially transposable from 1960s France to the UK at the dawn of the 21st century, though we put additional emphasis on the ethical dimension of food consumption, and reflect on the prevalent instances of symbolic violence it underpins.

Thatcherite Ideology, Housing Tenure and Crime: The Socio-spatial Consequences of the Right to Buy for Domestic Property Crime

However one views it, the changes to housing tenure in the 1980s were pronounced and have had enduring effects in terms of the housing market. In this paper, we throw light on the relationship between housing tenure and the experience of property crime in and around what might be referred to as domestic environments (i.e. people’s homes). In so doing, we explore the ideological positions which both of the (then) main political parties had adopted towards housing during the 1970s (during the build up to the sale of council housing) and the ways in which the legal framework surrounding housing was modified in order to effect these ideas at, quite literally, ‘street level’. Using the General Household Survey, the British Crime Survey and the British Social Attitudes Survey, we examine the general relationship between housing tenure and crime and explore how these unfolded both in terms of time (i.e. an historical analysis) and social space (i.e. in terms of the socio-spatial location of these crimes).

Anarchy in the UK(‘s most famous fortress): comradeship and cupidity in Gibraltar and neighbouring Spain, 1890–1902

This article is the first to investigate the growth of anarchist ideology and tactics in Gibraltar and the surrounding Spanish region, the Campo de Gibraltar, in the period 1890–1902. We draw upon hitherto unused material from both The National Archives in London and the Gibraltar Government Archives. By doing so, we demonstrate that during this period Gibraltarian and Spanish workers came together, not only to defend and advance their interests by direct action, such as strikes and attacks on employers, but also to advance educational and social causes too. Indeed, by 1898–1899, the appeal of this movement was so strong that an attempt by the British Social Democratic Federation to establish a more constitutionalist approach to industrial relations failed. By 1902, the power of anarchist movements and tactics concerned employers in Gibraltar, so greatly that they engineered a lockout – styled a general strike by local workers – and successfully smashed the organising power of the local movement. Meanwhile, on the Spanish side of the frontier, a massacre engineered by the local Spanish authorities resulted in the deaths of a number of activists and a hiatus in the movement that would last until the Great War of 1914–1918.

BJOG Editors‐in‐chief since 1902

Frances Henry Champneys was born on 25 March 1848 in Whitechapel, London. His father was the very Reverend William Weldon Champneys, vicar of St Mary's Whitechapel and Dean of Lichfield. One of five brothers, he went to Winchester School as a scholar, where he was taught by SB Wesley, organist to the school and cathedral. Later, he had an organ in his house, directed a choir and wrote hymns. He won an exhibition (scholarship) to Brasenose College, Oxford, where he captained the college boat and took a first class in natural science. He studied medicine at St Bartholomew's Hospital and, having gained the Radcliffe travelling fellowship in 1872, studied in Vienna, Leipzig and Dresden. He graduated B.M. Oxon and became MRCS in 1875, when he was appointed registrar at St Bart's. The following year he married Virginia Dalrymple, and struggled financially until, in 1880, he was elected assistant obstetric physician to St George's Hospital. With John Williams he also took over the General Lying in Hospital (founded in Lambeth in 1767), and immediately established Listerian antiseptic midwifery for the first time in an English hospital, dramatically reducing the incidence of puerperal infections. He was promoted to obstetric physician at St George's in 1885, and from there went on to gain an MD in 1888. In 1891 he returned to St Bart's as physician accoucheur, where he practiced until retirement in 1913 at the age of 65 years. Champneys was prominent in the Royal College of Physicians and the Royal Medical and Chirurgical Society. When the latter joined with 17 other societies to form the Royal Society of Medicine, he became honorary treasurer, and then president in 1912. He was also elected president of the British Medical Association section of Obstetrics and Gynaecology in 1904. He played a leading part in formulating the rules of the newly formed (in 1903) Central Midwives Board, becoming its chairman in that year, and continuing in that role until he died 26 years later. He believed that the practice of midwives should be limited in scope and that they should defer to doctors. This view was not always shared by rank-and-file midwives, who ‘found the chairman harsh in his judgements and scathing towards those who were not submissive enough to the board’. Champneys was also crown nominee on the General Medical Council from 1911 to 1926, and strove to improve the training of medical students in practical midwifery. In 1929 he was involved in founding the British College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, became a foundation fellow of the College, and was elected vice-patron. He campaigned against the scourge of venereal disease as vice chairman of the ‘British Social Hygiene Council’. Champneys and Virginia had three sons (one of whom was killed in the First World War) and a daughter. He was created a baronet in 1910, succeeded in the title by his youngest and only surviving son, a doctor who became deputy Chief Medical Officer. Champneys died in 1930, remembered as short but good-looking, energetic, talkative, and ‘bubbling over with laughter’. Philip Steer is Emeritus Editor, BJOG. For a full disclosure of interests, please go to www.BJOG.org. Image source: Wellcome Library, London, ICV No 26591. Reproduced under CC BY 4.0 License.■

The Education Effect: Higher Educational Qualifications are Robustly Associated with Beneficial Personal and Socio-political Outcomes

Level of education is a predictor of a range of important outcomes, such as political interest and cynicism, social trust, health, well-being, and intergroup attitudes. We address a gap in the literature by analyzing the strength and stability of the education effect associated with this diverse range of outcomes across three surveys covering the period 1986–2011, including novel latent growth analyses of the stability of the education effect within the same individuals over time. Our analyses of the British Social Attitudes Survey, British Household Panel Survey, and International Social Survey Programme indicated that the education effect was robust across these outcomes and relatively stable over time, with higher education levels being associated with higher trust and political interest, better health and well-being, and with less political cynicism and less negative intergroup attitudes. The education effect was strongest when associated with political outcomes and attitudes towards immigrants, whereas it was weakest when associated with health and well-being. Most of the education effect appears to be due to the beneficial consequences of having a university education. Our results demonstrate that this beneficial education effect is also manifested in within-individual changes, with the education effect tending to become stronger as individuals age.

Multilevel cumulative logistic regression model with random effects: Application to British social attitudes panel survey data

A multilevel model for ordinal data in generalized linear mixed models (GLMM) framework is developed to account for the inherent dependencies among observations within clusters. Motivated by a data set from the British Social Attitudes Panel Survey (BSAPS), the random district effects and respondent effects are incorporated into the linear predictor to accommodate the nested clusterings. The fixed (random) effects are estimated (predicted) by maximizing the penalized quasi likelihood (PQL) function, whereas the variance component parameters are obtained via the restricted maximum likelihood (REML) estimation method. The model is employed to analyze the BSAPS data. Simulation studies are conducted to assess the performance of estimators.

Attitudes towards legalising physician provided euthanasia in Britain: The role of religion over time

Hastening the death of another whether through assisted suicide or euthanasia is the subject of intense debate in the UK and elsewhere. In this paper we use a nationally representative survey of public attitudes – the British Social Attitudes survey – to examine changes in attitudes to the legalisation of physician provided euthanasia (PPE) over almost 30 years (1983–2012) and the role of religious beliefs and religiosity in attitudes over time. Compatible questions about attitudes to euthanasia were available in the six years of 1983, 1984, 1989, 1994, 2005, and 2012. We study the trends in the support for legalisation through these time points and the relationship between attitudes, religious denomination and religiosity, controlling for a series of covariates. In total, 8099 individuals provided answers to the question about PPE in the six years of the study. The support for legalisation rose from around 76.95% in 1983 to 83.86% in 2012. This coincided with an increase in secularisation exhibited in the survey: the percentage of people with no religious affiliation increasing from 31% to 45.4% and those who do not attend a religious institution (e.g. church) increasing from 55.7% to 65.03%. The multivariate analysis demonstrates that religious affiliation and religiosity as measured by religious institution attendance frequency are the main contributors to attitudes towards euthanasia, and that the main increase in support happened among the group with least religious affiliation. Other socio-demographic characteristics do not seem to alter these attitudes systematically across the years. Our study demonstrates an increase in the support of euthanasia legalisation in Britain in the last 30 years coincided with increased secularisation. It does not follow, however, that trends in public support are immutable nor that a change in the law would improve on the current pragmatic approach toward hastening death by a physician adopted in England and Wales in terms of the balance between compassion and safeguards against abuse offered.

How Postcolonial Translation Theory Transforms Francophone African Studies

metaphor of as a carrying across of meaning between texts and cultures has often been used to explore ways in which West's others present to a dominant Western, receiving, target culture through hegemonic languages of empire, ostensibly for hegemonic Western audiences. This of course pattern described by philosophy of translatio studii et imperii, putative geographic movement westward of both learning and empire. Likewise, in discussing work of francophone writers, critics have often assumed a similar translational model of writing that uni-directional, a carrying-across that moves only from (post)colony to West, from South to North. As Anuradha Dingwaney puts it, translation ... vehicle though which 'Third World' cultures (are made to) travel--transported or 'borne across' to and recuperated by audiences in West (4). In its inattention to reciprocal cultural exchange, however, this model effectively forecloses on role of writer as literary and cultural agent because it relies on notion of as an ancillary activity where writer-as (derivative)-translator works in service of one or another cultural master. Moradewum Adejunmobi asserts that this type of thinking even shared by some writers who may continue to present their European-language texts as derivative ... because a widespread conception prevails among writers and critics of according to which only versions in indigenous languages can be truly African (168). Indeed, Adejunmobi's essay, and Postcolonial Identity: Writing and European Languages perspicaciously explores persistent nostalgia for 'origins,' 'original languages,' and ... 'original identities' in issues surrounding and contemporary literature (163). It this type of originary thinking that often leads (Western) readers of francophone to assume that because work was written in French, audience therefore located in metropole and beyond, to exclusion of local readers. For example, in his introduction to Sartre's What Literature and Other Essays, Steven Ungar claims that Sartre's Orphee noir, preface to L.S. Senghor's Anthologie de la poesie negre et malgache, allows Sartre to mediate on behalf of Senghor and poets in order to address white European readers for whom anthology intended (12, emphasis added). Similarly, Madeleine Borgomano assumes that, because francophone women write in French, their texts are addressed to l'autre, l'homme blanc, l'etranger the other, White man, foreigner (Voix 32). This type of thinking about francophone as a which unidirectional tends to deny of translational exchange. It reminiscent of what Talal Asad first identified as violence of ethnographic authority in cultural and determination of cultural meaning in a Western context. In his seminal 1986 essay, The Concept of Cultural Translation in British Social Anthropology, Asad shows that authority of ethnographer is inscribed in institutionalized forces of industrial capitalist society ... which are constantly tending to push meanings of various Third World societies in a single direction (163). However, as Douglas Robinson observes, while translatio in constant geographical drift, its movement not necessarily westward: translation itself must repeatedly be retranslated ..., which has effect of grounding it not in stability but in flux (55). Just as field of Translation Studies has moved beyond examining the translations themselves (although this certainly continues to be an essential component of Translation Studies) toward a turn that emphasizes centrality of in cultural history, so turn in Translation Studies has turned toward an examination of many facets of linguistic and cultural in colonial and postcolonial contexts. …

British Public Opinion after a Decade of War: Attitudes to Iraq and Afghanistan

Using data from the 2011 British Social Attitudes survey (n = 3,311), this article compares British public opinion of the purposes and successes of the Iraq and Afghanistan missions. Public acceptance of military deaths/injuries, the accuracy of public estimates of military fatalities and how these differ according to opinions of the missions are determined. It is found that the British public is doubtful of the missions' achievements and cynical about their purposes. Perceptions of the campaigns were associated with the accuracy of estimations of UK military fatalities, and the acceptability of military deaths/injuries. Implications for social and political theory and British foreign policy are discussed.

Homo Economicus in a Big Society: Understanding Middle-class Activism and NIMBYism towards New Housing Developments

Problems of housing supply and affordability in England have long been recognized by policy-makers. A key barrier to supply is seen to be community activism by so-called not-in-my-back-yard activists (NIMBYs). The localism policy agenda, or devolving decision-making down to the local level, is central to how the UK coalition government seek to overcome this opposition. This conceives NIMBYism as a demonstration of homo economicus – of the rationality of economic beings seeking to maximize their utility. In this view, residents would not accept large urban extensions in suburban areas because they took on localized costs with no obvious benefits, unless incentivised appropriately. In this paper, we use analysis of British Social Attitudes Survey data as well as the results of the first review of middle-class activism in relation to public services to identify the likelihood of residents being incentivized by this version of localism to accept new housing. We conclude that the evidence on the individual and collective attitudes suggests that it is unlikely that localism will deliver new housing. Importantly, the political power of affluent and professional groups means they can ensure that their opposition is heard, particularly in the neighbourhood plans delivered through localism. The paper argues that planning for housing needs to understand communities as homo democraticus – as actively engaged in negotiating between complex interests with respect to support for new housing.

Struktural-Fungsionalisme

This article deals with the concepts of function and social structure, developed by two leading figures in British Social Anthropology, Radcliffe -Brown and Malinowski, before the Second World War. In this article, the author distinguishes Malinowski's concept of function from Radcliffe -Brown's, delineates Radcliffe-Brown's concept of social-structure and Evans-Pritchard's review of this concept. This article particularly intends to help the Indonesia students to study anthropological theory in their own language. Key words: organic analogy; social structure; institution; ideographic method.

The End of Being British?

As the 2014 Referendum on Scottish independence approaches, a question which many people see as crucial is: have the British ceased to be British? In particular, have the Scots ceased to be British, and are there signs that the English are following the same path away from state identity? This article reviews evidence from British and Scottish Social Attitudes surveys, to show that there is no simple dichotomy between ‘national’ (Scottish or English) identity, and ‘state’ (British) identity. A majority of people in both Scotland and England take some pride in being British. In Scotland, although people are more strongly ‘Scottish’, they do not take a negative view of Britain's past or its erstwhile Empire and they see ‘British’ as a multicultural and unifying label. The data show that ‘Britain’ remains a salient and meaningful frame of reference, even though fewer and fewer people in England and Scotland define their own identity primarily as British. If they choose not to define themselves as British, this is a positive decision, not one they make because they think Britishness is a concept devoid of meaning.

Health-promoting palliative care: a Scottish perspective.

International Journal of Palliative NursingVol. 20, No. 7 CommentaryHealth-promoting palliative care: a Scottish perspectiveRebecca M Patterson, Mark A HazelwoodRebecca M PattersonSearch for more papers by this author, Mark A HazelwoodSearch for more papers by this authorRebecca M Patterson; Mark A HazelwoodPublished Online:25 Jul 2014https://doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2014.20.7.318AboutSectionsView articleView Full TextPDF/EPUB ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack CitationsPermissions ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InEmail View article References Age Scotland (2013) Mind the Gap: Age Scotland's Public Policy Review 2012-2013. Age Scotland Google ScholarChildren's Hospice Association Scotland (2013) The 100% Project film. www.chas.org.uk/100percentproject/whatis100 (accessed 5 June 2014) Google ScholarCompassionate Friends UK (2013) Say Their Name film. www.youtube.com/watch?v=GS9z3dwMhZs&feature=kp (accessed 5 June 2014) Google ScholarDepartment of Health (2008) End of Life Care Strategy: Promoting High Quality Care for Adults at The End of Life. DH, London Google ScholarDying Matters (2010) Society's wall of silence around dying and death prompts call for national debate. http://dyingmatters.org/news/society%E2%80%99s-wall-silence-around-dying-and-death-prompts-call-national-debate (accessed 5 June 2014) Google ScholarEncyclopedia of Death and Dying (2014) Continuing bonds. www.deathreference.com/Ce-Da/Continuing-Bonds.html (accessed 5 June 2014) Google ScholarGlasgow Centre for Population Health (2011) Asset Based Approaches for Health Improvement: Redressing the Balance. Glasgow Centre for Population Health, Glasgow Google ScholarKellehear A, Young B (2007) Resilient communities. In: Monroe BOlivier D, eds. Resilience in Palliative Care – Achievement in Adversity. Oxford University Press, Oxford Crossref, Google ScholarKumar S, Numpeli M (2005) Neighborhood network in palliative care. Indian J Palliat Care 11(1): 6–9 Crossref, Medline, Google ScholarLindsay J, Miller J, Currie EMC, Kelly J, Guthrie M (2013) Whole School Approach to Loss, Grief and Bereavement. www.palliativecarescotland.org.uk/content/publications/Loss-Grief-and-Bereavement-Toolkit.pdf (accessed 5 June 2014) Google ScholarNatCen Social Research (2013) British Social Attitudes 30. NatCen Social Research Google ScholarNHS Health Scotland and Joint Improvement Team (2014) Active and Healthy Aging Action Plan 2014-16. JIT Google ScholarOffice of the Public Guardian (2014) Yearly comparisons by type. www.publicguardian-scotland.gov.uk/whatwedo/historical%20stats.asp (accessed 5 June 2014) Google ScholarPatterson R, Hazelwood M (2014) Dining with Death: Conversation Menus as a means of educating people about death, dying and bereavement. BMJ Support Palliat Care 4(Suppl 1): A77 Crossref, Medline, Google ScholarSallnow L, Paul S (2014) Understanding community engagement in end-of-life care: developing conceptual clarity Critical Public Health doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/09581596.2014.909582 Medline, Google ScholarScottish Government (2008) Living and Dying Well: A National Action Plan for Palliative and End of Life Care in Scotland. Scottish Government, Edinburgh Google ScholarScottish Government (2011) Living and Dying Well: Building on Progress. Scottish Government, Edinburgh Google ScholarShort Life Working Group 7 (2010) Addressing Palliative and End of Life Care from A Public Health and Health Promotion Perspective: Facilitating Wider Discussion of Death, Dying and Bereavement Across Society. Scotttish Government, Edinburgh Google ScholarStrang F (2013) All Hands on Deck. www.jitscotland.org.uk/news-and-events-files/All%20Hands%20on%20Deck.pdf (accessed 5 June 2014) Google ScholarWorld Health Organization (1997) Jakarta Declaration on Leading Health Promotion into the 21st Century. www.who.int/healthpromotion/conferences/previous/jakarta/declaration/en/ (accessed 5 June 2014) Google Scholar FiguresReferencesRelatedDetailsCited byArea-Based Compassionate Communities: A systematic integrative review of existing initiatives worldwide30 March 2022 | Palliative Medicine, Vol. 36, No. 3New public health approaches to palliative care, a brave new horizon or an impractical ideal? An Integrative literature review with thematic synthesis6 October 2021 | Palliative Care and Social Practice, Vol. 15Resilience as a predictive factor towards a healthy adjustment to grief after the loss of a child to cancer21 March 2019 | PLOS ONE, Vol. 14, No. 3 2 July 2014Volume 20Issue 7ISSN (print): 1357-6321ISSN (online): 2052-286X Metrics History Published online 25 July 2014 Published in print 2 July 2014 Information© MA Healthcare LimitedPDF download

Education, Social Attitudes and Social Participation among Adults in Britain

A stable finding of research on civic participation is the correlation between overall educational attainment and various attributes that are relevant to democracy, such as propensity to be active, to vote, and to hold views on important public issues. But research since the 1990s has suggested that we should be cautious about this inference. The most important question is that raised by the findings of Nie et al. (1996) on the USA, showing that rising overall levels of education, while probably making populations more liberal, did not make them more likely to vote. Even that conclusion may be too general, because research by, for example, Campbell (2004) and Nie and Hillygus (2001) shows that the content and style of an educational course are relevant. More problematic still are questions about the nature of the citizens which education might help to create: is education democratically desirable because it makes people think, or because it makes people socially liberal (which is the general tenor of most of the writing on this topic)? The paper therefore asks, using British data, what kind of education matters for social attitudes and civic participation by adults? Several British data sources are used, mainly the 1958 and 1970 British birth cohorts, the British Social Attitudes Survey and the British Household Panel Study.