British Rule Research Articles

The Vernacular Literary Resistance in Colonial Punjab and Colonial Balochistan 1880-1925: A Comparative and Historical Analysis

This study explores the Balochi-Brahui vernacular literary resistance in comparison with the Punjabi language from a historical perspective, which has never been highlighted before. Vernacular literary resistance during British colonial rule triggered numerous physical resistance movements in different parts of the Raj, from British Balochistan in the west to the colonized Punjab in the east. The movement in Punjab was designed to protect the Punjabi language against the forceful imposition of Urdu along with English, while in Balochistan the literary movement had its agenda to protect local Baloch people from the Christian missionaries who were busy propagating Christianity by using both Balochi and Brahui languages. The present study is based on a mixed method of analytical and explanatory methods, and it has endeavored that all the sources are critically analyzed. The Vernacular Literary resistance of both regions powerfully affected British colonial state formation with its full zeal and enthusiasm.

DENYING AND DEFLECTING THE RACISM OF EMPIRE: THE TROPE OF THE ‘MALEVOLENT NATIVE’ IN THE WRITINGS OF THE COLONIAL FUNCTIONARY AND AUTHOR HUGH CLIFFORD

Hugh Charles Clifford (1866-1941) was a colonial functionary who served in various capacities in British Malaya, notably in the kingdom of Pahang (as colonial agent, 1887-1888; Superintendent (1889) and Resident (1896-1900, 1901-1903). Apart from his duties as a colonial administrator, Clifford was also the author of numerous works of fiction that were set in the kingdom and was thus an active contributor to the colonial imaginary. This paper looks at the fictional works of Hugh Clifford. It focuses on one specific theme that recurs repeatedly in several of his works, which is the notion that the aboriginal and other Asiatic communities of the Malay Peninsula were living under the overlordship of the Malays. That a British colonial functionary like Clifford could have foregrounded such a theme while seemingly unaware of his role and subject-position as a functionary of the British Empire is telling in many respects. In many ways, the fictional works of Clifford can be read as a systematic and sustained effort to deny and deflect the racism at the heart of racialized colonial capitalism then, which served as the basis of British imperial rule across Asia and Africa.

Constitutional History of Jammu and Kashmir: An Analysis of Its Integration with India

A new era began in the political history of India when Indian Independence Act, 1947 was passed and a territory named Dominion of Pakistan unfortunately seceded from British India. More than 550 Princely States were existing at that time wherein the administrative structure was completely different from the administration of British India. With the end of British rule coming near, efforts were taking place to bring the uniformity in governance system and to secure a progressive constitutional structure. This process of coming together of States under an umbrella of uniform government set up in the Dominion of India has been referred to as accession by political theorists, where the rule of law in coming future will be governed by a constitution, which was in making at that time at federal level. Erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir (hereinafter referred to as J&K) was no different from other States who joined the Dominion of India through an Instrument of Accession. Over the passage of time, some constitutional developments took place in J&K in allegedly surreptitious manner which changed the course of development for the erstwhile State as well as its residents. In last seven decades, J&K lagged behind in sphere of public policy, governance, transparency and accountability if compared to other hilly States in the northern region. This paper shall be an attempt to survey all the legal and constitutional aspects that played an important role in the process of integration of J&K. Changes that occurred post 5th August 2019 in J&K will also be examined dispassionately.

The Three Movements in the Management of Lands and Natural Resources in Ghana: From the Crown Lands Bill of 1897 to the Land Act of 2020

This paper examines the three movements that characterize the ownership and management of lands and natural resources in Ghana since the start of British colonial rule. First, we explore the different stratagems employed by the colonial State in its attempt to introduce the failed Crown Lands Bill that sought to give it control over the locals' lands. Next, we turn the spotlight on the state-centric approach to ownership of lands and natural resources adopted by the post-independent State, particularizing the reasons for the new approach. Finally, we discuss the defining features of the current movement, whose seeds were sown at the close of the second movement but only germinated properly in 1992 with the birth of the Fourth Republic. The paper argues that an appreciation of the different shades that undergird these movements is a crucial step towards understanding the current land tenure system and creating the future we hope for as far as the ownership and management of lands and natural resources in Ghana are concerned.

Revolt of 1857 and Education in Delhi: Institutions and Policies

A strong and extensively developed system of education existed in Punjab before the onset of colonialism in India. Delhi was one of the districts of Punjab Province under the British rule. With the change of power, there came change in all aspects of administration and the system of education was no exception. The focus here is on the changes that were brought about in educational policies and their manifestations within the institutional domains after the Revolt of 1857 until the 1880s. This was also the time when nationalist sentiments were on the rise and organisations like Arya Samaj and Sanatan Dharma played a very important role in spreading education in Delhi.

THE MODERNITY IN COLONIAL INDIA: A CASE STUDY OF AKBAR ALLAHABADI’S POETRY

Akbar Allahabadi is a poet in the Urdu poetic tradition who, through his creative consciousness, revealed the inner layers of colonialism. The environment in which Akbar's poetry thrives is in colonial India, where he and other political and social leaders of his time are loyal to the British government. The historical context in which his poetry presents its meaning is the scenario of the beginning of the nineteenth century in India when it was a time of flux for the Muslim community. After the Revolt of 1857, Muslims, in particular, had been the subject of attack by British rulers. Many were forced to abandon Delhi and others were not allowed to enter the city. In the wake of this crisis, the community adopted two opposing ideologies. While one group was staunchly hostile towards the British, the other saw a benefit in collaborating with the benefactors. The latter—called supporters of the ‘new light’—believed in adopting British culture as modern. This bothered Urdu poet and satirist Akbar Allahabadi (1846–1921), as he lamented the loss of culture that would come with imitation of the British way of life. He took to his trusted weapon—satirical poetry—to critique this trend. the post-1857 era of peace and reform and the beginning and the end of the First World War. Although the concept of history is not very clear in his poetry, the external conditions which influenced his poetic temperament cannot be understood without being detached from history. Akbar interprets the cultural conditions of the age with his poetic consciousness. This article seeks to study Akbar’s poetry from a Postcolonial perspective

Identity and elites in developmental politics: a case study of the “Gorkha” and “Gorkhaland” movements in the eastern parts of India

ABSTRACT This article draws attention to the “Gorkha” as a constructed identity, given or adopted by Nepali-speaking community. The idea of “Gorkha” in general and the demand for the territory of “Gorkhaland” of India have remained an elitist project, and the employment of this idea/term “Gorkha” has been a political instrumentalization that failed to bring any form of development. The period of 1980s gave rise to the “Gorkhaland” movement in India for its subjugation and alienation, which sparked questioning about the identity of the Gorkha in Indian politics. The question arises: Why Nepali people are mobilized as “Gorkha” in its history? How is the “Gorkhaland” movement in India a developmental problem in contrast to ethnic politics? This paper is divided into two parts, such as (1) “Gorkha” and its origin in general and (2) Indian “Gorkha” and the “Gorkhaland” demand. The process of such movement led by elites brings both domestic and international attentions due to cross border and regional politics. This paper uses a thematic approach in analyzing the leader’s role in relation to the last Shah King, a recruitment policy of colonial British raj, and legitimization process by the “Gorkha” leaders in the “Gorkhaland” Movement.

Historical Perspective and Current Practices of Language in Education Planning in Pakistan

The present study seeks to explain the provision of education during the British colonial rule in the subcontinent and the extent to which Pakistani educational policies adhere to colonial legacies. This investigation concluded that Pakistan remains entangled in colonialism despite achieving independence. Pakistan's education system has been hindered in addressing its language in education needs due to the influence of the ruling class and their interests, which have prevented the country from achieving independence from colonial reasoning. Pakistan has to contend with neocolonialism via education which is stratified by economic class resulting in a concentration of opportunities among a tiny elite who possess proficiency in English. At the global level, there is a contention that utilizing a language of instruction that is not the learner's primary language poses a considerable obstacle to achieving high-quality education across all stages of education. In addition, it is more probable for children to attain proficiency in a second language if they acquire literacy skills in their primary language beforehand.
 Concerning the friction between Urdu, English, and other regional languages, there is a repeated imperative to advocate for the attainment of 'universal literacy' in one's mother tongue rather than considering one language at the expense of the other. The proposition is for education policies to adopt the concept of 'multilingualism,' leveraging indigenous resources to strengthen the establishment of Pakistan's national identity, which must be responsive to recognizing regional languages in formal education.

Encounters, Institutions & Lessons: 25 Years after the Good Friday Agreement

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsJames HeadleyJames Headley is an Associate Professor in the Politics Programme at the University of Otago. His research interests are in Russian foreign policy, the European Union, nationalism, and International Relations theory. He is the author of Russia and the Balkans: Foreign Policy from Yeltsin to Putin (Hurst and Co./Columbia University Press). He completed his PhD at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London.Lena TanLena Tan is senior lecturer in International Relations at the University of Otago (Dunedin, New Zealand). Her research interests lie in provincializing IR through postcolonial, decolonial and other critical approaches, and the construction and constitution of the Global South in international relations. She has published on IR theory, 20th century decolonization, the role of metropolitan identity in Indonesian foreign and security policies and the end of British rule in India. E-mail: Lena.tan@otago.ac.nz

Revisiting British–India’s Military Historiography

The British-officered Indian Army (colonial Indian Army/Sepoy Army) was the principal pillar of the British Empire in India. This force constituted the main item of expenditure in the state budget. Modern historical writing on the Indian colonial armed forces started in the 1970s. This survey is organised along four interrelated themes of war and the British–Indian state, British–Indian armed forces and Indian society, warfare and British-India’s military culture, and finally the British–Indian military as a combat organisation. It charts the trends and shifts in historical writings in the field of British-era Indian militaries.

From Colonial to Postcolonial

Bangladesh emerged as an independent nation-state in 1971, but the origin of Bangla poetry of Bangladesh lies in the partition of India in 1947 when Bangla poetry diverged from its thousand-year-old history to form a separate poetic stream as the Bangla poetry of East Bengal. The creation of Pakistan by partitioning India resulted in the partition of Bengal, where Muslim-dominated East Bengal, today’s Bangladesh, became a part of the newly created state of Pakistan. Although the official march of Pakistan began in 1947, the signs of new Bangla poetry of an emerging nation became visible at the beginning of the 1940s, particularly by Bengali Muslim poets. I call these poets “the poets of transition”, as they not only experienced British colonial rule but also witnessed its end. These poets led Bangla poetry in a new direction in East Bengal in the post-partition period. They gave expression to the complex experience of transition from a colonial to a postcolonial existence. Their poetry bears the mark of colonization on the one hand, and, on the other, reflects the experience of postcolonial reality. In this essay, I argue that this poetry, written in Bangla vernacular, bears the essential characteristics of what is known as “postcolonial poetry”.

Construction of Lahure Culture in Nepali Literature

The Gurkha and lahure with identical sense has gained their name and fame in western discourse. After the Anglo-Gorkha war fought in 1814-16 A. D., the hill-people of Nepal joined in British and Indian army forces and were referred to as ‘Gorkhas’ or ‘Goorkhali’or 'lahure'. The British rulers referred to them as ‘Gurkhas’ and British construction of lahure culture brought a division between lahure and non-lahure in Nepali society. It reveals that the practice of Gurkha as a product of western imperialism is still in use. The orientalist martial discourse dominates the historiography of Gurkhas. This article uses Lionel Caplan's theory that deals with the Gurkhas in the context of the western military imagination. The recruitment in military force accepted the Gurkha culture and turned their mythological character into reality to a considerable increase in Gurkha recruitment. The fact that Nepali writers and singers raised the different voices to accept and oppose the reality of lahure culture.

Ambivalent Representation of India and its Politics in Hodges’s Travels in India

This paper analyzes ambivalent representation of India in William Hodges' Travels in India. The exploration of politics behind such representation can be interesting area to investigate. The writer has tried to portray the contradiction between ruins, antiquity, and depopulated habitation on the one hand; and modification, cultivation, and populated habitation, on the other. The horrendous act of sati has been depicted in a smart way as Hodges does not criticize Hindu tradition of self-immolation of wives for the death of their husbands; while the same custom was declared illegal and punishable later by English rulers in India during colonial time. Similarly, Hindu art and architecture has not been observed with the spectacle of Greek art which was considered model worldwide; rather it has been depicted as superb and guided by climate, culture, and geography of its own. Promod K. Nayar's notion of imperial sublime, Saree Makdisi's Romantic imperialism, and Julie Reiser's idea on writer as shared nervous system of circumstances have been used to strengthen the argument. The study concludes that the ambivalent representational stances created in Hodges' narrative try to justify English rule in India in the consolidation phase of the empire. Previous studies highlighted deserted landscape, customs, populations mainly focusing on the representation of Hindus, their art, architecture, the Muslim indolence resulting in devastation and ruin. This study, however, investigated the ambivalent representation and its politics behind the portrayal of the need of English presence in India for modification and habitation. Finally, this study also throws light on the gap for future research on the circumstances that led to the development of negative representation of the natives in colonial writing.

Settling North West Frontier Province (NWFP) under British Rule

In this paper, it would be tried to analyse that what was the significance of North West Frontier Province (NWFP) for British colonial rule either that was a political asset or economic? How British became able to establish an order in this antagonistic and inflammatory territory? What were the strategic and tactical measures adapted by British to rule the “unruly” people of NWFP? Moreover, what were the counter measures adopted by the British to maintain peace and stability and to kept away Central Powers activities and propaganda in the region?
 British came in India for the sake of trade and commerce not for the purpose of ruling them. But when they seek that due to internal conflicts and political instabilities India is so weaker and unable to get benefited with its own resources. Then, they exploited the internal situation for their own interests. (To carry out enormous raw material from this resource rich region, through which natives were unable to get benefited properly). They assume that “we” are educated, rational, rich, strong and superior white people.

Educational Development in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (N.W.F.P): An Historical Perspective

This paper investigates the overall educational conditions of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa during the British rule, and also explore the prevailing educational system in the province. It further explain the deplorable educational conditions of the Muslims on the eve of British arrival in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. After the occupation of the province and introduction of modern education by the Britishers, various educational movements in reaction were initiated by some prominent religious, social and political elites. These educational movements are thoroughly investigated in the research paper.

Mechanism of Resistance to British Imperialism in the Literature of Kazi Nazrul Islam

Literature has always been an effective medium of presentation. Whenever the groaning sound of people with the increasing tyranny of colonial rule raised high, literature played a pivotal role to draw it in a pragmatically artistic touch. The Bidrohi Kabi Kazi Nazrul Islam, National Poet of Bangladesh, made a unique place in the journey of Bengali literature resistance of the early twentieth century. He inextricably applied diverse literary genres and thematic mechanisms of resistance in his literature which undoubtedly bore the motive-inciting words of love and fire against any form of injustice whether of British Empire or societal customs and continued the thread of awakening in the Bengal Renaissance. The Rebel Poet was the figurehead of the allied Hindu-Muslim struggle of undivided India against the imperialistic British rule. However, miserably the discourse on Nazrul Resistance Literature is limited only in Bengali corridors with mere poetic contributions. With this viewpoint, the research delves into exploring the dimensional works of the poet and tries to establish him as a versatile writer of prose and poetry. In addition, the work makes a sincere effort to elucidate various thematic decorations of his literary outcomes and their universal acceptability. Ultimately, Nazrul Studies are yet to be expounded further ahead to bring out more research works on this Bengali poet of love and resistance overlooking the cross-country borders.

Unions, Strikes, Shaw (Unions, Strikes, Shaw: “The Capitalism of the Proletariat.”)

Unions, Strikes, Shaw (Unions, Strikes, Shaw: “The Capitalism of the Proletariat.”)

Book review: Nandini Chatterjee, Negotiating Mughal Law: A Family of Landlords Across Three Indian Empires

Nandini Chatterjee, Negotiating Mughal Law: A Family of Landlords Across Three Indian Empires (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 2020, 298 pp., (Pb.).

Elegiac Additions: Marking Arthur's Death in Manuscripts of Geoffrey of Monmouth

Abstract: Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia regum Britanniae is structured around the sequence of British rulers. This structure inevitably means that the text is punctuated by death: an old ruler dies, and another succeeds. The reception of Arthur's death varies across time and manuscript witnesses. This article traces some of the ways that Arthur's death (or his departure) is marked in the manuscript tradition. Both the original design of a manuscript and interventions by later readers can shift how the transition from Arthur's reign is presented and received.

“The Dregs of the Mau Mau Barrel”: Permanent Exile and the Remaking of Late Colonial Kenya, 1954–61

Abstract This article seeks to illustrate the emergence and significance of permanent exile in the latter years of British rule in Kenya. Drawing on concepts of the “state of exception” in the imperial context, the analysis places Kenyan policy into a longer history of penal practice. Exile as a mode of punishment was a permanent fixture in the repertoire of the British Empire as a method of controlling rebellious subjects. In Kenya, it was a tool to ostracize “troublemakers” from their home community, stabilizing the body politic in fractious moments. However, during the State of Emergency declared against the anti-colonial Mau Mau movement, the legal and spatial production of spaces of exception, settlements in the far-flung corners of the colony, reached its apotheosis. Drawing on long histories of colonial banishment, and specific legal precedents shrouded in liberal language, administrators hoped to make Kenya safe for a loyalist ascendancy by excising the “irreconcilables.” Critically, permanent exile was deemed necessary for a section of the population “infected” with Mau Mau ideology. In large exile settlements, rebellious subjects were expected to be remade into pacified workers. Colonial correspondence, as well as the petitions of the displaced, reveal the production of exile during these years as well as its misdiagnosis of the various imaginations of the exiled. “Settlers,” at exile camps like Hola, retained an autonomous vision of “land and freedom,” refusing their forced migration, and eventually precipitating the collapse of the scheme.