English Radicalism Research Articles

Writing the wave: an argument for the didactic imperative of the British radical socialist literary tradition and its influence in the Australian context

This essay argues for the recognition of the importance of the continuity of the historical British radical socialist literary tradition for the role that this tradition has played in the education of the working class and the evolution of modern western adult education. It is further proposed that that this tradition has been perennially marginalized by the dominance of the liberal tradition and its partnership in the hegemony of capitalism. The suggestion is made that, through the cultural practice of absorption, the liberal tradition has laid claim to many of those advancements in working class education which are more truthfully products of the radical socialist tradition. The influence of the British tradition on the development of the Australian radical socialist literary tradition is discussed. It is argued that it is the radical socialist tradition that carries a message of hope for the great mass of humanity, providing an alternative social perspective to the cynicism of capitalism’s economic Darwinism. The case is made for a re-valuing and continuity of a distinct socialist literary tradition as a means of continuing the provision of an alternative argument against capitalist ideological hegemony.

Trading Words, Waging War: The Mystified Relationship between British Radicals and French "Révolutionnaires"

he question of interactions between British radicals and their French counterparts during the 1790os is complex when studied in terms of responses to the French Revolution in Britain, and answers are even more elusive when the opposite perspective is considered. This elusiveness is reflected in, as well as reinforced by, the paucity of historical studies from the French perspective, in sharp contrast to the rich bibliography on the British militant groups and their special relationship with revolutionary France. The enduring lack of interest in the topic among French historians can be traced back to the nineteenth century and might well be interpreted as a symptom of the prevailing patriotic reading of the French Revolution-although such an interpretation, however convincing in the case of Michelet, would be much less likely to explain, for instance, de Tocqueville's indifference not only to the British radicals but also to any form of British influence on the events in France. However, there is no avoiding another possibility-namely, that the lack of interest among historians simply mirrors or repeats a similar indifference on the part of the French revolutionaries toward their British counterparts and associates. Assessing the impact of British radical thought or experience on the French revolutionaries involves a frustrating attempt to give some historical shape to a slippery, deceptive episode; but here again, the frustration might well reflect the very nature of a relationship best described as a political and cultural rendez-vous manque'. Over the span of only a few years, British radicals and French revolutionaries traded words-of encouragement, of praise, of affection. They also borrowed from each other phrases, slogans, and newly coined terms that they could brandish against their mutual ideological enemies. On the French side, particularly, the semantic and rhetorical aspects of the relationship appear to have been much more important than the political ones. It should be useful, then, to address the question of the French revolutionaries' attitude toward the British radicals in terms of language.

Industrial Arbitration, Equity, and Authority in England, 1800—1850

In an obscure aside, the well-known English working-class radical, Francis Place, remarked in his Autobiography that even when “in deepest poverty” he had tried to serve other artisans. Some he had helped to train up as small masters or foremen while others he aided by working to settle their problems and disputes. “I had many matters brought to me for adjudication, arbitration or arrangement,” he wrote. “I hardly know the time when for three months together I have been free from this kind of interference.” Most matters it seems had to do with debtors and their creditors, but others appear to have concerned the settlement of estates or even affairs “related to an association or large body of men.” While he may have been justly proud of his service to the working-class community, Place's comment provides an insight into working-class life that is rarely glimpsed. He did not choose the word arbitration accidentally. By the nineteenth century, life and work in England had been penetrated by forms of dispute resolution that were meant to secure “order without law.”

"Ruinous Mixture": Godwin, Enclosure and the Associated Self

The subject of property is the key-stone that completes the fabric of political justice. --William Godwin, Political Justice (2.420) The purpose ... of early instruction is not absolute. It is of less importance, generally speaking, that a child should acquire this or that species of knowledge, than that, through the medium of instruction, he should acquire habits of intellectual activity. It is not so much for the direct consideration of what he learns, that his mind not be suffered to lie idle. The preceptor in this respect is like the incloser of uncultivated land; his first crops are not valued for their intrinsic excellence; they are sown that the land may be brought into order. The springs of the mind, like the joints of the body, are apt to grow stiff for want of employment. They must be exercised in various directions and with unabating perseverance. In a word, the first lesson of a judicious education is, Learn to think, to discriminate, to remember and to inquire. --William Godwin, The Enquirer(1) ONE OF THE MOST FREQUENTLY CITED JUDGMENTS OF GODWIN'S WORK and of his place in the British radical tradition of the 1790's is William Hazlitt's claim, in The Spirit of the Age, that no one more talked of, more looked up to, more sought after, and wherever liberty, truth, justice the theme, his name not far off. he continued, was as a Tom Fool to him, Paley an old woman, Burke a flashy sophist.(2) Godwin has rarely fared so well since that time. Marilyn Butler's account, in her Introductory Essay to Burke, Paine, Godwin, and the Revolution Controversy is a bit more reserved: [n]o other production of the pamphlet war achieved the impact or the notoriety of Paine's Rights of Man, but coupled with it, Political Justice, she argues, remains one of the most significant publications of the era.(3) Much of the critical debate about Godwin's work focuses on just this question: what is his place in the radical tradition? Most studies rightly pay particular attention to his (rather critical) relationship with the leaders of the political association movement as a central context for his work. But readers--in our day as in Godwin's--have been quite divided on the question of Godwin's commitment to revolutionary principles.(4) Mark Philp has made a compelling argument that E. P. Thompson's critique that Godwin not seriously engaged in radical political action (which he takes more seriously than as a merely polemical use of Godwin to make his case against contemporary Marxists) mis-characterises Godwinism (228). And Butler has called attention to Godwin's great courage during the repressive years from 1792-94 in defending radicals accused of treason and criticizing all forms of government.(5) Philp argues that Godwin and his circle, who played a pivotal role in the development and testing of the premises of Political Justice, sought to transform a theoretical discourse based on private into a practical reality. He also asserts that Godwin's readers--in particular his immediate circle of Rational Dissenters--would have recognized that private involved a duty to act (228-30). Indeed, Philp goes so far as to say that this context (of Godwin's close circle) makes his much mocked optimism about the eventual withering away of government as individuals govern themselves by the dictates of reason and mutual correction intellectually defensible and empirically grounded. This group, Philp argues, actually practiced the kind of rationally self-regulating and cohesive mutual self-government Godwin advocated (96-98; 170-74). Since Philp's influential argument articulates the grounding of Godwin's conception of private which I take as my subject, it merits a brief discussion here. Philp argues that Godwin owes his central belief in the sanctity of private judgment to the tradition of Rational Dissent.(6) Godwin not simply aware of this tradition, but was, more crucially, steeped in its intellectual heritage and practically involved in its social circles. …

Filling up and Emptying out the Sublime: Terror in British Radical Culture

Filling up and Emptying out the Sublime: Terror in British Radical Culture

Democratization and Trade Liberalization in Industrial Capitalist Countries, 1830s to 1930s

Are democracies more likely to pursue free trade than autocracies? Turn-of-the-last-century liberals believed that democracies were more likely to engage in trade than absolutist monarchies (Doyle 1986:1161; Thomson 1966:462). “The majority consists of bread eaters,” wrote the French economist Frédéric Bastiat (1862: 102–3). The argument according to which democracy is less bellicose than autocracy does sometimes rest on the assumption that democracy is more prone to commercial intercourse than autocracy. For a criticism of this line of argument, see Gowa (1995: 519). The electioneering work of the Anti-Corn Law League in Britain in the 1840s confirmed English radicals' belief that the franchise would mitigate corruption and rent seeking. However, subsequent history falsified these expectations. The simultaneous moves of autocratic France toward free trade and of democratic United States toward protection confounded any simple association between regime type and trade policy. No one has found a straightforward relation between democracy and trade. With one recent exception. Geoffrey Garrett and Peter Lange (1995) argue that democracies are quicker to adjust to changes in their economic environment than autocracies because of the popular constraint. The present essay revisits the liberals' insight.

Book ReviewsThe Birth of Romantic Radicalism: War, Popular Politics, and English Radical Reformism, 1800–1815. By Peter Spence. Hampshire: Scolar Press, 1996. Pp. x+277.

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook Reviews The Birth of Romantic Radicalism: War, Popular Politics, and English Radical Reformism, 1800–1815. By Peter Spence. Hampshire: Scolar Press, 1996. Pp. x+277.Robert Hole Robert HoleUniversity of Plymouth Search for more articles by this author University of PlymouthPDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 70, Number 3September 1998 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/235130 Views: 6Total views on this site Permission to reprint a book review printed in this section may be obtained only from the author.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

John Wilkes: A Friend to Liberty

Often deemed the founder of British radicalism, John Wilkes (1725-1797) had a shattering impact on the politics of his time. His audacity in challenging government authority was matched by his skill and determination in attaining his objectives: the freedom of the press to criticize ministers and report Parliament; enhanced security for individuals and their property from arbitrary arrest and seizure; and the rights of electors. That he was a political maverick, of witty and wicked reputation, has led historians to underestimate him - this is the first researched biography since 1917. Contemporaries appreciated his achievements more than posterity, one obituarist writing that 'his name will be connected with our history'. In this fascinating and original biography, Peter Thomas provides an intriguing portrait of the man George III referred to as 'that Devil, Wilkes'.

Late Modern

The Oxford Illustrated History of Modern Europe. Edited by T. C. W. Blanning The Making of Modern Bristol. Edited by Madge Dresser and Philip Ollerenshaw Religion and Political Culture in Britain and Ireland from the Glorious Revolution to the Decline of Empire. By David Hempton An Atlas of Industrial Protest in Britain 1750–1990. By Andrew Charlesworth, David Gilbert, Adrian Randall, Humphrey Southall, Chris Wrigley et al. The French Revolutionary Wars, 1787–1802. By T. C. W. Blanning The Politics of English Jacobinism: Writings of John Thelwall. Edited by Gregory Claeys John Anderson's Legacy: The University of Strathclyde and its Antecedents, 1796–1996. By John Butt Malta, Britain, and the European Powers, 1793–1815. By Desmond Gregory The Birth of Romantic Radicalism: War, Popular Politics and English Radical Reformism, 1800–1815. By Peter Spence Rulers and Subjects: Government and People in Russia 1801–1991. By John Gooding Memoirs of Sergeant Bourgogne, 1812–1813. Introduction by Richard Partridge The Changing Role of Women 1815–1914. By Paula Bartley An Anglican Aristocracy: The Moral Economy of the Landed Estate in Carmarthenshire 1832–1895. By Matthew Cragoe Working Children in Nineteenth‐Century Lancashire. Edited by Michael Winstanley After the Famine: Irish Agriculture 1850–1914. By Michael Turner Government and the Armed Forces in Britain 1856–1990. Edited by Paul Smith A Selection from the Diaries of Edward Henry Stanley, 15th Earl of Derby (1826–93), between September 1869 and March 1878. Edited by John Vincent Disraeli and the Rise of a New Imperialism. By C. C. Eldridge London's Women Teachers: Gender, Class and Feminism 1870–1930. By Dina M. Copelman Making Men: Rugby and Masculine Identity. Edited by John Nauright and Timothy J. L. Chandler Empires in Conflict: Armenia and the Great Powers 1895–1920. By Manoug J. Somakian British Population in the Twentieth Century. By N. L. Tranter Missed Chances: Britain and Europe in the Twentieth Century. By Roy Denman The Force of Labour: The Western European Labour Movement and the Working Class in the Twentieth Century. Edited by Stefan Berger and David Broughton British Business and Protection 1903–1932. By Andrew Marrison Passchendaele: The Untold Story. By Robin Prior and Trevor Wilson The Neglected War: The German South Pacific and the Influence of World War I. By Hermann J. Hiery Ireland and the League of Nations: 1919–1946. By Michael Kennedy Catholicism in the Second Spanish Republic: Religion and Politics in Salamanca, 1930–1936. By Mary Vincent Profits of Peace: The Political Economy of Anglo‐German Appeasement. By Scott Newton Winston Churchill: Statesman or Opportunist? By Peter Neville Operation Moonlight Sonata: The German Raid on Coventry. By Allan W. Kurki The Rise and Fall of the Grand Alliance, 1941–45. Edited by Ann Lane and Howard Temperley The Alternative Alliance: Anglo‐French Relations before the Coming of NATO 1944–48. By Sean Greenwood Peace and the Cold War, Part One: 1945–1951, Labour in Government. By Ernie Trory Konrad Adenauer: A German Politician and Statesman in a Period of War, Revolution and Reconstruction, Volume 1: From the German Empire to the Federal Republic, 1876–1952. By Hans‐Peter Schwarz Tito: A Biography. By Jasper Ridley Documents in Contemporary History. Britain and Suez: The Lion's Last Roar. Edited by Scott Lucas The Last Division: Berlin and the Wall. By Ann Tusa The Gorbachev Factor. By Archie Brown

Gender in Mystical and Occult Thought: Behmenism and Its Development in England.

This is the first comprehensive account of the development of the ideas on gender of Jacob Boehme (1575–1624) among his English followers, tracing the changes in gender and sexuality in such esoteric traditions as alchemy, hermeticism and the Cabala. The book argues that Behmenist thought in these areas is a neglected aspect of the revision in the moral status of women during the early modern period, contributing significantly to the rise of the Romantic notion of womanhood and 'Victorian' sexual ideology. It deals with English Behmenism from its reception during the Interregnum through to its impact upon William Blake and the Swedenborgians in the eighteenth century. The book also strongly challenges received opinions on the relationship of Behmenism to the English radical tradition.

REVIEWS

Book reviewed in this article:Henry VI and the Politics of Kingship. By John WattsJohn Dudley, Duke of Northumberland 1504–1553. By David LoadesThe Nerves of State. Taxation and the Financing of the English State, 1558–1714. By Michael J. BraddickThe Papers of Sir Richard Grosvenor, 1st Bart. (1585–1645). Edted by Richard Cust.The Scottish Parliament 1639–1661. A Political and Constitutional Analysis. By John R. YoungProtestantism and Patriotism. Ideologies and the Making of English Foreign Policy, 1650–1668. By Steven C. A. Pincus The House of Lords in the Reign of Charles II. By Andrew Swatland William III and the Godly Revolution. By Tony Claydon The Parliamentary Diary of sir Richard Cocks, 1698–1702. Edited by D. W. Hayton. John Wilkes. A Friend to Liberty. By Peter D. G. Thomas. The Waning of ‘Old Corruption’. The Politics of Economical Reform in Britain, 1779–1846. By Philip Harling Henry Goulbum, 1784–1856. A Political Biography. By Brian Jenkins Britain and the Defeat of Napoleon 1807–1815. By Rory Muir. The Decline of British Radicalism, 1847–1860. By Miles Taylormbridge Citizenship and Community: Liberals, Radicals and Collective Identities in the British Isles, 1865–1931. Edited by Eugenio F. Biagini Officials of Royal Commissions of Inquiry 1870–1939. Compiled by Elaine Harrison Democratic Ideas and the British Labour Movement, 1880–1914. By Loge Barrow and Ian Bullock The Conservatives and British Society, 1880–1990. Edited by Martin Francis and Ina Zweiniger‐Bargelowska The Age of Salisbury, 1881–1902. Unionism and Empire. By Richard Shannon. Democratic Rhondda. Politics and Society 1885–1951. By Chris William A History of Conservative Politics, 1900–1996. By John Channley The Republican Crown. Lawyers and the Making Of the State in Twentieth‐Century Britain. By Joseph M. Jacob. Out of Control. British Foreign Policy and the Union of Democratic Control 1914–1918. By Sally Harris. Clement Attlee. By Jerry H. Brookshire. The Diaries and Letters of Robert Bernays 1932–1939. An Insider's Account of the House of Commons. Edited by Nick Smart Politics and the Constitution: Essays on British Government. By Vernon Bogdanor. The Heath Government 1970–1974. A Reappraisal. Edited by Stuart Ball and Anthony Seldon

‘Imitating the Cries of Little Children’

IN 1832 THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY, a fervent supporter of the recent Reform Act in Britain, contested the new borough of Leeds for the Whigs. His Tory opponent was Michael Thomas Sadler, England's most prominent advocate of a factory act that would limit the hours and conditions of work for children. The few Leeds workingmen enfranchised by the Reform Act supported Sadler who had opposed the Reform Act. So did William Cobbett whose memorable laments for the passing of rural England and vigorous denunciations of the 'Satanic mills' inspired future generations of English radicals. Macaulay had no patience with such antique arguments in the new age: 'As I am for freedom of discussion and worship, so I am also for freedom of trade. I am for a system under which we may sell where we can sell dearest and buy where we can buy cheapest.' When challenged at a public debate on the effects of free trade on children, Macaulay declared that if 'the labouring classes expect any great relief from any [factory act] they are under a great delusion.' Macaulay won the election principally because of strong support from the newly enfranchised bourgeoisie. In that election, his biographer writes, 'his belief in the saving power of free trade won out over any solicitude he may have felt for the plight of the working class in Leeds.'(f.1) Or, for that matter, the plight of their children.Professor of History, University of Waterloo, and chair of the House of Commons Subcommittee on Sustainable Human Development.I would like to thank several people who helped me to understand these issues. Gerry Schmitz. the outstanding researcher for the Library of Parliament, was of enormous assistance. Gordon Shields, my assistant, understood the issue well and was indefatigable in working on the report. Christine Fisher, Landon Pearson, and my committee colleagues. Maud Debien, Keith Martin, John Godfrey, Beryl Gaffney. and Eleni Bakopanos, were helpful. thoughtful, and generous with their time.During the campaign Macaulay denounced Sadler as a 'hyena,' a wild beast who would lure the unwary into its den through its 'singular knack of imitating the cries of little children.' Macaulay knew well the effect of the 'cries of little children' for his father was Zachary Macaulay, the great evangelical anti-slavery leader. The British abolitionist movement had used most effectively the cries of little children to undermine support for free trade in humans, but Zachary Macaulay's son had long ago abandoned his early evangelical principles in favour of the political and economic liberalism which held sway in Victorian Britain. That liberalism, he believed, was responsible for the 'beautiful factories' and the 'magnificent' cities of nineteenth century Britain. Those who reminded him of the 'cries of little children' longed for an imagined past and ignored the promise of the revolution of his times.(f.2)Those cries bother Macaulay's heirs today as they celebrate the remarkable victories of economic and political liberalism over the last fifteen years. Macaulay feared, probably correctly, that restricting the hours of work for children would lead to limiting the hours for adult workers. Where would it all end, he asked - likely with British textile workers unemployed, their children poorer, and the British buying cheaper clothes from lands where wages were lower. There were, he urged, no easy solutions, but surely 'judicious legislation promoting trade' would ultimately prove the best choice. His arguments find their modern echoes in G-7 and international development bank conferences, in the business pages of the Globe and Mail, in editorials in the Economist, and in James Cooper's article in this journal. Sadler, however, finds contemporary echoes too, modern 'hyenas' imitating the cries of children in unlit, unventilated 'Satanic mills' in Pakistan, India, and Central America.When Prime Minister Jean Chretien took Team Canada to south Asia in January 1996, Craig Keilburger, a 13-year-old activist, captured as much time as the prime minister on CNN and Canadian television as he excoriated the Indian government for its tolerance of exploitative child labour. …

“The grand causes which combine to carry mankind forward”: Wollstonecraft, history and revolution

In herHistorical and Moral View of the French Revolution, Mary Wollstonecraft identified herself as the owner of “a philosophical eye”. This paper traces Wollstonecraft's engagement with, and debt to, contemporary historical writing, particularly that of the Scottish Enlightenment. Her book reviews and the twoVindicationsshow her familiarity with such work, and her interest in histories of “civilisation” which could also incorporate progressive histories of improvement in the condition of women. Contemporaries noted her ambition to write as a historian in theView, and it was here that she explicitly discussed the complex relationship between commercial civilisation and its manners, and the pursuit of political liberty and political virtue. Her view of material progress was ambivalent, in the doubts she expressed on the progress of manufacture and industry, though her call for the development of an enlightened political science, as committed to the transformation of manners as of political institutions, was clearly expressed. Her recognition of the significance of this historical perspective was one which she shared with many middle-class British Whigs and radicals by 1793.

JEREMY BENTHAM AND DANIEL O'CONNELL: THEIR CORRESPONDENCE AND RADICAL ALLIANCE, 1828–1831

O'Connell's relationship with Jeremy Bentham is the subject of frequent comment. However, the nature of this relationship has never been adequately documented, largely because the principal documentary evidence – their correspondence – remains uncollected. As a result, there exists a lacuna in the literature relating to O'Connell's involvement with British radicalism. This essay reconstructs the nature of his political alliance with Bentham from the evidence provided by their correspondence, from 1828 to 1831. It begins with O'Connell's plausible professions of discipleship and their shared optimism about the radical reform agenda, through to Bentham's concerted efforts to bind O'Connell to the British radical movement, and ending in the disillusionment and division that arose from O'Connell's insistence on giving priority to Irish reforms and Bentham's deep suspicion of catholicism. The whole is illustrative of Bentham's efforts in his later years to implement his policies through the agency of presumed ‘disciples’.

The Birth of Romantic Radicalism: War, Popular Politics and English Radical Reformism, 1800-1815.

The romanticization of British culture the origins of romantic radicalism the birth of romantic radicalism the Spanish chimera military disaster the Duke of York and Mrs Clarke romantic radicalism confirmed the confounding of romantic radicalism.

Democratic ideas and the British Labour Movement, 1880-1914

This is the first detailed survey of democratic ideas on the British Left in the period leading to 1914. Socialists of the late nineteenth century inherited assumptions about the priority of democracy from a long tradition of British Radicalism. However, the advent of the Fabians, who rejected this tradition as primitive, and of an ILP leadership more concerned to enter than reform parliament, meant that the movement was split between 'strong' and 'weak' views of democracy. By the eve of the First World War a consensus was emerging that might have formed the basis for a more realistic and more radical approach to democracy than has actually been pursued by the Labour Party and the Left during the twentieth century. Democratic Ideas and the British Labour Movement assesses an important debate in the history of socialist ideas and in the formation of the British Labour movement.

The State of Tutelage in Lower Canada, 1835-1851

Most of the postmortem examinations of the Canadian Rebellion of 1837-38 identified one of its leading causes as faulty political education, but competing interpretations of education existed.1 The British Whigs and Radicals charged with reorganizing Canadian government after the Rebellion argued that the colonial population needed to be placed under far more extensive relations of tutelage than those implied by attendance at school as an antidote to revolution. Their analysis connected reform of governmental institutions, inspection and investigation of local condi? tions, and common schooling with a host of other attempts to reconfigure social solidarities in the colony and to reconstruct the colonial state. An alliance of imperial officials, anglophone capitalists and reformers, and, often grudgingly and ambivalently, sections of the francophone petite bourgeoisie attempted to translate this analysis into practice in the decade ofthe 1840s.2

Coleridge's Submerged Politics: 'The Ancient Mariner' and 'Robinson Crusoe'

This study explores Coleridge's response to several crucial issues of the revolutionary and post-revolutionary age: the rise and suppression of English radicalism during the decade of the French Revolution and the tragic questions of slavery and the slave trade. It consists of two distinct, but intimately related parts. Based on Coleridge's annotations to Robinson Crusoe, Part I attempts to link Defoe's novel and the slave-trading of its hero, with the spectre-bark of Ancient Mariner, which earlier critics had considered an abolitionist's allusion to the horrors of a slave ship. Keane discusses the numerous similarities between these two texts: their intertwined motifs of sea, sin, and existential solitude, of transgressions, punishment, and at least partial redemption. More important, however, is Keane's treatment of the transfigured by recognisable politics in and beneath the text of Coleridge's poem. Part II argues that imagery and plot developments in Ancient Mariner reflect political events between November 1797 and March 1798, the months when Coleridge was writing and revising his poem and contributing anti-Pittite verses and essays to the widely read opposition newspaper, the Morning Star. Keane steers a balanced course, insisting on the significance of the poem's sociopolitical context without reducing it to a token of its genesis. The book is part of the increasingly widespread movement to reinstate historical context as a ground of literary interpretation. Keane does not claim that Ancient Mariner says one thing and means another - or is really about Western guilt regarding the slave trade. By treating Ancient Mariner as neither political allegory nor an evasion of politics, the author allows readers to see the poem with an eye that is neither antihistorically aesthetic nor necessarily ideological.

Miles Taylor. <italic>The Decline of British Radicalism, 1847–1860</italic>. New York: Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press. 1995. Pp. x, 422. $69.00

Miles Taylor. The Decline of British Radicalism, 1847–1860. New York: Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press. 1995. Pp. x, 422. $69.00 Taylor Miles. The Decline of British Radicalism, 1847–1860. New York: Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press. 1995. Pp. x, 422. $69.00. Margot Finn Margot Finn Emory University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 101, Issue 5, December 1996, Page 1543, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/101.5.1543 Published: 01 December 1996

The Decline of British Radicalism, 1847-1860.

The Decline of British Radicalism, 1847-1860.