British Policy Research Articles

Counterterrorism Law and Policy in the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia: A Comparative Perspective

This article looks at the similarities and differences in British, Canadian, and Australian counterterrorism laws and policies. Canada and Australia are contrasted with the United Kingdom because their respective approaches to counterterrorism are based on the British approach, and yet have evolved to take into account differences in the nature and scope of the threat and the differing styles of governance in place in Canada and Australia. The article looks at each country in the context of: counterterrorism laws; detention and disruption practices; investigatory approaches; intelligence and law enforcement institutions; and the treatment of foreign fighters. The article then draws some conclusions regarding the evolution and divergence of counterterrorism law and policy in these countries and posits a question for future research.

Post-Brexit challenges to the UK machinery of government in an ‘Age of Fiasco’: the dangers of muddling through?

ABSTRACT This article analyses the existing and potential effects of EU withdrawal on the UK machinery of government (MoG) in an ‘age of fiasco’. Brexit has been a system-wide shock that has the potential to fundamentally alter British domestic policy and politics. Above all, departing from the European Union (EU) represents an unprecedented ‘stress test’ for the government machinery. Brexit has been the greatest challenge confronting the MoG since the Second World War. Yet its impact on the UK state’s structures and processes has thus far been modest. The pattern of change indicates gradual adaptation and modification of institutions rather than transformation of the governing machinery through De-Europeanisation and dismantling. That said, EU withdrawal is aggravating pathologies in the Westminster Model (WM) that contribute towards the erosion of UK policymaking. This article contends that the capacity of UK government was weakening before Brexit, while withdrawal from Europe imposes additional burdens. The governing approach of incrementalism and ‘muddling through’ has come under severe strain.

Human rights and British foreign policy: case studies in middle power diplomacy

Human rights and British foreign policy: case studies in middle power diplomacy

Harold Pinter: Stages, Networks, Collaborations

Harold Pinter: Stages, Networks, Collaborations

Leopoldstadt

Leopoldstadt

Austerity and young people’s political attitudes in the UK

Abstract This article studies the impact of the 2012 British austerity policies on youth political attitudes using a difference-in-differences. The study achieves this by combining longitudinal survey data from “Understanding Society” with a district-level estimate of the austerity shock that each individual faced between the years 2013 and 2015. The findings indicate that the welfare cuts had a negative impact on the political efficacy of young people, as they were more inclined to believe that public officials did not care about them and that they had no say in the actions of the government. Additionally, their satisfaction with politics, as determined by their perceived level of political influence, also decreased. Overall, the results suggest that the implementation of austerity measures increased the likelihood of political disenfranchisement among young people in Britain.

The 'Bogus Child' and the 'Big Uncle': The Impossible South Asian Family in Post-Imperial Britain.

Between 1962 and 1965, a broad definition of dependence allowed for the migration of Commonwealth Citizens to join working family members in Britain. This article investigates how the Home Office targeted male dependent youth as a category that could reduce unwanted immigration from the Commonwealth, particularly South Asia. Home Office officials obscured the stories of dependent migrants, constructed the figure of the 'bogus child', and denigrated male familial connections, which resulted in the denial of family reunion. Colonial assumptions about the mendacity of South Asians and the illegibility of South Asian family forms shaped British policy. The 1965 White Paper and the 1968 Commonwealth Immigrants Act foreclosed the possibility of a broad definition of family and consolidated the legitimacy of the cisheterosexual family. Home Office discussions dovetailed with an emergent common sense circulated in newspapers and public debate about the illegitimacy of the South Asian family in Britain. This article interrogates the racist reasoning of the Home Office and this emergent common sense not only to show how immigration policy generates racialization but also to reveal the specificity of South Asian racialization in the post-imperial social formation.

Busoga states amalgamation and ethnic formation, Uganda Protectorate, 1900 to 1950

ABSTRACT Contrary to the common perception of colonialism as an exercise of power within the context of ‘divide and rule’, this study foregrounds Ali Mazrui’s concept of ‘unite and rule’ as another fundamental aspect of British colonial policy in East Africa. Unable to implement indirect rule in the multifarious Busoga states, the British colonialists were compelled to adopt the policy of unprecedented amalgamations, thereby creating a single ethnic identity at the beginning of the twentieth century. Overtime, Busoga came to be perceived as a territory of the Basoga: one of the major ethnic groups in modern Uganda. The rise of the Abataka Associations as opposition groups to the politics of states amalgamation enhanced the Basoga ethnic identity. However, the transition from the pre-colonial independent states to a single Basoga ethnic identity is hardly historicised in previous scholarship. This qualitative study therefore uses primary sources of archival materials in the Uganda National Archives and Jinja District Archives and five key informant interviews to historicise the primacy of agency in the process of Busoga ethnic formation between 1900 and 1950.

Discussion of the Japanese intervention in the Far East and Siberia in the House of Commons of Great Britain on March 14, 1918 as an event of the British policy of intervention in Russia

The subject of this study is the discussion on March 14, 1918 in the House of Commons of Great Britain of the Japanese intervention in the Far East and Siberia as the events of the British intervention in Russia. In this regard, the speeches of deputies from various political forces and a high-ranking official of the Military Cabinet of the United Kingdom in the lower house of parliament are disclosed and analyzed. Thanks to the content analysis method and the system method, not only the positions and arguments of the participants in the discussion are presented in detail, but also the connection of their speeches with the military-political and international situation that developed in March 1918 and which influenced the dynamics of the discussion is revealed. The scientific novelty is that for the first time in the historiography of the Civil War and foreign intervention in Russia, a meeting of the lower house of Great Britain on the Japanese intervention in the Far East and Siberia is considered in the context of the history of British intervention policy in Russia and the significance of this event for this policy. The main conclusions of the study are that, despite the lack of a unified position in the House of Commons on the issue of Japanese intervention in the Far East and Siberia, the War Cabinet has caught the trend in favor of Japanese intervention in these Russian regions. As a result, he cautiously began to build a policy of intervention against Russia and to determine the place of Japanese intervention in it. Only large-scale events could force the House of Commons to adopt the policy that the Cabinet considered necessary to pursue in the current circumstances.

Meehan’s Mapping of the Derwent River in Van Diemen’s Land, 1803–04

In 1804, the Irish convict-turned-surveyor James Meehan drafted a map (Monmouth 0) of the area around Britain’s new settlement in the colony of Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania, Australia). This map describes the terrain and vegetation and guided decision-making by the colonial government for the first few years of the colony’s existence. Despite its importance, it was neither copied nor distributed further than the immediate land it described. For the first time, it has been fully transcribed so that we might examine the fine details. This article argues that despite remaining as a manuscript map, Monmouth 0 is a perfect demonstration of British colonial land management policy as it directed the colonial effort to make their presence permanent on the island of Van Diemen’s Land.

Empty Britain? Hegemony and ambiguity in British education policy

The role of schools in developing a sense of common British identity has taken centre stage in the face of ‘racialised’ accounts of violence during the twenty first century. In this paper, we argue that certain British education policy documents can be understood as hegemonic interventions seeking to resolve ambiguities surrounding constructions of British identity. We do so by examining the Department for Education (DfE) ‘Fundamental British Values’ (FBV) guidance within the context of its relationship to the Prevent Duty anti-terrorism programme as well as the ‘Political impartiality in schools’ guidance released by the DfE in 2022. Utilising Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and applying Laclau and Mouffe (2014/1985) conception of hegemony with Hall’s (2021/2000) claim that ‘Britishness’ is an empty signifier, this paper argues that the ambiguities of ‘Britishness’ present a number of opportunities for power to be exercised and consolidated. Finally, we explore the possible implications for demands to ‘decolonise the curriculum’ within schools’ existing duties and propose possible structural limits placed upon these demands by said duties.

Critically explaining British policy responses to novel psychoactive substances using the policy constellations framework

Background A growing number of researchers are trying to provide explanations for continuity and change in drug policy in different contexts. Such research predominantly falls in the pluralist realm of public policy where various actors compete to have their policy proposals accepted. Method Using a critical framework called Policy Constellations (PC), developed by Stevens and Zampini, this paper attempts to explain reactions of the British Government to Novel Psychoactive Substances (NPS) between 2008 – 2016. Qualitative data comes from in-depth interviews with stakeholders (N = 15), including NGO workers, a former Home Secretary, drugs ministers, governmental advisors, a former senior police officer, former Deputy Drug Coordinator, and a former Advisory Council for the Misuse of Drugs (ACMD) member. Results Two ‘constellations’ competed in British NPS policy setting. The PC framework illustrates power imbalances between these competing stakeholders. Abstinence orientated actors (the conservative constellation) enjoyed strategic advantages and media power which allowed them to create a favourable policy setting. These advantages were not enjoyed by the liberal constellation who struggled to access the policy setting and influence policy developments. Conclusion The prohibitive nature of the policy used to counter NPS can be explained with the domination of actors whose values align with the conservative constellation.

European Defence Planning: Concorde, Franco-British Politico-Military Relations and the Cold War, 1956–68

Cold War tensions between the superpowers marked the years 1956 to 1966, where the United States, Britain and France prioritised European defence against Soviet aggression. Despite being envisaged for civil aviation purposes, the Concorde aircraft was the Franco-British alternative to US proposals concerning the introduction of a supersonic bomber within the Inter-Allied Nuclear Force (IANF) to protect against Soviet attack during the Cold War technological race. This offers a unique case study for the examination of Franco-British bi-lateral partnership in the context of European defence. This article will concentrate on three main themes. The first investigates how Concorde was considered as a viable component for the IANF. Subsequently, the loci of US, British and French policy decisions will be explored with regards to constructing supersonic aircrafts. Lastly, the article considers how foreign policies influenced the shift from a military-use Concorde to a more commercial option. The historiography on Concorde focuses on its commercial impact, and how it affected the Franco-British partnership. Considering Concorde from the defence perspective allows us to analyse the divisions between the US and French grand design ideas – the IANF and Europe puissance – and how they provoked further friction in the Franco-British military relationship.

The Formation and Practical Dilemma of Hong Kong's Executive-Led System from the Perspective of British Colonial History and Policy

Hong Kong, as a particular administrative region of China, practices a very different system from that of mainland China, in which Hong Kong practices an executive-led approach in the distribution of government power. The formation of this system has very much to do with the more than 150 years of British colonial rule and its policies in Hong Kong. The focus of this paper is how Britain, as the suzerain state, exerted its influence on the colony and eventually made Hong Kong an executive-led system. Also, this study examines the dilemma of the executive-led system in Hong Kong today and the reasons for the hole's formation. This paper finds that Hong Kong's Executive-led system is essentially an extension of the Governor's system. It is the result of the influence of various policies during the British colonial rule in Hong Kong

The Advocacy Coalition in the British Film Institute in Its Early Days

This paper explores the interactions and cooperation between public-sector, business-sector, and civil-society stakeholders in developing British film policy for educational and cultural purposes. In particular, this paper adopts the Advocacy Coalition Framework to explain why and how public authorities, film industry organizations, and educationalists efficiently communicated and cooperated with each other in making the British Film Institute. By doing that, this paper explains (1) how commercial business and social workers, who were initially hostile, could build constructive partnerships; (2) how inactive, noninterventionist governments could be involved in the policymaking for cultural sectors; and (3) how private business could be persuaded into supporting cultural and educational policy for noncommercial purposes.

The British Diplomatic and Political Policy Regarding Balochistan-Punjab Border

Subcontinent had always been an attractive land for the invaders due its fertility during ancient time and the North western India was major route for this invasion. British advancement started after the victory of the battle of Palsy in 1757 and the forces excelled towards Delhi. British forces occupied Sindh and Punjab. With the annexation of united Punjab British abolished Derajat and they even moved to Baluchistan. With new diplomatic strategy they established peace in the tribal area of the surrounding border of Balochistan. As per Sandeman Policy the tribes of Dera Ghazi Khan were engaged by the British policy and now they were in position to occupy Balochistan and Kalat. It was very important for the British to establish their grip in this area so that may become easy and decrease the pressure of western border from Iran, Afghanistan and Russia. This paper primarily explores the British rule in tribal region of Derajat and Balochistan.

A “Great Power” Man or World Stater? The International Thought of Charles Kingsley Webster, 1886–1961

This article examines the international thought of Charles Kingsley Webster, one of Britain's most important diplomatic historians of the twentieth century. Though best remembered as one of the first historians of the Congress of Vienna and a biographer of Lord Castlereagh and Lord Palmerston, Webster also served as one of the key planners for the United Nations Organization in the Foreign Office during the Second World War. His ideas concerning internationalism—particularly his belief in an eventual world state—as well as his views on British foreign policy and the nature of international politics, offer a unique insight into both the varieties of interwar internationalism and the intellectualism which contributed to British strategic planning in the early 1940s.

The British Stance on the Arab Emirates in the North of the Arabian Peninsula during the First World War 1914-1918

This study deals with a significant historical subject, focusing on the British stance towards the Arab Emirates in the north of the Arabian Peninsula during the First World War, particularly in relation to the British Conflict with the Ottoman Empire. The primary goal for Britain was to end the Ottoman presence in the region and counter the influence of local forces in the north of the Arabian Peninsula. To achieve this objective, Britain employed a combination of both cooperative and coercive methods. Furthermore, the study explores the support from the people of the north of the Arabian Peninsula for the Great Arab Revolt, a movement aimed at liberating and elevating the status of the Arabs. The revolution had the potential to succeed in its aims if not for Britain's failure to honor its promises to the Arabs. This study aims to understand the nature of the British position on the Arab Emirates in the north of the Arabian Peninsula during the First World War and assess the consequences of this stance on the region and the Arabian Peninsula as a whole. Additionally, the study aims to elucidate the British plan to assert control over the entire Arab East and understand the circumstances and conditions surrounding the north of the Arabian Peninsula during the First World War. It also examines the reaction of the local forces towards the British intervention. The significance of this research lies in its examination of British policies towards the local forces in the north of the Arabian Peninsula during the First World War and the responses of these forces. It fills a gap in the existing literature, as most writings have primarily focused on the Najd and Makkah regions, paying little attention to the northern Arabian Peninsula. Keywords: ottoman Empire, Colonial Britain, Emirate of hail.

Official British Aid Policy, External Economic Relations, and Development, 1947-1974: Contingent Continuities from Empire to Post-Empire

ABSTRACT This essay analyses the shifting rationales of official British aid policy between the sterling crisis of the late 1940s and the oil crisis of 1973-74. In spite of changes during the transition from the colonial empire to independent states at the time, the period shows considerable continuities in Britain’s aid policy, conceptions of development, and approaches to external economic and financial relations. In the immediate post-war period, development aid was closely connected to colonial development policy and imperial economy-building. In the late 1950s, however, British aid policy separated from colonial development as the result of a crisis of both development finance and the imperial bond. During the 1960s, the Overseas Development Ministry formulated a dedicated aid policy geared towards development in independent post-colonies. Yet, aid was ultimately an integral part of Britain’s economic management in a wider world. In this setting, while the hierarchical organisation of aid for imperial development came to a close, official British aid policy still sought to align overseas aid to the requirements of Britain’s external economic and financial relations, especially during economic crises. The argument about the contextual formation of aid policy has relevance beyond the period under review.

Withdrawal symptoms: party factions, political change and British foreign policy post-Brexit

ABSTRACT The effects of Brexit on British foreign, security and defence policy have been complex. Initial efforts to agree structured cooperation failed, with later governments refusing to negotiate on this area, followed by unstructured re-engagement after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This article argues that these changes can be explained by reference to the factional politics during the Brexit negotiations within the Conservative Party, with the defeat of May’s Withdrawal Agreement bringing to power a pro-Brexit faction with a distinct foreign policy worldview and incentives to demonstrate a cleaner break from the European Union. Empirically, the article draws on a series of interviews conducted with UK and EU policymakers. The findings demonstrate the significance of ideology and party factions in a policy domain where the UK is powerful enough to treat EU institutions as useful rather than necessary, and shows the direct and indirect ways factional politics brings about external change.