British Policy Research Articles

ROLE OF COLONIAL CHIEFS IN THE ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATION OF THE NANDI, 1902-1963

The British colonial policy of indirect saw the introduction of new forms of leadership among the Nandi in Kenya. Among such new offices were that of the colonial chief, which played an intermediary role in reconciling the economic interests of the colonialists and the natives. Yet, despite their significant role, the contribution of colonial chiefs to the economic transformation of the Nandi has not been documented properly. Available literature largely vilifies these chiefs as agents of a repressive colonial system. Yet, there are signs that the Nandi chose to retain the names and legacies of some of these chiefs, suggesting the chiefs could have made some positive contribution to society. The study thus examined the role of colonial chiefs in economic transformation of the Nandi, Kenya from 1902- 1963. The periods were deemed significant because 1902 was when the chiefs’ ordinance was passed while 1963 was the year Kenya got independence. The study employed the Elite theory and PrincipalAgent theories. The study adopted a descriptive survey research design. The target population comprised former colonial chiefs, Nandi community elders, current chiefs who knew the history of their office of chieftaincy in the community. The inclusion criteria comprised variables such as geographical distribution, age and command of historical knowledge of the Nandi colonial chiefs. Data was collected using a questioning guideline, interviews and secondary sources. Therefore, apart from the respondents, the primary sources included archival material on colonial and post-colonial chiefs as well as their roles, collected at the Kenya National Archives in Nairobi and Kakamega, and the information from the County Government offices. Oral interviews were tape-recorded. Secondary sources were obtained from research libraries in Kenya and subjected to content analysis. Data from the interviews and document analysis was analysed thematically. Data from the questionnaire was analysed using descriptive statistics. It was found that the colonial chiefs also played a significant role in the economic transformation of the Nandi through enhanced agriculture, trading and taxation. The study has underscored the importance of proper documentation of the nature of Kenyan communities in the pre-colonial period. There is need to harmonize the different narratives that speak of the different facets of the Nandi origin, migration, settlement and their socio-economic as well as social organization in the pre-colonial period. Such information will provide a clear backdrop for understanding the positive and negative impact of colonialism, including colonial chiefs on the community.

Don’t Think Twice, It’s All Right? A Historical Comparison of the 1975 and 2016 British Referendums

The article offers a detailed comparison of the 1975 and 2016 British referendums in light of the larger debates surrounding Britain’s relationship with European inte‐ gration. Rather than depicting ‘Brexit’ as the likely, or even inevitable, outcome of British European policy since 1945, it situates both referendums in their respective historical contexts, showing how each one was highly contingent and should be un‐ derstood against the particular background of its time. Yet the article also identifies some broader structural similarities and longer-term continuities, such as the paramount importance of domestic politics, and the lack of a clearly articulated ra‐ tionale for EC/EU membership in the British political discourse. In the end, both referendums were decided by dynamics that stretched far beyond the question of EC/EU membership, highlighting both the general rise of Euroscepticism since the 1990s and some distinct British particularities.

Концептуальная основа постбрекзитовской внешней политики Великобритании: идея "глобальной Британии"

This article is devoted to the problem of the formation of the conceptual framework of Great Britain's foreign policy after leaving the EU, the main essence of which boils down to the idea of “Global Britain”. Its purpose is to trace the transformation of this idea, which substantiates the United Kingdom's claim to be a global player in the modern world from the moment it appeared in the country's political discourse shortly before Brexit to the conceptualization of the country's foreign policy after leaving the EU. It is stated that the problem of determining further priorities of the foreign policy of the United Kingdom arises after the unexpected results of the 2016 referendum on Britain's membership in the European Union. Brexit and the outbreak of the coronavirus crisis in 2020 accelerated the development of the country's foreign policy strategy. There has been a major overhaul of the country's strategy since the end of the Cold War, conceptualized on March 16, 2021 with the emergence of the government document “Global Britain in an Age of Competition: A Comprehensive Security, Defense, Development and Foreign Policy Review”. This concept is based on the idea of “Global Britain” as a new superpower, which has all the prerequisites to secure its status as a global player in the world arena. It is noted that the positioning of Great Britain as a global player on the world stage in government documents and speeches of conservatives could be found even before Brexit. The very appearance of the term is not the merit of the Conservative Party. Thus, G. Brown, who was a member of T. Blair's Labor government, back in 2005, in his speech, mentioned the special role of his country in European unification. The concept of “Global Britain” was further developed on the eve of the country's withdrawal from the European family, when the Tories began to develop a conceptual basis for a new foreign policy course for the United Kingdom. They proposed this concept as an alternative to EU membership, focusing on the geopolitical and geo-economic prospects that opened up for the UK after the “divorce” from the EU. Based on the analysis of the strategic documents of the United Kingdom after Brexit, it is shown how the idea of “Global Britain” from part of the political discourse of the government of the Conservative Party appears as a concept. The apogee in its development is the publication of a strategic document on March 16, 2021. Its analysis allows us to determine the main directions of British foreign policy after leaving the EU based on the idea of “Global Britain”. Among the main directions, it is worth noting the turn towards engineering and the preservation of a close alliance with the United States. It is concluded that the UK has the potential to realize the ambitions of a global player: the country is a nuclear power, a permanent member of the UN Security Council, a member of the G7, G20, the world's leading economy, has the largest defense budget.

‘It Was Necessary to Do Something With Those Women’: Colonial Governance and the ‘Disposal’ of Women and Girls in Early Nineteenth‐Century Sierra Leone

ABSTRACTThe colonial archive offers comparatively few glimpses of the individual lives of enslaved African women and girls brought to Sierra Leone in the nineteenth century and ‘liberated’ under the terms of the British Abolition Act of 1807. This article sets out to do four things: first, to consider what colonial sources reveal about how women and girls experienced and responded to becoming ‘liberated Africans’, and to the ‘disposal’ practices of the Liberated African Department – including schooling, indenture and arranged marriages. Second, it considers what factors might have shaped those experiences. Third, it seeks to make a contribution to the literature on marriage in early colonial Africa by considering whether, and to what extent, British colonial policy towards liberated African women in Sierra Leone meets a modern definition of government‐led coerced or forced marriage. Finally, it evaluates the usefulness and limits of official archives, missionary records, court records and the accounts of self‐styled British Sierra Leone experts for studying the experiences of women and girls, and indicates potential avenues for further research.

Oman and the Franco-British Colonial Rivalry: The Bandar al-Jissah Crisis 1898-1900

For certainty that Oman had been a part of the Franco-British political and economic relations rivalry, during the last decade of the 19th century in the eastern seas, as it was an important economic centre in the reign of Sayyid Faisal bin Turki (1888-1900). At the same time Oman had managed to keep itself away from this conflict and secured from being under the influence of these powers. Under these circumstances France was seriously interested in sharing with the British interest in Oman, and tried to stop them from gaining all the benefits individually, by having a part of al-Jissah cove near Muscat in 1898, as a coal station. In consequence of these demands Oman had turned about to the French, producing a friendly attitude, because of the British unclear policy towards Muscat and her Sultan. In this regard the British received this policy as repudiation of the Sultan's commitment to them in accordance of the 1891 treaty. The British reaction then felt that the Sultan's alteration of loyal friendship to them were against their wish, and they threatened by using force against his country, while the French Officials considered this action incompatible with the Anglo-French Declaration of 1862. However, the crisis forced the British Foreign Office to enter into official negotiations with the French Ambassador in London to settle their differences over the lease of Bandar al-Jissah with some consideration to the French demands. Finally, the French found themselves in a position of accepting the British suggestions to solve the difficulties which had gathered over Muscat, when the French accepted the British offer of taking the southern site of al-Makalla Cove in August,1900.By the last decade of the 19th century, the Anglo-French rivalry was getting tougher in India and the eastern seas. At this time Oman became once again a centre for economic activity in the Gulf of Oman, the Arabian Gulf and the Indian Ocean. In these circumstances Oman was apotential allay to one or other powers in the region, because of its significant strategic position.Sayyid Faisal bin Turki bin Said (1888-1913) assumed power at a time when the Arab world was beset by a rising wave of European colonialist influence, particularly that of Britain and France who occupied several parts of the Arab world. Only a few Arab countries were able to escape this fierce colonialist attack. Among these was Oman; for Faisal bin Turki had skillfully established his rule amidst an overall climate of turbulence. He also paid great attention to the internal situation in a bid to strengthen the national front. One of the aims of Faisal’s policy was to establish a balanced relationship with England and France. In 1894, he approved the establishment of a French consulate in Muscat; this was followed by granting the French permission to install a coal warehouse at Bandar al- Jissah in 1898. This episode led to very serious results leading to the eruption of a crisis which endangered the British relations with both Oman and France. This paper is an attempt to discuss this crisis and its political consequences depending on British documentary sources.

CENTRAL AND SOUTH ASIA AS A PRIORITY OF RUSSIAN AND BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURIES

For centuries, world powers have struggled for influence in the geographical area formed by Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Central Asia is the least explored world region and has long been a source of geopolitical tension. The aim of this study was to characterize Central and South Asia as a priority for Russian and British foreign policy in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Scientific and historiographic methods were used to analyze documented facts and ensure reliable results. Foreign policy relations of the Russian Empire and Great Britain during the great geopolitical confrontation were analyzed by comparison. The results support the hypothesis that there were influence spheres, contentious issues, and interests, which enabled the players to find compromises at the end of the ‘Great Game’ without resorting to force. These facts enriched diplomatic practices in buffer states, natural boundaries, de-escalation, and agreements for improving conflict management between competing foreign nations.

Majalah Ahkam Johor: Sumbangannya dalam Perkembangan Islam di Johor pada Akhir Abad ke 19

The Majallah al-Aḥkām al-‘Adliyyah belongs to the Ottoman Empire has been introduced in Johor, Malaysia during the reign of Sultan Abdul Hamid II (1876-1908). The book was brought to the Johor Government in 1893 during the reign of Johor’s Sultan Abu Bakar (1862-1895) in its Arabic language and it was translated later into Malay language and Jawi script during the reign of Sultan Ibrahim (1895-1959) in 1913. The translation was done by the Mufti of Johor and it is known as the Majalah Ahkam Johor. The book is a legal reference comprises the civil matters of muamalat, for example sale and purchase, rent and hibah, besides of containing court proceedings too. There are previous studies which affirmed that the Majalah Ahkam Johor was rarely used as a reference in court due to the expansion of colonial British in Malaya. The objective of this paper is to discuss and analyse the challenges of the use of the book in Johor and the obstacles in it’s implementation. The methodology of this study is based on qualitative design with historical research approach and document analysis from primary and contemporary data. The findings of this study shows that the use of the Majalah Ahkam Johor at the court level faced obstacles due to the British administration policy of interfering with the state legal and judicial system. Furthermore, the introduction of British law led to the abandonment of the use of Majalah Ahkam Johor as a reference on Islamic matters in Johor.

Credibility contests: The contributions of experiential knowledge to radicalisation expertise

Radicalisation has become a highly influential idea in British policy making. It underpins and justifies Prevent, a core part of the UK's counter-terrorism strategy. Experts have theorised the radicalisation process, often beset by a weak evidence base and mired in fundamental contestation on definitions and explanatory factors. Experiential experts have been active contributors to these debates, presenting a challenge to the low-ranking role often given to experiential knowledge in evidence hierarchies and a contrast to policy areas in which it remains poorly valued. This paper draws on interviews with radicalisation experts to examine the dynamics of this pluralisation in practice. With a focus on credibility contests, it explains how experiential experts can claim authoritative knowledge and the challenges they face from those who prioritise theory-driven empirical data as the basis for contributions to knowledge. The paper draws out the implications for understandings of expertise of this newly conceptualised, evidence poor and highly applied topic area.

The Uganda Museum’s Tribal Representation: Colonial Repositories and Community Reconciliation in Uganda

This article discusses the question of British indirect policy within a museum setting of the Uganda's Tribal representation as form of colonial rule. Why the colonial repositories have stagnated behind exhibitions of tribal crafts in the Uganda Museum's ethnographic shows how the protectorate government through its colonial officials embarked on the premised project of civilizing society. By tracing the establishment of the Uganda Museum, therefore, should be understood as part of the process by which British protectorate rule was enforced (Peterson 2015); that partly underlines the histories of colonial violence from the period of 1908 to 1960's. While the representation of tribal artefacts in the ethnographic galleries has remained immune to the disrupted intangible memories among young people in conflict situations. The effects have led to the loss of intangible memory that poses the risk of behavioral problems emerging from hopelessness and resulting in violence. Although, indigenous knowledge has gained new grounds in memory practices of the community and has reawakened the need for reinterpreting and redefining the meaning of ethnographic artefacts, little attention is being made to reactivate the knowledge of communities to reinterpret the colonial repositories of the storage artefacts.

“Global Britain’s” Foreign Policy: Special Features of “Sovereign” Atlanticism

The article outlines the special features of the UK foreign policy described as an outcome of the request for a new international role after the withdrawal from the EU. Proceeding from the theory of rational choice, the author concludes that the UK uses relations with Washington to adapt the idea of “Global Britain” to the changes in the international environment, taking into account the reduction of its own weight in international politics. It is highlighted that the synchronization of the UK and the US international agendas is taking place against the backdrop of deteriorated UK-EU relations. Atlanticism, along with disengagement from the EU, became the ideological basis of a new British foreign policy aimed at ensuring Western unity, while increasing its fragmentation. The significance of the new Atlantic Charter and the military-political alliance AUKUS for the foreign strategy of the UK is assessed. Despite the global nature of the articulated goals, the United Kingdom operates in the logic of a middle power in the face of intense international competition. It is concluded that the special emphasis on “hard” power and the strengthening of military-political alliances based on liberal values does not solve the strategic dilemmas of Britain, which will still have to balance between the major international actors.

Historical Aspects of the Imperial Identity: Perspectives of Interdisciplinary Research

The article attempts to identify new opportunities for studying the role of the imperial factor in British foreign policy, which are opened up by using the category of imperial identity, which the authors present as a variant of a more universal category of regional identity. In order to find out the complex nature of regional identity, the authors make a comparative analysis of the existing ones in modern regionalism. (A. Paasi) and “humanitarian geography” (D.N. Zamyatin) definitions of the region as a way of political, historical and cultural organization of space. The methodological postulates of these concepts create the basis for an interdisciplinary approach in the framework of the “new imperial history” and allow us to consider the British Empire at the height of its power in the 19th — first half of the 20th centuries as the most significant region in world politics. Awareness of its special role in the prevailing international system was at the heart of the imperial identity and foreign policy ideas of the British political elite, which, in turn, makes it possible to draw a clearer line between identity and imperial ideology. The authors come to the conclusion that such a formulation of the problem forms a new discussion agenda both on imperial issues and on issues of identity.

Linguists and language workers

In this paper, I address two connected topics: firstly, the relationships between linguists working in academia and language professionals, such as communication managers and consultants, in other sectors; and secondly, how a strong emphasis on knowledge exchange and impact in British higher education policy has led to increased collaboration between academic and non-academic language workers, but also to a realignment of traditional academic values with the interests of practitioners. The investigation is partly based on published reflections – mostly by linguists – on collaborating with (language) professionals in other sectors, and partly on insights from 13 interviews with language workers in consulting, communications and campaigning. The interviews are manually analysed for thematic categories and, where relevant, for pragmatic meanings in the context of the interview situation and conversational interaction. Findings suggest conflicts around registers and timescales, along with concerns over data and the relevance of academic interests. Crucially, language professionals show little concern about collaborating with academics, leading to an imbalance in interests. I supplement the evidence with personal observations on the opportunities and obstacles that are present when straddling academic and non-academic work, as well as with a discussion of how a unidirectional realignment of values changes the nature of academic work.

MUTUAL RELATIONS BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND POLAND AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR THROUGH THE PRYSM OF THE WAR CABINET ACTIVITY (BASED ON THE OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS OF THE BRITISH NATIONAL ARCHIVES)

The article reveals mutual relationships between Great Britain and Poland on the verge of the Second World War based on the British National Archives documents. The authors acknowledge principles of the British foreign policy towards Poland and the activity of its diplomatic corps along with the War Cabinet. The paper determines that diplomatic and military-political relations between Great Britain and Poland have been multidimensional with deep historical roots.
 The article represents the analysis of the main misunderstandings and challenges that determined British-Polish relations before and at the beginning of the Second World War. Sequentially, the British position and interest regarding the establishment of the strategic military partnership with Poland are shown. The authors examined British-Polish agreements that were signed during the spring-summer period of 1939 in order to designate the nature of the negotiation process between the states.
 The publication also reveals the reasons for a weak practical element of the negotiation process, emphasising the difficulties concerning the Royal force on the European continent deployed on the Polish border. Also, the authors analyse scenarios of the counteractions towards the aggressive steps of Germany and search for the mechanisms of the aggression deterrence considering different dynamics of the events. It is stated that along with the British influence regarding the situation in Poland, either France took an active part in the decision-making process.
 Based on the documents from the British National Archives, the authors established that diplomatic commentaries and reports written by ambassadors and state officials with regards to German actions on the Polish territories on the verge of the Second World War. Emphasising the cruel legacy of the Nazi regime, the rapid nature of German army attacks and brutal treatment towards the Polish population in the first days of September 1939 are described.
 The authors concluded that actions of the British political and military circuits concerning aid to Poland at the start of the Second World War seem to have been inconsistent, unconfident and did not bring strategic effect.
 After the Nazi occupation of Poland, British authorities had to change their approaches to the realisation of British-Polish relations. London accepted the idea of recognition of Polish emigrated government officials headed by V. Sikorsky, providing them with substantial empowerment to the Non-Aligned Movement.

Representing partition in the UK: an archive, an exhibition and a classroom

ABSTRACT In 2005 Rev. Michael Roden, the vicar at Church of England church of St Mary’s in Hitchin (a small town about 30 miles north of London) was invited to India to give a series of sermons to Indian Church of England congregations. He was struck during his visit by the scars in Indian society that he thought were the remnants of Partition’s aftermath. His visit set him thinking about the ways in which Partition has shaped British as well as Indian and Pakistani society, and about how little people in the UK know about the calamitous results of British policy at the time of decolonization. In particular, he wondered about why it was the case that Partition had never been taught in schools in the UK, and why children were coming out of school with no understanding of the forces which had created a multi-cultural society in the UK over the course of the twentieth century. Reverend Roden contacted the University of Cambridge’s Centre of South Asian Studies and set in train a series of events that would lead to Partition being included in the curriculum of all Church of England schools in England and Wales. This process was to engage politicians, academics, playwrights, television companies and members of the general public. It would lead to more than teaching in the classroom – a swathe of television documentaries, for example, were broadcast around he 70th anniversary of Partition in 2017, providing information about a part of the shared UK/South Asian past which has been largely neglected in Britain. Alongside this process, the Centre of South Asian Studies also prepared an exhibition of materials from its own archive collections which ran from August 2017 and drew in thousands of visitors. This paper will examine the ways in which the process of presenting Partition to the people of the UK was fashioned and followed, and the nature of the output which resulted from it, looking at the ways in which academe can interact with public opinion and public knowledge in meaningful and positive ways.

The Sikkim–Tibet Convention of 1890 and the Younghusband Mission of 1904

The controversy surrounding the Simla Conference of 1913–1914 and the legality of the McMahon line, which was produced by the Conference, has been at the centre of the boundary dispute between India and China. Amidst the diverging opinions amongst scholars and political commentators, the main issue rest on the unresolved question of Tibet’s political status. Was Lhasa authorised to sign treaties for Tibet? Was China the sovereign over Tibet? The answers to such questions are murky and complicated, made more so by the politics and conflicts in the post colonial period. This study attempts to highlight the complicated nature of political authority in Tibet through a study of British policy in Tibet towards the end of 19th and early 20th centuries. The signing of the 1890 Convention with China and the 1904 Convention with Tibet represents two extremes in British foreign policy which attest to the confounding situation presented before the British and the diverging opinions within the British official circles. The period between these two conventions provides a glimpse of the historical background in which the relations between British India, China and Tibet developed subsequently.

Technics and the Ecological Turn: D.H. Lawrence and the Education of People1

In his long essays on education, “Education of the People” and Fantasia of the Unconscious, D.H. Lawrence wrote provocatively against the principal of universal literacy. How could Lawrence get things so grievously wrong? While maintaining that much about Lawrence’s views on education is toxic, this article takes up the concept of the pharmakon to explore the relation between poison and cure in Lawrence’s educational theories. Starting from Ursula Brangwen’s first experience as a teacher in The Rainbow, it pays close attention to “Education of the People” in order to locate in Lawrence’s educational thinking an ecologically-orientated theory of technics. This is substantiated by bringing Lawrence into dialogue with two key thinkers of technics, Gilbert Simondon and Bernard Stiegler. Lawrence’s proposed system of education is closely related to Simondon’s proposed rebalancing through technics of the hierarchical pedagogical relationship between culture and technology. His trenchant ideological critique of liberal British educational policy is also closely compared to Stiegler’s account of the systemic stupidity and industrialization of the spirit generated by corporate digital culture. Lawrence’s concern for the care of the young, I conclude, is an ecophilosophy rooted in a rethinking of the body’s relation to the nonhuman world, and it produces a radical holistic conception of equality-in-inequality oriented towards a future beyond the economics of growth.

Прорив «Гебена» та «Бреслау» в зовнішній політиці Великої Британії

The work analyzes the events around cruisers “Goeben” and “Breslau” in British foreign policy, and their connection with the broader problems of Foreign Office diplomacy in the Ottoman Empire and neighboring countries. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, objectivity, systematics and the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis) and special-historical (historical-genetic, historical-comparative, problem-chronological) methods. The scientific novelty lies in the fact the multimethodology is used to the problem of cruisers “Goeben” and “Breslau” and their connection with the foreign policy of Great Britain concerning the Ottoman Empire, Constantinople, the Bosphorus and Dardanelles and the states of the region. Conclusions. The breakthrough of “Goeben” and “Breslau” is closely connected with numerous British foreign policy issues: the struggle for the Ottoman Empire, the problem of Constantinople and the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, and the confiscation of the British-built “Sultan Osman” and “Reshadie” ships. We must agree with the generally accepted opinion in historiography that the incident around “Sultan Osman” and “Reshadie” upset British-Ottoman relations and allowed German diplomacy to seize the initiative and arrange a risking undertaking with “Goeben” and “Breslau.” The result of the latter allowed the Germans to strengthen their control over the political and military affairs of the Ottoman Empire and had a corresponding effect on British foreign policy toward Bulgaria and Greece, as well as the Entente’s ally – the Russian Empire. The Foreign Office’s passivity regarding the “Goeben” and “Breslau” incidents in Russian and Soviet historiography had often been interpreted as deliberate action against Petrograd, which encroached on Constantinople, the Bosporus, and the Dardanelles. However, British sources have convincingly shown the groundlessness of these allegations.

Social security, full employment and voluntary action: The three pillars of William Beveridge's welfare society

AbstractWilliam Beveridge's report onSocial insurance and allied serviceshas often been described as a ‘blueprint’ for the creation of Britain's post‐war welfare state. However, it was only one of three major reports which Beveridge produced during the 1940s. This paper looks at all three reports and places them in the context of Beveridge's other writings and developments in the history of British social policy. It explores the different ways in which Beveridge's ideas about the importance of individual liberty, the role of state intervention and the different forms of voluntary action intersected during this period.

Burma/Myanmar and the United States: The Dilemma of a Delicate Balance

Burma/Myanmar and the United States:The Dilemma of a Delicate Balance Moe Thuzar (bio) In 2021, in the midst of a "confluence of crises" catalyzed by the Myanmar military's seizure of state power on February 1, the year 2015 will be viewed as the halfway point in Myanmar's now interrupted journey of reform and democratic transition.1 Bilateral relations between Myanmar and the United States, which started to normalize in the almost ten years between April 2011 and January 2021, are now "paused" at best, with Washington imposing and increasing targeted sanctions against the military regime in Myanmar since February.2 In 2015 I suggested that Myanmar would be engaged in an "eternal balancing act" between the United States and China.3 I continue that assessment in this essay, taking a closer look at how this balancing act is underpinned by domestic perceptions that motivate Burmese policymakers and diplomats to continue this policy of a "delicate balance."4 Examining the domestic underpinnings to foreign policy takes on heightened relevance in the current geopolitical moment where major-power competition seizes imaginations globally, including in Southeast Asia. The current political moment in Myanmar, where the military coup has catalyzed a contest for foreign policy dominance and legitimacy assertion in the international arena, also calls for this additional lens of assessment. In this essay, I briefly assess Burmese domestic perceptions of the United States and its policy toward Myanmar along three broad themes: perceptions and expectations, [End Page 134] the importance of legitimacy (to the Burmese), and revealed pragmatic preferences in bilateral interactions.5 Expectations and Perceptions The "dawn" of bilateral relations with the United States dates from a letter sent in February 1857 from King Mindon—the penultimate monarch in Burma's last dynasty before the country came under British rule—to President James Buchanan, the fifteenth U.S. president.6 The letter, which does not address the president by name, was originally intended for President Franklin Pierce and expressed the Burmese king's hope to seek bilateral ties with the United States. In 1856–57, Burma had already fought and lost two wars with the British, ceding territory with each loss. King Mindon's perception of the United States as a former British colony now independent was probably tinged with an expectation of a possible alliance against the United Kingdom. The alliance did not materialize; the United States was on the brink of the Civil War, and James Buchanan merely sent a cordial but noncommittal reply. Burma under British occupation had little formal contact with the United States. In the 1930s the general view seemed to be that U.S. interests were more aligned with those of the UK and thus of less use to Burma.7 Washington's interests in Southeast Asia—and Burma—increased as a result of U.S. military involvement in the region during World War II and continued after the war in light of the rising tide of Communism. The United States and Burma established diplomatic relations in September 1947 before the latter gained independence from the British in 1948.8 Following independence, Burmese decision-makers' perceptions (and expectations) of the United States became linked to ethnic tensions at home. Burmese senior government officials were suspicious of U.S. intent and motives regarding the separatist movements that had sprung up after independence. Among Prime Minister U Nu's key advisers, some leaned left, while others nursed grudges against "American-inflicted slights," and [End Page 135] the then army chief, General Ne Win, was frustrated with both U.S. and British policies toward Burma.9 Notwithstanding his own largely favorable attitude toward the United States, Nu himself was frustrated with U.S. support of the Kuomintang remnant forces that had fled China to the border areas of Burma and Thailand. The Kuomintang emergency exposed CIA moves in Southeast Asia and fanned further suspicions in Burma, particularly in the military. This dilemma tested U.S.-Burma relations, leading to Nu lodging a formal complaint to the United Nations in 1953 after several failed efforts at bilateral negotiations. Burmese suspicions and perceptions of U.S. motives in the geopolitical moment of the times serve as a...

HINDU-MUSLIM RELATIONS AND BRITISH POLITICS: THE EMERGENCE OF POLITICAL LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH ASIA

This research paper presents the historical background of Hindu-Muslim relations from their early period to the arrival of Europeans. It's an apotheosis of the social, cultural, and religious relations of the two communities, which from centuries living together and finally decided to partings of the ways. It also manifests the acme of Hindu-Muslim cooperation before the arrival of the western forces in India; especially the British. It is a brief analysis of the two prominent communities of India, the Hindu, and the Muslims. Further, it also emphasized on the factors which led these both communities towards the detestable environment. Which later became the prime reason for the Hindu-Muslim communalism and both nations living on together for hundreds of years were ready to part their ways. In this bitterness, the role of the British policy 'divide and rule' is also highlighted. Key Words: Hindu-Muslim Relations, Muslim Invaders in India, British Policy of Divide and Rule, Modern Education.