British Party Research Articles

Sovereign Nations and Global Markets: Modern British Conservatism and Hyperglobalism

In this article we seek to trace through the major stands of British Euroscepticism and concentrate, in particular, on the importance of a powerful ‘hyperglobalist’ Eurosceptical strand within British Conservatism. We investigate the British Conservatives' recent divisions over European integration, against the background of the party's increasingly marginal status in British party politics. The piece also draws on findings from two recent surveys of the attitudes of British parliamentarians to European integration, carried out by the Members of Parliament Project for the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC). We explore how Conservative divisions of opinion are related in part to particular understandings of globalisation and regionalisation and attempt to show how globalist ideology has unexpectedly re-emphasised and bolstered the traditional nationalism of the Tory party and caused an increasingly hostile attitude amongst many British Conservatives towards the European project as it is presently constituted. We also examine recent attempts to map British Conservative Euroscepticism on to continental varieties using a mixture of ideological positioning and party system (Taggart 1998), arguing that this ignores the extent to which British Eurosceptics advance unique (in EU member state terms) hyperglobalist (rather than isolationist or protectionist) arguments in objecting to further European integration.

British Party Politics and Imperial Control: The Rockingham Whigs and Ireland 1765–1782

British Party Politics and Imperial Control: The Rockingham Whigs and Ireland 1765–1782

Next Step: State Funding for the Parties?

The Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 marked the most comprehensive and radical overhaul of British party finance for over 100 years. It instituted reforms in many areas, with the notable exception of the comprehensive extension of state funding for political parties. However, despite the radicalism of the Act, questions have already arisen as to whether further state funding should occur. This article argues that in order to examine the case for more comprehensive state funding, policy–makers need to look beyond the current calls and make a decision by evaluating several criteria on the basis of empirical evidence rather than assumptions. First, however, it is worth outlining the stage we are at presently by summarising the new Act, looking at its impact to date and examining the claims made in recent episodes which have led to calls for more comprehensive state funding of political parties.

Book Review: The Creation of Political News Television and British Party Political Conferences

Book Review: The Creation of Political News Television and British Party Political Conferences

Sleaze or clear blue water?: the evolution of corporate and pressure group representation at the major UK party conferences

AbstractThere has been growing academic and public interest in corporate political lobbying in both the UK and EU in recent years. In Britain, links between politicians and commercial interests have been one of the areas examined by the Committee on Standards in Public Life (‘the Nolan Committee’ and now ‘the Neill Committee’). A visible but under‐researched aspect of political lobbying by firms and other groups is the range of activities that take place at annual party conferences. An exhaustive study of these activities at the three main British party conferences between 1994–97 is reported, covering the period from Tony Blair's first appearance as party leader to the aftermath of the 1997 General Election. There is clear growth of visible lobbying, particularly at the Labour conferences, over the period leading up to the election, and a dropping off in 1997; particularly at the Conservative conference. The implications of the results for organisations, and particularly for public affairs practitioners, are considered. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications

Book Reviews

Books reviewed:David Mckay, Designing Europe: Comparative Lessons from the Federal ExperienceAdrienne Héritier et al., Differential Europe: The European Union Impact on National Policymaking,Montserrat Guibernau (ed.), Governing European DiversityAlec Stone Sweet, Wayne Sandholtz and Neil Fligstein (eds.), The Institutionalization of EuropeDavid Calleo, Rethinking Europe’s Futureby Simon Walters, Tory Wars: Conservatives in CrisisBoris Johnson, Friends, Voters, Countrymen: Jottings on the StumpEdward Vaizey, Nicholas Bore and Michael Gove (eds.), A Blue Tomorrow: New Visions for Modern ConservativesVictor Davis Hanson, Why the West Has Won: Carnage and Culture from Salamis to VietnamMichael Howard, The Invention of Peace: Reflections on War and International OrderUlrich Beck, The Brave New World of WorkIan Gough, Global Capital, Human Needs and Social Policies: Selected Essays 1994–99Roland Axtmann (ed.), Balancing DemocracyRichard Vernon, Political Morality: A Theory of Liberal DemocracyPaul Ward, The Red Flag and the Union Jack: Englishness, Patriotism and the British Left, 1881–1924Peter Hennessy, The Secret State: Whitehall and the Cold WarJames Ellison, Threatening Europe: Britain and the Creation of the European Economic Community 1955–58Murray Edelman, The Politics of MisinformationNicholas Jones, Campaign 2001James Stanyer, The Creation of Political News: Television and British Party Political Conferences

Explaining Activism Amongst Fine Gael Members: A Test of Seyd and Whiteley's General Incentives Model

In the 1990s Seyd and Whiteley devised a 'general incentives theory' to explain variation in levels of activism among members of political parties. The theory takes into account individual members' assessments of a variety of potential costs and potential benefits that might result from activism. The model performs reasonably well on data derived from British party members. In this article it is tested on data from members of Fine Gael, the second largest Irish party. Its explanatory power proves to be similar to that found for the British data, though it works less well when applied to those Fine Gael members whose primary allegiance is to an individual local politician than to those who support the party as a whole. The article raises some general questions about the validity of some assumptions of the general incentives theory.

The Iceberg and the Titanic: Electoral Defeat, Policy Moods, and Party Change

Multiple factors can be offered to explain the Labour victory, and Conservative defeat, in the 2001 British general election. Here we pursue one of the most interesting explanations offered by a modified Downsian model of party competition. Part I of this paper builds on Stimson's (1991) rational choice theory of policy mood cycles and considers how this framework can be applied to the context of British elections. Part II discusses measures of ideological change at mass and elite levels, focusing on two issues at the heart of British party politics: tax cuts v. spending and European integration v. independence. Evidence is drawn from the 2001 British Representation Study (BRS), involving 1000 parliamentary candidates and MPs. Comparisons are made with the British Election Studies (BES). Part III lays out the evidence. The study comes to three main conclusions: (i) on the key issues of public spending and Europe, Labour politicians remained close to the center-ground of Westminster party politics, along with the Liberal Democrats, with the Nationalist parties further towards the left, while the Conservatives remained with clear blue water on the far right; (ii) as a result of this pattern the Conservatives were the party furthest away from the median British voter; and (iii) one reason for this pattern was selective perception, so that Conservative politicians missed the target. The conclusion discusses the reasons for this phenomenon, the implications for the future of British party politics, and the broader lessons for why parties fail to learn and adapt in the face of the repeated electoral defeats.

Why do the conservatives always do (even) worse in Wales?

Wyn Jones, Richard, Scully, Roger, and Trystan, Dafydd, 'Why the Conservatives do (even) worse in Wales?', British Parties and Elections Review (2002) 12 pp.229-45 RAE2008

"A Right Seaside Bust-up": television news coverage of internal party debates at the British party conferences

This article examines the coverage of internal party debates by television news broadcasters. Based on an analysis of the British annual party political conferences, it focuses on the prominence given to internal party debates and the way in which such discussions are packaged and contextualised. It argues that news-hungry broadcasters, in a competitive news environment, are not prepared to report any debate but increasingly focus their attention on debates that contain conflict. At the party conferences the level of discord is the main deciding factor in whether a debate receives coverage and how visible that coverage is. The article shows, in addition, that in pursuit of rancour the news broadcasters also seek to bypass attempts at conference management and explore differences of opinion exhibited at meetings on the fringe of the conferences--which the party leadership would prefer to go unseen. These conflict-laden debates are then given prominent coverage and held up as evidence of hidden party divisions by journalists. The article concludes that the image of conference debates presented by television news is a highly mediated one. It is shaped by news values and constructed by journalists increasingly eager to reveal what they see as the "true" state of party unity behind the "spin".

Was there a rural rebellion? Labour and the countryside vote in the 2001 general election

(2002). Was there a rural rebellion? Labour and the countryside vote in the 2001 general election. British Elections & Parties Review: Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 206-228.

After Housing Policy: Housing and the UK General Election 2001

This paper describes the results of a review of the housing content of UK General Election 2001 manifestos. Housing policy was of little importance during the election campaign. The main British political parties had, essentially, a shared housing agenda--to promote and facilitate home ownership, support area and community regeneration, tackle homelessness, improve the private rented sector, and prevent building on greenfield sites. Many issues of importance to housing specialists received little or no attention, most notably that of low demand. Some policy variations within the UK were evident, for example in attitudes towards greenfield development, home ownership and stock transfer. The paper concludes that differences in housing policy are emerging within the UK as part of a new politics of devolution and that the days of a single housing policy approach for the UK are over.

Is the Party Over? - Paul Webb: The Modern British Party System, London, Sage, 2000, 320 pp., hardback £55, paperback £16.99.

Is the Party Over? - Paul Webb: The Modern British Party System, London, Sage, 2000, 320 pp., hardback £55, paperback £16.99.

The history of British political parties

The history of British political parties

Blair's Babes: Critical Mass Theory, Gender, and Legislative Life

The entry of the cohort of Blair's babes into public life provides an ideal test case of whether, and under what conditions, women leaders in elected office have the capacity to make a substantive difference. Part I outlines the theoretical framework based on critical mass theory. Part II describes the data and measures, including the British Representation Study survey of 1000 parliamentary candidates and members conducted in the 2001 general election. Part III examines the evidence for party and gender differences concerning five scales measuring attitudes and values that commonly divide British party politics. The study suggests that once we control for party, there are no significant differences among women and men leaders across three of the value scales, including those concerning the free market economy, the European scale and the moral traditionalism scale. Yet on the two scales that are most closely related to women's interests, namely the affirmative action and the gender equality scales, women and men leaders differ significantly within each party, even after controlling for other common social background variables such as their age, education, and income. The conclusion summarizes the main findings and considers why this matters for the composition of parliament, the public policy agenda and for women's roles as political leaders.

The “Americanisation” myth in European political markets ‐ A focus on the United Kingdom

The existing debate in the political science literature on the transfer of US campaign expertise to Western Europe is largely based on observations of campaign evolution and, to a limited degree, on surveys of US political consultants. This article attempts to provide a deeper understanding of some of the problems associated with the practical application of US political marketing expertise in European political markets, focussing primarily on the UK. The paper investigates this transfer of US campaign expertise using both a political science‐diffusion perspective and an international marketing‐market entry perspective, suggesting that the two perspectives are mutually reinforcing. Qualitative data were collected from interviews with US political consultants who had consulted to British political parties at the 1997 British general election and with three academics who are renowned researchers in this field. The paper argues that, because of the very different contextual environments and their implications for campaign conduct, the potential for “Americanisation” is limited through indirect export methods. The paper further argues that US political consultants could penetrate the European market for political consulting services through a more customised offering using indirect export methods or a more standardised offering using direct export methods.

Television and party political dissent: intra‐party competition and the formation of news agendas

AbstractThis paper re‐examines the formation of political news agendas on British television. It argues that studies of news agenda formation in political communication have been overly focused on general election campaigns and the competition between the main political parties to set the news agenda. It suggests that such studies see political parties as either homogeneous or focus exclusively on the activities of communication elites and therefore miss another important aspect of the modern political communication process. Using the British party conferences as a case study, this paper argues that in order to capture the complexities of agenda formation outside election periods, political parties have to be seen as heterogeneous organisations, consisting of various ‘claim‐makers’. News agendas in certain situations have to be understood as the product of intra‐party competition between the leadership and dissenting voices. While this competition is imperfect, favouring resource rich party elites, on certain newsworthy issues broadcasting professionals act as a counterweight to leadership resource advantages, and help shape the outcome of intra‐party competition. In conclusion the paper suggests that dissenting actors within political parties, when newsworthy, can make a substantial contribution to the formation of television news agendas despite the resistance of party leaderships. Taking account of the communicative activity of these actors and of news values will provide further insights into the formation of political news agendas between general elections. Copyright © 2001 Henry Stewart Publications

Jan Smuts and Alfred Milner

Alfred Milner, British High Commissioner in South Africa from 1897 to 1905, was a convinced imperialist who saw his charge as the weakest link in the imperial chain and Afrikanerdom as an obstacle he was determined to crush. Respected by the leaders of both British political parties, he initially kept to his brief of exercising caution, but in two years the Bloemfontein Conference on the future of the Transvaal had failed and war between Britain and the two Afrikaner states broke out. The article examines Milner's stance during the peace talks and his disappointment at an outcome he regarded as a missed opportunity, and his relationship with Jan Smuts, later to become Prime Minister of South Africa.

The evolution of the British party system, 1885-1940

By the end of the nineteenth century, reform and development of the British electoral system had inaugurated a new style of mass politics which fundamentally transformed the face of the British party system. This book traces the evolution of recognisably modern parties from their roots in the 1880s through half a century of dramatic change in organisational structure, electoral competition and constitutional thought.In the House of Commons the Labour Party replaced the Liberals as the radical answer to the Conservative Party. In the country at large the complex web of Victorian social, regional and religious allegiances gave way to a cruder but more dynamic model of modern political loyalties.The transformation at Westminster and in the constituencies is surveyed in relation to changes to the franchise (including the vote for women), class consciousness, political organisation and doctrine. The comprehensive account explains the varying fortunes of the parties in the face of mass democracy, collectivism, the First World War and economic uncertainty. It also provides a critical insight into the debates and conflicts of interpretation which surround this pivotal period in British political history.

District magnitude and third party representation in local government

(2001). District magnitude and third party representation in local government. British Elections & Parties Review: Vol. 11, No. 1, pp. 192-210.