British Conservative Research Articles

Democratising Conservative Leadership Selection: From Grey Suits to Grass Roots * Choosing the Tory Leader: Conservative Party Leadership Elections from Heath to Cameron

In an era of valence rather than position politics, an era in which some see parliamentary systems becoming ever more presidentialised, party leadership is clearly crucial. Just as importantly, one can argue that contests to elect leaders provide something of a window into the soul of a particular party. They not only help determine its electoral fate. They also expose fault-lines. They show what really matters to those involved. They demonstrate strengths and weaknesses, collective and individual. They mark turning points. Or they show that the party in question is not yet ready or able to change. They also reinforce the feeling that politics is an art as well as a science. Leadership, of course, has always mattered a great deal in the British Conservative Party—an organisation which John Ramsden, one of its leading historians, once characterised as an ‘autocracy tempered by assassination.’ Accordingly, there has in recent years been a steady flow of articles written about the origins, course and outcomes of Tory leadership contests, notably by Philip Cowley and Keith Alderman and their collaborators. But full-length books about those contests are obviously like London buses. You wait ages for one and then two come along at exactly the same time. Not very funny, I grant you. But laugh-out-loud compared to what it must be like to be one of the authors involved. This kind of thing is surely every academic's nightmare: there you are, busy beavering away on your magnum opus, only to find that you're not the only game in town.

The British Conservative Press and Its Involvement in Antisemitic and Racial Discourse, Circa 1830–1895

The British Conservative Press and Its Involvement in Antisemitic and Racial Discourse, <i>Circa</i> 1830–1895

The Conservative Party and the “Centre Ground” of British Politics

This article examines the claim that the British Conservative Party has been too right‐wing and must shift to the centre ground if it is to win the next general election. Using data from the British Election Study and the Comparative Manifestos Project, it is shown that the Conservatives’ policies since 1997 have not been extremely right‐wing. Indeed, both data sets indicate policy convergence between the major parties in recent years, although New Labour’s electoral strategy of targeting some centre‐right voters created problems for the Tories. However, the general perception among voters, as evident in polling data, that the Conservatives were “fairly right‐wing” was more indicative of the party’s image problem, whereby they were seen in the post‐1997 period as angry, stuck in the past, and socially intolerant. “Shifting to the centre ground”, therefore, is more likely to entail softening the Conservatives’ image, toning down their language, and appearing more socially inclusive, rather than the wholesale abandonment of policies that were not particularly different from those of Labour.

Macroeconomics of Regional Integration: Withdrawal from a Customs Union

This paper has two unique features: it deals with withdrawal from a customs union, which is a neglected aspect of international economic integration, and does so within a macroeconomic framework rather than standard general-partial equilibrium analysis. Withdrawal was in the British Labour Party`s 1983 election manifesto; Greenland actually withdrew from the European Communities in 1985; presently an influential section of the British Conservative Party and others wish to do so for the UK; and the European Union`s Reform Treaty for the first time allows for it. Moreover, given the recent proliferation in preferential trading arrangements, with overlap in membership, withdrawal is on the horizon. A simple, almost naive, macroeconomic framework is tailored for the purpose not only because of its direct policy relevance, but also because it adds variety to relevant discussion. The conclusion reached is that the model does not negate the general conclusion of the orthodox analysis: in the presence of constraints on the use of domestic and exchange-rate policies to achieve full employment, the model points to the general potential superiority of continued customs union membership over a policy of withdrawal.

Explaining group membership in the European Parliament: the British Conservatives and the Movement for European Reform

This article examines the decisions behind group membership in the European Parliament (EP) using a rational-choice institutionalist framework. Following the goals ascribed to them by Strøm (1990) in other settings, national parties should join the largest group that matches their socioeconomic preferences. Yet, whilst explanations taking national parties as the basic unit of analysis might sometimes suffice, we argue that it is often necessary to consider the influence of individual parliamentarians and existing EP groups. The scope open to these various actors to pursue their interests determines the attractiveness of the various options available to a national party. We illustrate our conceptual framework by reference to the attempt by the British Conservative Party to leave the European People's Party-European Democrats (EPP-ED) group, an effort ending in the formation of an extra-parliamentary federation, the Movement for European Reform.

‘APPLIED SOCIALISM OF A FAIRLY MODERATE KIND’

This article analyses general opinions of Scandinavia held by British policymakers in the post‐war period, before going on to examine a particular instance of Britain's attempts to copy ‘Scandinavian policies’ in the early 1960s. Given the generally positive views held as concerned Scandinavian economic and social policies at the time, and the influence those countries wielded in international economic and social policy networks, such attempts were only to be expected. During the 1959–1964 Parliament, the British Conservative Government attempted to adopt housing policies from Scandinavia, in particular housing co‐operatives subsidized by the state, but organized by owners and tenants. They failed to entrench such new ideas in the British policy system, for four reasons. The first was the very strong institutional position of municipal housing and owner‐occupation; the second was the taxation system, which proved impervious to change; the third was the obviously politically‐motivated attempt to change British behaviour in a very short time‐frame; and the fourth, crucially, was the lack of knowledge as to how Scandinavian housing markets actually worked. This failed experiment demonstrates the allure, but also the superficiality and some of the dangers, of direct policy transfer between nations.

Political marketing in untraditional campaigns: the case of David Cameron's Conservative Party leadership victory

Abstract This study investigates the concept of political market orientation (PMO) in an untraditional setting, namely the 2005 contest for the leadership of the British Conservative Party. Based on a collective case‐study method, a content analysis of candidates' speeches and manifestos is provided. We operationalize four attitudinal constructs of a conceptual PMO model and adapt them to suit the novel campaign context. Our findings show further evidence for the existance of a ‘gravitational centre’ effect hypothesized in earlier studies. Furthermore, we qualify the concept of PMO through a long‐term focus and a context‐specific evaluation of the merits of alternative PMO profiles. Thus, the generic conceptual model of political market orientatation, which previously has only been used in the content of parties contesting a general election campaign, can be adapted to alternative campaign situations without a reduction in its explanatory power. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley &amp; Sons, Ltd.

Cameron's ‘Mandate’: Democracy, Legitimacy and Conservative Leadership

In December 2005, the British Conservative Party elected a new leader for the fourth time since its landslide defeat in 1997. Most Conservatives appear to accept that the Party has to change if it is to stand any chance of returning to office, but equally the arguments about what needs to change, by how much and why have not yet been resolved. In this context, the legitimacy of David Cameron’s position, and of the changes he proposes to make to Party policy, will be of critical importance. Accordingly, the nature and extent of his victory in the 2005 leadership election is likely to be one of his chief arguments. In this article, we seek to evaluate that argument. We contend that, in common with his predecessors, especially since 1965, Cameron’s ‘mandate’ at the outset of his leadership is of limited extent and significance; that his legitimacy is ultimately conditional on his subsequent performance as leader; and that, again in common with his predecessors, it will be for Conservative MPs (or Cameron himself) to decide when that legitimacy is no longer sufficient to sustain him in office. The main reason for this is that, despite the apparent ‘democratisation’ of Conservative leadership selection over time, the reality is that the Party’s MPs remain the ultimate source of legitimacy for an incumbent leader, because they—and they alone—decide when that legitimacy should be withdrawn. In this context, it is interesting, and perhaps significant, that Cameron signally failed to secure the support—expressed in actual votes—of a majority of Conservative MPs before becoming leader

'For the Good of the Party': an Analysis of the Fall of British Conservative Party Leaders From Chamberlain To Thatcher

This article examines the fall of British Conservative party leaders from Neville Chamberlain to Margaret Thatcher. Though the leadership is vested with considerable power and resources, holding on to it is conditional on the ability to deliver electoral success for the party. Previous studies concentrated on one or other of the party’s component parts, but neglected the importance of others. Although this article concentrates on Cabinet and especially the parliamentary party, it tries to take a more historic and holistic view. Political crisis management and the leader’s style are analysed from a Conservative perspective to create a comprehensive picture of how and why leaders have been explicitly or implicitly forced aside by their own party. The motives and mechanisms that have proved most important in the exercise of the party’s will to power are as follows: the leader’s electoral image, the leader’s handling of crises, the leader’s use of patronage, the leader’s dependence on party bodies, and most decisively the leader’s ability to recognise and defuse discontent within 'their’ party by using the significant resources available to a Conservative leader.

Hayek, The Road to Serfdom, and the British Conservatives

Over the years, Friedrich Hayek has received a generous response from some members of the British Conservative Party. One immediately thinks of endorsements of his work by Mrs. Thatcher in the 1970s and '80s.Those with longer memories—and teeth—might also recall the controversy around Winston Churchill's first election broadcast in 1945, and the response to it by the Labour leader Clement Attlee, the following evening. Churchill spoke of the dangers of planning, and raised the idea that it would, in the end, require the powers of a Gestapo to put the ideal of a planned society into practice. Attlee criticized these ideas, and Hayek as the source of the theoretical conceptions behind them. This led to a fair bit of attention being paid to Hayek by the press, and to his being described as an economic adviser to Churchill. But Hayek himself has downplayed his direct contacts with Churchill (cf. Hayek 1994, pp. 106–107). Indeed, in Hayek on Hayek (Hayek 1994), Hayek indicates that he met Churchill only once. On that occasion he was struck by Churchill's being the worse for drink and then recovering, to Hayek's surprise, to make a first-rate speech.

Immigration Interrupted

The article aims to provide an extended reflection on Michael Howard’s (former Leader of the British Conservative Party) 2005 pre‐election speech on immigration, in order to expose the violence and ethical corruption embedded within the political discourse and policies of immigration in Britain and elsewhere. It does so by referring to the work of Jean‐Luc Nancy regarding figures of immanentism which, in the case of immigration control, function through the will to absolute separation, technicism and the notion of mythical collective identity. As a response to this problem of immanentism, the ethico‐political thinking of Levinas and Derrida is invoked in an attempt to stress upon the necessity of a politics of generosity founded on ethical hospitality and total exposure to alterity rather than self‐enclosure and fear of otherness.

Constructing the Citizen: The Primrose League and the Definition of Citizenship in the Age of Mass Democracy in Britain, 1918-1928

The Primrose League was a patriotic mass organisation nominally independent from, but allied to the British Conservative Party. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, it politically mobilised large numbers of British women. In addition, through its social activities, the League assisted with the social integration of those holding full political rights with those who did not. The Fourth Reform Act of 1918 fundamentally altered the structure of British politics by tripling the size of the electorate and giving the vote to a significant number of British women for the first time. In this new political environment, Conservatives were concerned with countering the rising Labour Party and limiting the expectations of new voters. After 1918, the Primrose League attempted to define or construct a partisan model of citizenship. The League's model emphasised citizens' duties, individuals' civil rights and the idea of active citizenship. This campaign both helped the Conservative Party to adjust to the new political order and gave the Primrose League a new role to play in the age of mass democracy.

Leasehold or Freehold? Leader-Eviction Rules in the British Conservative and Labour Parties

This paper examines how leader-eviction rules affect the security of tenure of party leaders in the British Conservative and Labour parties. It sets out a framework for analysing and comparing eviction rules based on the political risks and institutional costs incurred by challengers and selectors alike in removing incumbents. Entering a contest entails mobilisation costs as challengers seek the backing of allies. Political risks are increased for the incumbent's rivals if they must stand directly against the incumbent in a contest. In contrast, rules that separate incumbent eviction and replacement enable rivals to freeride on the evicting efforts of other actors, significantly diminishing the incumbent's security of tenure. This paper looks at three systems: the Labour Party's electoral college, the Conservative Party's parliamentary ballot system and the Tories' new parliamentary mass-membership hybrid. High nomination barriers and the necessity to challenge the incumbent directly make Labour leaders secure. Eviction costs are lower in the two Conservative systems. This paper also argues that a party's eviction rules must be viewed in the context of its broader internal distribution of power: as party leaders gain more power over decision-making, raising barriers to challengers may simply encourage internal opponents to rebel or exit.

British Conservative Party Health Reforms of the 1980s and 1990s

In this article we will seek to explore the political ideology that launched the Conservative Party to power under Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. This event in 1979 was to have far-reaching implications for health care in Britain, arguably cumulating in a breach of a founding principle of the British National Health Service, namely, all-inclusiveness.

Discourse representation in political interviews: The construction of identities and relations through voicing and ventriloquizing

This paper studies the construction of identities and relations through the representation of discourse. After introducing a distinction between voicing and ventriloquizing, interviews with politicians of the British Conservative and Labour Parties by BBC and ITV television during their election night specials of 1997 are analyzed. Interviewer practices differed with respect to the politicians of the two major British parties: The losing Conservatives were presented with critical and controversial voices from within their own party, so that an inner-party debate was constructed, portraying the party as deeply divided. In the absence of dissent within the winning Labour Party, Labour politicians were confronted with ventriloquisms about what they themselves might fear, think and plan about sensitive issues of policy, so that doubt was cast on Labour's united front, and future inner-party debates and their issues were foreshadowed. Beyond the construction of debate and dispute, the practices of voicing and ventriloquizing also had the effect of personalizing and dramatizing political discourse and, in the interplay between interviewer and interviewee, implicitly constructing identities and relations. The practice of ventriloquizing in particular, normally used with babies and pets, was used in the data for women, particularly heavy losers, the socially deprived – and Labour.

Book Review: Anthony Forster, Euroscepticism in Contemporary British Politics: Opposition to Europe in the British Conservative and Labour Parties Since 1945 (London: Routledge, 2002, 157 pp., £20 pbk.)

Book Review: Anthony Forster, Euroscepticism in Contemporary British Politics: Opposition to Europe in the British Conservative and Labour Parties Since 1945 (London: Routledge, 2002, 157 pp., £20 pbk.)

Quasi‐markets in British Health Policy: A Longue Durée Perspective

Abstract Quasi‐markets in health care are generally associated with the period 1991–7 in the later years of office of the British Conservative Party. This paper aims to place such claims in a wider framework by exploring definitions of and conditions of success for quasi‐markets over a longer timescale, beginning in the 1930s and ending with the current New Labour government. It suggests a typology of quasi‐markets based on hard versus soft, direct versus indirect and internal versus external forms. It applies these categories and the conditions for success for quasi‐markets to seven historical periods. Both the typologies and the conditions for success of quasi‐markets varied over time, defying a simple linear development, suggesting a more nuanced historical narrative than simple continuity or discontinuity accounts of recent developments provide. Covering such a large topic over a long sweep of time, with the absence of clear evidence for much of the period, necessarily means that verdicts tend to be impressionistic. However, even at this level, the tentative conclusions provide important contextual elements in the debate on quasi‐markets.

Britain and the Convention on the Future of Europe

If the reaction from the British Conservative Party and the right-wing press were to be believed, it would be easy to think that the constitutional treaty produced by the European Convention represented a failure for Britain. This article takes issues with such claims. It illustrates, by tracing British involvement within the Convention from its inception to the finalization of the draft treaty, that the British Government succeeded remarkably well in ensuring that the document reflected its major policy preferences.

Book Reviews

Books reviewed in this article:Robert Brenner, The Boom and the Bubble: The US in the World EconomyAnthony Forster, Euroscepticism in Contemporary British Politics: Opposition to Europe in the British Conservative and Labour Parties since 1945Martin Holmes (ed.), The Eurosceptic ReaderDick Leonard and Mark Leonard (eds.), The Pro–European ReaderBen Pimlott and Nirmala Rao, Governing LondonJean L. Cohen, Regulating Intimacy: A New Legal ParadigmMichael Newman, Ralph Miliband and the Politics of the New LeftKate Berridge, Vigor Mortis: The End of the Death TabooPeter Clarke, The Cripps Version: The Life of Sir Stafford CrippsTom Bentley and Daniel Stedman Jones (eds.), The Moral UniverseRichard Lindley, Panorama: Fifty Years of Pride and ParanoiaGøsta Esping–Andersen with Duncan Gallie, Anton Hemerijck and John Myles, Why We Need a New Welfare StateReinhard Heinisch, Populism, Proporz, Pariah: Austria Turns to the Right. Austrian Political Change, its Causes and Repercussions

A Study on the Revival of the British Conservative Party : From the Viewpoint of Political History

A Study on the Revival of the British Conservative Party : From the Viewpoint of Political History