Brazilian Diplomacy Research Articles

A AMÉRICA INVERTIDA DE TORRES-GARCÍA: DO BOLIVARIANISMO DE CHÁVEZ AO SUL GLOBAL DE LULA

This article analyzes the relationships between Torres-García's work "Inverted America" and its use as a didactic element in the contexts of Bolivarian Venezuelan integrationism (Pátria Grande) and the most recent Brazilian diplomacy, anchored in the concept of the Global South. The discursive and conjunctural comparison of Bolivarianism and Brazil in international forums, referencing the motto of the Escuela del Sur de Torres-García, "Nuestro Norte es el Sur", allowed us to conclude that there is a gradual abandonment of the motto above by post-Chavismo. Hugo Chávez and a rising and striking presence of the Uruguayan artist's integrationist utopia in the Brazilian argument in defense of the voices of the South. Another conclusion is the adaptability of Torres-García's most famous work, which, although originated with artistic and cultural purposes, adapts to different foreign policies, such as those of Brazil and Venezuela. The didactic aspect of Torres-García's work enables the transition from the Escuela del Sur maxim in the context of Bolivarianism to the reaffirmation of the Brazilian presence in international debates on integration.

Brazil’s position in the Russia-Ukraine war: Balancing principled pragmatism while countering weaponized interdependence

ABSTRACT As a post-colonial nation that embraces international law and multilateralism, Brazil was expected to side with those who defend the sanctity of Ukraine’s territorial integrity when the country was invaded by Russia. However, as a Global Southern country with tangible geopolitical and economic interests at stake in the war, Brazil turned a blind eye to Russia’s defiant move and downplayed the gravity of its breach of the law. This article aims to explore the contradictions in Brazil’s foreign policy stance towards the Russo-Ukrainian war. It analyes the difficult balance between ideals and concrete goals that Brazilian diplomats strive to achieve in the ongoing war. In doing so, it also sheds light on the current administration’s strategies to cope with today’s emerging multipolar order and to avoid falling prey to the “weaponization of interdependence”. The article concludes reflecting on Brazil’s quest for an actively non-aligned position to address the sovereignty paradox it faces in the context of the Russia-Ukraine war.

Reimagining the Social During the Covid-19 Pandemic: Scientific Denialism, Brazilian Diplomacy and the ‘Virus of Communism'

Examining the circulation of scientific statements during the Covid-19 pandemic in Brazil from an STSperspective, the article argues that the denialism espoused by the far-right diplomatic circles oftheJair Bolsonaro administration must be understood in light of the disputes, which the virus revived, over different forms of imagining the social. Iexamine how the very reality of Covid-19 and the socioeconomic crisis to which it gave rise, urging governments to adopt social protection measures and strong forms of international cooperation, became the object of intense disputes between representatives of the so-called ‘anti-globalism’in Brazil’sdiplomatic institutions

Entangled Colonialisms between Belgium, Congo and the Amazon: The Perspective of Brazilian Diplomats in Brussels (1895-1911)

Abstract: Mention the period of high imperialism (1885-1914) and historians think of the Scramble for Africa. Yet, at the same time across the Atlantic, another scramble was reaching its pinnacle: the one for the Amazon. The partition of Africa has eclipsed the latter in historiography, thus also obliterating the connections that existed between both. This is not exceptional. Daniel Hedinger and Nadin Heé argue that many transimperial connections remain obscured due to the scholarly tendency of "nationalizing" imperial histories. What often gets lost are marginalized and in-between imperial histories. This article investigates one such case establishing connections between the African and the Amazonian scramble: the Brazilian diplomatic position on the Belgian colonization of Congo in relation to the Belgian colonial-commercial involvement in the Amazon, more specifically, in the Acre Crisis (1899-1903). I argue that Brazilian diplomatic actors in Brussels and Rio de Janeiro entangled different forms of colonialism across the Atlantic. These entanglements are important to analyze in order to understand how they shaped and altered the notion of colonial related terminology.

Two sides of a coin? The security-development nexus in Brazilian diplomacy and military

ABSTRACT The military and diplomacy would be two sides of a coin, two means of following the national interest. Regarding the security-development nexus, that should not be different: soldiers and diplomats are subordinate to the governments to which they respond. This article aims to compare how the nexus is articulated by Brazilian diplomacy and armed forces in official speeches and documents. The main hypotheses are that (1) a great deal of congruence is to be expected, and (2) different audiences would require Foreign and Defence Ministries to shape the security-development nexus differently. To investigate these hypotheses, the article relies on combined content and discourse analysis. The results indicate that the security-development nexus is differently articulated by diplomacy and the military, depending on their audiences and objectives.

Política externa e saúde no Brasil (1995-2010): uma análise da diplomacia de saúde brasileira – da Aids ao ‘Fome Zero’

ABSTRACT This article analyses, from a policy analysis approach, how health entered Brazilian foreign policy between 1995 and 2010 and supported the country’s international position, which is rarely explored in the literature on Brazilian health diplomacy. By drawing on literature review, document analysis and key-actor interviews, we examined policies triggered by far-reaching and complex historical change processes in Brazil. We find significant interrelationships between foreign policy and social policy, including health. The internationalization of Brazilian domestic policies, and South-South cooperation, played a central role during Lula governments (2003-2010). Health found its way into the foreign policy agenda to support Brazil’s growing international presence. These developments were made possible by the activism and engagement of several of State and non-State actors working on two levels: national and transnational advocacy, and coordinated activities of government representatives, including Brazilian diplomats, and civil society activists. The main argument of this study is that national and international policies are intertwined in this process and that domestic dynamics and societal engagement are essential but more is needed: governmental choices are also determinant. Institutional arrangements and policies shift in different conjunctures and are constantly prone to conflicts and change.

The Role of the Brazilian Diplomat Oswaldo Euclidis Aragna in Strengthening Pan-American Solidarity and the Anti-Fascist Position of Latin American Countries

The article analyzes the role of the famous Brazilian diplomat, Minister of Foreign Affairs (1938—1944) O. Aranha in the choice of allies in a difficult international situation, when in Brazil, as in other countries of Latin America, was growing rivalry between the imperialist American power and the rising Germany. Having shown the main activities of O. Aranha in the position of Ambassador of Brazil to the United States, then Chancellor, to revive the “privileged relations” with Washington, the author notes that the strengthening of the alliance with the United States has exceeded the stage of “equidistance” and “pragmatic balance” of president J. Vargas. The turn in foreign policy leads to an aggravation of relations with Germany, the intensification of Brazil’s actions to consolidate pan-American unity and the transition of countries from a policy of neutrality to a break in diplomatic relations with the Axis countries. The use of the source base (speeches by O. Aranha, declarations of consultative conferences), and scientific literature made it possible to show how Brazil, in the person of O. Aranha, resisted the spread of Nazism and contributed to the development of Pan-Americanism.

PARK CRESCENT, REGENT’S PARK, E OS ESPAÇOS DA DIPLOMACIA DO BRASIL EM LONDRES, 1822-1829

Abstract This article explores the history of Brazilian diplomacy abroad during its formative period, investigating addresses, buildings and neighbourhoods where the first agents lived and worked specifically in London between 1822 and 1829, and why they installed the first legation at Park Crescent, Regent’s Park. The objective is to discuss the meaning of local spaces for the history of the diplomatic mission and the representation of the Empire of Brazil in other territories. The article demonstrates that the first legation in London was installed in a new, rich and modern district at the time, presenting itself in a different space from the other legations and embassies. In conclusion, it is argued that this action expressed a policy of seeking legitimacy and fortifying of relationship with a specific sector of that society, namely, bankers, investors and merchants, who had business in Brazil.

A foreign policy oriented toward personal interests: An analysis of Bolsonaro's approach to multilateralism

AbstractHistorically, Brazilian diplomacy has centered its foreign policy strategy on multilateral institutions. Multilateralism has not only been an instrument to share the political costs of international decisions but also a defensive mechanism, due to Brazil's modest military capability. In this article, we consider that Bolsonaro's multilateral foreign policy represents the rupture of narrative. Departing from the premise that foreign policy is a public policy, hence subjected to domestic constituencies, Bolsonaro's conservative project is constructed in the intersection between domestic politics and the international system. First, we introduce our main hypothesis, that he employs an ideology of anticommunism, antiglobalism, and negationism to assure the loyalty of specific constituencies despite potential disruptions to collective interests and national long‐term strategies. Next, we connect the internal to the external by comparing Bolsonaro's approval in public opinion polls and his proposition or support of domestic laws to Brazil's stance in multilateral forums. To verify the validity of our argument, we aim to identify patterns of external behavior that correspond to the president's political ideas and guidelines and to concrete interests of domestic constituencies.

Politicization, Foreign Policy and Nuclear Diplomacy

According to the current literature, since the redemocratization, Brazilian foreign policy has been marked by a process of politicization. This article’s main objective is to verify the relation between administrative shifts and Brazilian nuclear diplomacy. Accordingly, the question dealt with in the article is: since Brazil joined the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), have administration variations interfered with the formulation ofBrazilian nuclear diplomacy? This article argues that Brazilian nuclear diplomacy has been an exception to this trend. No matter how innovative some administrations have been in foreign policy, nuclear diplomacy has been insulated from governmental changes, havingconsolidated a coherent and stable rhetoric internationally. The research was carried out by analyzing the Brazilian rhetoric between 1998 and 2019 in the NPT Review Conferences and Preparatory Committees, vis-à-vis different administrations, through the method of substantive content analysis. The result was the verification that the majority of the rhetorical issues used were present in all studied administrations, indicating the absence of correlation between administration shifts and the Brazilian stance in the Global Nonproliferation Regime.

Bolsonaro’s ‘Anti-Diplomacy'

The article compares Brazil’s president Jair Bolsonaro diplomacy with the traditional one and explains in what terms and why his foreign policy is different from a classical approach.Before he came to power, such principles as peaceful coexistence with neighbors, aspiration for national grandeur, peaceful conflict settlement and independent decision making were inherent in Brazilian diplomacy. Today the country’s foreign policy is unpredictable, inconsistent, and far from traditional peacefulness. Before changes in the US administration in 2021, Bolsonaro, as well as many of his predecessors, bet on the USA to solve national problems. Unilateral concessions to Washington predictably gave no results and lowered Brazilian independence in decision making. The USA was not interested in strengthening its rival in Latin America, no matter how friendly the relations between the two countries were. Bolsonaro’s policy is influenced by different lobby groups with opposing interests in government agencies. An important role is played by the military and followers of the theoretician Olavo de Carvalho. Paying attention to each of these groups, Bolsonaro implements an inconsistent foreign policy and runs a risk of not putting important political projects into practice and of finding himself in an international isolation.The changes in foreign policy take place amidst political and economic crisis in Brazil. Coronavirus pandemic aggravated the conflict of the branches of power. To strengthen his positions, the president appeals to the population, looks for support in the Parliament and pushes through an administrative bill aimed at making the president more autonomous in managing the executive branch structures.The appearance of the “right-wing” president and powerful influence of the conservative military stem from the economic and political crisis in Brazil, and Bolsonaro’s “special” governance style fits a worldwide trend of populism and active politics coverage in social networks.

Capacity building as the cornerstone of the climate change regime: evolution of the agenda through a policy-practitioner view from Brazil

ABSTRACT As developing economies walk a tightrope balancing economic development with environmental protection, capacity building becomes the most prominent instrument to ensure that the development needs of citizens are met within the realities of the climate change regime. Capacity building sits at the very foundation of the climate change regime, together with ‘finance’ and ‘technology development and transfer’ mechanisms. Recognizing that developing countries are on the receiving end of implementation projects, this review highlights historical understanding of the constituents of capacity building initiatives and how these can advance humanity towards the global good of decelerating, and even reversing, the adverse impacts of climate change. In particular, the article describes the institutionalization of capacity building since the establishment of the international climate change regime and highlights some of the stances of the Brazilian environmental diplomacy in this process. Furthermore, it emphasizes initiatives taken by developing countries to empower their citizens and to serve as a mainstay for enhancing South–South cooperation by sharing climate-friendly practices and capabilities. With the establishment of the Paris Committee on Capacity Building and Capacity Building Initiative for Transparency at COP21, it is clear that ‘clarity’ and ‘tracking of progress’ are the new objective tools needed to build on and supplement NDCs and related national efforts for tackling climate change. Key policy insights Capacity development projects should be tailored to the characteristics and needs of each recipient Non-Annex I country. Effective and lasting development of capabilities requires going beyond imparting technical know-how of environmentally-beneficial technologies and must include adopting a ‘learning by doing’ approach. National institutions of the recipient countries should be at the helm of capacity building projects to bring in necessary knowledge on national regulations, traditional skills, and resources that are vital to the success of these initiatives. Transparency in information flow and timely multistakeholder assessment of capacity building efforts are the lynchpin for enduring capacity development efforts.

O Brasil contra a democracia: A ditadura, o golpe no Chile e a Guerra Fria na América do Sul

O Brasil contra a democracia: A ditadura, o golpe no Chile e a Guerra Fria na América do Sul

Ernesto Araujo and Russia: How The Brazilian Ex-Chancellor's Ideas Influenced Bilateral Relations between Brasilia and Moscow?

Relations between Brazil and Russia decelerated significantly during the tenure of Brazilian Minister of Foreign Affairs Ernesto Araujo, from January 2019 until March 2021. This article maintains that the former chancellor’s ideas had a direct impact in the relative stagnation of Russian-Brazilian ties. Araujo’s interpretation of the international reality is heavily influenced by the ideas of Brazilian right-wing ideologue Olavo de Carvalho, which frames Russia as a Chinese ally in the pursue of a global communist hegemony. According to Keohane and Goldstein, ideas are an important determinant of foreign policy-making and provide ethical and moral motivation for pursuing a given policy course. The article determines how Araujo’s ideas reflected in his foreign policy in general, and in Brazilian-Russian relations in particular. The research concludes that Araujo led a values-based and ideological foreign policy, which deviates significantly from the pragmatic tradition of Brazilian diplomacy, with critical consequences for the development of bilateral relations with the Russian Federation during his tenure.

Ainda uma ferramenta pragmática para resolver problemas específicos? O regionalismo sulamericano e a resposta ao COVID-19

Abstract Regionalism in South America was once described to the author by a senior Brazilian Diplomat as a ‘pragmatic tool to address specific problems’. Yet, in response to the COVID-19 pandemic in South America – the worst-hit region in the world – regionalism has been conspicuous by its absence as such a tool, despite the fact that international organizations and other actors have pointed to the urgent need for regional cooperation on the subject. What explains this lack of regional cooperation? Utilizing the conceptual frameworks of Complexity and Human Systems Dynamics, this article argues that regionalism in South America actually suffers from a lack of coherence. As such, some suggestions will be made throughout the article as to how to address this incoherence in response to COVID-19 and, as such, be able to address some of the specific challenges brought about by the pandemic. It is argued that the policy-focus should be very narrow, and that the focus should be on the economic impact and vaccines. Furthermore, the article suggests that regional cooperation should happen below the level of national governments. Some suggestions are made as to how this can be achieved. It is shown throughout the article that such narrow, and often sub-national focus can restore some coherence, which will allow for a more effective regional response to the worst pandemic experienced in 100 years.

“Brazilian Foreign Policy, Multilateral Institutions and Power Relations: an Interview with Ambassador Rubens Ricupero”

This interview stems from the interest of four Brazilian scholars in contributing to the study of foreign policy through dialogue with practitioners. As the study about foreign policy becomes more reflexive and critical, we turned to a Brazilian diplomat, Rubens Ricupero, who based on his vast and often difficult experience, has written about his interactions with the international world and strived to establish a dialogue with the academic world. Between May and July 2021, Ambassador Ricupero shared with us his views on the difficulties and possibilities of dialogue regarding multilateral agreements and institutions, such as the GATT and the UNCTAD.

Brazil’s strategic diplomacy for maritime security and safety

ABSTRACT Even though Brazil adopted new diplomatic priorities since 2019, the maritime security and safety agenda has remained rather stable under the Blue Amazon paradigm. We examine the global, regional, and domestic systems within which Brazil's maritime security and safety are embedded. While Brazil has no regional enemies, the ‘2019 black August' oil spill, polluting vast parts of the country’s coastline, may be considered a tipping point since it led Brazilian authorities to revisit how the issue is framed on the national agenda. Applying the strategic diplomacy policy framework, we suggest three entry points for Brasilia to navigate in the near future, including the nexi between maritime security and safety, international and regional cooperation efforts, and the governance of Antarctica. They are all inextricably connected andkey to Brazilian diplomacy, economy and geopolitics.

Latin America and the Global Cold War

Latin America and the Global Cold War

Development banks as instruments of Brazilian strategic diplomacy

The article considers whether Brazil’s foreign policies aimed at reforming the global governance architecture for development finance can be considered the application of ‘strategic diplomacy’, and assesses the conditions for and limitations of implementing strategic diplomacy in new democracies. To do so, the analysis focuses on the Workers’ Party (PT) governments’ policies and actions related to national and multilateral development banks. It examines whether the Brazilian National Bank of Economic and Social Development (BNDES) and the New Development Bank (NDB; or BRICS Bank) exhibited four key features of strategic diplomacy (systemic focus; long-term objectives; dynamic view of national interest; and engaged political leadership) and what its implications were for achieving Brazil’s long-term foreign policy objectives of national development and autonomy.

American Regionalism and Brazilian Diplomatic Discourse (1946-2019)

Abstract In this article, we analyse the content of the speeches delivered by Brazilian Presidents, Foreign Ministers and Ambassadors at annual Ordinary Sessions of the United Nations General Assembly in the period between 1946 and 2019. Our primary objective is to find out how often and under what circumstances Brazilian diplomats mentioned the subject of American regionalism and whether the mention was made in reference to specific projects or to abstract concepts of regional integration and cooperation. Based on this analysis, we highlight the great deal of importance that was given to MERCOSUR – and, to a lesser extent, UNASUR – to the detriment of other regional integration projects, as well as the preference, by Brazilian diplomats, for a flexible, low-profile, abstract and low-cost discursive approach. In short, we found that cooperation and integration have frequently been discussed, although little attention has been devoted to the limits and possibilities of each project under construction.