Bourgeois State Research Articles

The perfect state, the strong state and the deadlock of political Islam: the case of Turkey

Erdogan's ‘moderate’ political Islamist administration was initially introduced in Turkey as the bourgeois state that would facilitate the implementation of neo-liberal economic order and a new cycle of accumulation of capital. However, Erdogan's breed of Islamism has proven itself incapable of constituting the bourgeois ‘strong state’. The inability of political Islam to constitute the ‘strong state’ is rooted in its tendency toward violating the separation of the state (political sphere) from the bourgeois (civil) society—the ‘perfect state’. Political Islam, by definition, is contradictory and consequently is necessarily a source of crisis; its failure in constituting the strong state is inevitable because it necessarily violates the principles of the ‘perfect state’—the precondition of the emergence of the ‘strong state’— ‘which relegates religion to a place among the other elements of civil society’.

Reforms and Reformers on the Question of the Causes, Features and Results of the State-Legal Transformation of Prussia at the Beginning of the 19th Century

This study aims to analyze and provide a historical and legal assessment of administrative, economic, and social transformations in Prussia in the first half of the 19th century to study the circumstances and conditions of the formation of a new political, legal, and economic reality of the country. Moreover, the role of specific personalities who made a mark in history during this period is explored to obtain an idea of what administrative, legal, and economic patterns they reshaped in the management system. The author focuses not on the transformations but on the personalities whose hands have produced those transformations (an objective series of events) in Prussian Germany. Reformers-researchers (first, Stein, Gardenberg, V. Humboldt) realized their own private interest, but the totality of personal interests was already of public interest, and they themselves acted as its subjects. The success of the reformation was also determined by the prevailing atmosphere in the country, which was filled with great philosophers, historians, and writers with their ideas and deeds. The author concludes that science in Germany was more than science. She actively participated in the process of transformation in the country.
 The author proves that the Prussian reformation, despite the different ideas of the participants about its goals, objectively contributed to the creation of the foundations of the bourgeois state on the basis of the monarchical form of government. As a legacy of the reformation stage, the Prussian statehood created in the second half of the 19th century was passed into the hands of Otto von Bismarck. Thus, it was not Bismarck who paved the way for Hitler. The reformers handed him a state building almost built according to their schemes which even the iron chancellor could not rebuild. In addition, we must consider that the modernization of Prussia developed in opposition to the counter-reformation, its legal expression was the so-called Carlsbad resolutions, which decelerated the dynamics of reforms.

O golpe de Estado, a burocracia e a teoria marxista do Estado

The term coup d’État is an expression commonly used by Marxist analysts to characterize a sort of phenomena. Despite being widely used, the term, however, still does not have a rigorous and consensual definition within the Marxist theory. In this sense, the aim of this article is to argue in favor of a restricted definition of a coup d’État which in our view is coherent with a Marxist theory of the bourgeois state. The theoretical treatment proposed is to take the concept of coup d’État as a political practice of a particular type in which the bureaucracy participates in the usurpation of political power in one or more branches of the state apparatus. This definition’s main implication is to attest the parliamentary coup as a theoretical contradiction, as it would not observe the structural hierarchy between bureaucratic representation and political representation within the bourgeois state apparatus. In addition to this main consequence, some analytical possibilities offered by the concept of coup as a political practice of a particular type are outlined at the end of the essay.

O rządach prawa w dawnej Polsce

The Polish Republic of Nobles was characterized by the fact that the activities of public authorities were based on statute law. This is a feature that distinguishes this country from the vast majority of European states in the early modern period where the principle of the sovereign power of the absolute monarch was dominant. In Poland, the highest authority in the state was the Sejm, in which the monarch was only one of the three estates in the Sejm, along with the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. The General Sejm was formed in the second half of the 15 th century, expanding its powers over the next two centuries. At the beginning of the 16 th century, the view of the sovereignty of law in the state prevailed among the nobility, to which the monarch himself was also subordinated, according to the principle that in Polonia lex est rex . It can therefore be concluded that in Poland as early as in the 16 th century there was a practical division of powers according to the principle that two centuries later would be formulated by Baron de Montesquieu, and which would underlie the constitutional systems of the bourgeois state. The second half of the 18 th century brought a further change. It was during this period that the subordination of all activities of the state to the applicable law became even more clear. At that time, an essentially hierarchical structure of executive authorities was established with the king, the Guardians of the Law (Pol. Straż Praw ) acting as the government, government commissions constituting central departmental institutions, and commissions of order, which were responsible for the performance of local government. All these collegiate bodies were established by legislation with appropriate Sejm constitutions. Their activity and structure were thus clearly defined by the provisions of law. They could function only within the framework of Sejm statutes and on the basis thereof. In most European countries, it was only the postulates of political liberalism in the 19 th century that brought the possibility of extending legislative control over the government in the form of constitutional and parliamentary responsibility of ministers. In Poland, however, this principle was introduced by the Constitution of 3 May 1791.

The form of state in the historical and legal research of the Soviet period

The subject of the article is the application of the concept of the form of state in the Soviet historical and legal science.The purpose of the research is to confirm or disprove the hypothesis that the understanding of the form of the state in the Soviet history of law was not discrete, it changed under the influence of political transformations and had a significant impact on the modern theory of the state.The methodology. The method of periodization was used to highlight the Soviet period of historical and legal science, the chronological method was used to determine the upper and lower boundaries of the Soviet period. The narrative method made it possible to describe the historiographic process. The historical-comparative method was required to compare individual concepts.Results, scope of application. The concept of the form of the state that was used in the historical and legal science of the Soviet period has been determined. The form of the state in Soviet science included two elements initially: the form of government and the form of statehood. The third element has been added since the 1960s – the political regime. The institutionalization of the history of state and law as a science took place by the end of the 1940s. While historians of the old school were working, the main topics included the early stages of the development of the state. Then after the change of generations the priority place was taken by the problems of the Soviet state. By the end of the Soviet period a more harmonious allocation of topics had developed. In Soviet historical and legal science the form of the state of the pre-revolutionary and Soviet periods was considered separately. The form of government of the Russian state in the pre-revolutionary period was defined as a monarchy. Several types of monarchy were distinguished: early feudal, estate-representative, absolute. The republican form of government was recognized for the Soviet state. Its class and social essence changed with the development of socialism. Organizational forms changed accordingly. When studying the polity, the main attention was paid to the federation. Its complex origin was noted, because the Russian Federation (RSFSR) was part of the federation of the USSR. The Soviet federations were built according to the nationalterritorial principle. The issue of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation remained debatable. Most researchers considered the RSFSR a state with autonomous entities. The development of the territory of the state as a whole has hardly been studied. Major administrative-territorial reforms carried out in the 1920s-1930s were considered in isolation from national-territorial construction. Generalized works on the territorial development of the state appeared only at the end of the Soviet period. Issues of the political regime of the feudal and bourgeois state were addressed in the study of direct democracy in the ancient Russian state, estate representative bodies, state power during the period of absolutism. Political liberalization was noted during the bourgeois reforms of the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. The democratic nature of the Soviet political regime was not questioned, therefore, the problems indicating trouble, crisis phenomena in the Soviet state were not identified.Conclusions. The understanding of elements of form of the state in the Soviet history of law was expanding. It changed in accordance with the changes in the Soviet governance. The main approaches to understanding the form of the state are accepted by contemporary Russian science.

Modern rule of law: Basic approaches to understanding

The modern state governed by the rule of law in the Western legal tradition differs in a number of characteristics (instrumental and substantive), firstly, from its retrospective analogues (for example, the states of the Middle Ages), and secondly, from the understanding and perception of the state in other legal (and cultural) traditions, for example, Islamic. In addition, the process of globalisation and other features of the 21st century require mainly new approaches to understanding the state as a social phenomenon, the relevance of which remains despite significant improvements on this issue in Soviet and Ukrainian legal science. During the Soviet era, one of the most fundamental was the work of V. O. Tenenbaum “The State: a System of Categories” (1971), however, like other works of this period; its content was built on the opposition of the essence of the socialist and bourgeois states. The purpose of this paper is to study the phenomenon of the modern state and analyse the main scientific approaches to understanding its essence. The methodology of this study is an analysis of the main approaches to understanding the modern state, its essential features and the conditions of its establishment. The problems of state activity that are important for the current conditions of its functioning, in particular, the efficiency of the state, are also considered. The features (theories) of the state found in international law are investigated separately. The implementation of the Montevideo Convention of 1933 established the following four characteristics of a state: 1) a permanent population; 2) a designated territory; 3) own government; 4) capacity to enter into relations with the other states. The paper highlights the phenomenon of semi-sovereign states. Special attention is paid to the investigation of the phenomenon of the modern (national) state, which was formed in the era of bourgeois revolutions and how significantly different from previous types of state, such features as the foundation of the state in the territorial cultural space and the nation to which free citizens belong; the transformation of society into a civil society with the principle of equality and prohibition of privileges. Despite significant scientific developments in the study of this problem, the need for further investigation of the essence of this phenomenon is urgent, taking into account the realities of the beginning of the 21st century.

Samuel Beckett and the Politics of Aftermath by James McNaughton, Beckett’s Political Imagination by Emilie Morin

<i>Samuel Beckett and the Politics of Aftermath</i> by James McNaughton, <i>Beckett’s Political Imagination</i> by Emilie Morin

Aspectos habitacionais no Brasil: resumo histórico e estudo de caso da cidade de Uberlândia (MG)

The lack of housing for the working class is a historical and structural problem, which has perpetuated itself over the years. Its main cause is the existence of private property, but the State tries to wrongly circumvent the problem. This reality is not different in Uberlândia (MG), where since the 1920s this issue has become latent. The aim of this work was to understand the housing policies practiced by the Brazilian State, taking as a case study the city of Uberlândia. As a result, it was possible to present a brief history of public housing policies (PPHs) in Brazil since the 1930s, when the first PPHs occurred until the current times. We understand that a deep social and political transformation is necessary for Brazilian State to guarantee housing policiesthat meet the interests of working class, being necessary, for this, a break with the bourgeois State, because the essence of the housing problem in Brazil runs through the existence of private property.

Technologies of Affect in D. H. Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover

As stated in ‘A Propos of Lady Chatterley’s Lover,’ Lawrence’s novel depicts the ‘counterfeit emotional life’ as symptomatic of the post-war capitalist nation and hegemonic machine culture. Not only do lords of industry such as Lord Chatterley reify and exploit the working class but the various state apparatuses, in the form of housing development, landscaping, publishing and the media, ideologically interpellate citizens by manufacturing taste, sensation and affect. An early conversation at Wragby Hall among ‘the young intellectuals of the day’ affirms that all social formations of the day, the bourgeois state as well as bolshevist Russia, operate according to the laws of the machine, driving even the younger generation to value display of success and power over the vital principles of life. Even the artists are duped, manipulating the publishing industry to produce images of themselves as ‘the most modern of modern voices.’ Perhaps, in Lady Chatterley’s Lover, the human body itself has been most severely devalued, turned into a field of thrills, flirtings, coquetries, games and ‘sex things.’ My essay primarily examines how Lawrence’s novel both diagnoses this ‘imaginary body’ and manufactures an alternative desiring machine through attention to, what Brian Massumi calls, ‘pre-signifying’ affect, motilities of flesh, rhythm, touch, musical sound, gropings toward the other. Although the lovers, Connie Chatterley and Oliver Mellors, are at the center of such an investigation, habitats of nature interface with the human world. What I emphasize is the expression of the complex ecological awareness in the novel: it is possible to view the connection to nature through Connie’s perspective as a ‘becoming,’ an approximation, which educates and opens up the human body to life-sustaining affect: tenderness, pleasure, sorrow, courage and passion.

LATINIZATION OF ALPHABET OF THE KOMI-PERMYAKS OF THE URAL REGION IN G. NECHAEV’s STUDY

The article provides information about G. Nechaev’s study, “Latinization of the Komi-Permyaks of the Ural Region”, dated March 7, 1933, deposited in the archival fund of the All-Union Central Committee of the new (Latinized) alphabet under the Council of Nationalities of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR, stored in the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The study noted that Permian Komi, who had been in high school and learned how to communicate in Russian somehow, no longer considered themselves Permian Komi, but considered themselves Russian. Information is given on three directions in resolving the issue of the Komi-Permyak alphabet: the great-power-chauvinistic one, which proposed the Russian alphabet; the one of Latinists who proposed the Latin alphabet, oriented to the Western bourgeois states; nationalistic one, oriented to V.A. Molodtsov’ alphabet based on modified cyrillic. Unification of the Komi-Permian alphabet, with all the shortcomings in work, made it possible to solve the main problem - the elimination of illiteracy, and the struggle of various directions showed the indigenous population's deep interest in creating and mastering the modern language. The information provided will expand the source study base on the history of linguistics, in particular the Komi-Permian language, and can be used for educational and research purposes.

Estado Burguês, Planejamento Econômico e Industrialização no Brasil (1930-1980)

The article aims to discuss the role of the State in the process of constitution, expansion and consolidation of industry in the brazilian peripheral economy. In the first moment, there is an exhibition of what was conventionally called “restricted” industrialization and the constitution of the bourgeois state in Brazil during the Vargas era. In the second, the industrialization that was observed during the implementation of the audacious Plano de Metas proposed by Juscelino Kubistchek is emphasized. In the third and last one, an approach is taken about the consolidation of the industrialization process carried out during the military dictatorship, especially in the period of the so-called economic miracle and in the milestones of the II PND, which was in force between the years 1974-1979, during the government of General Ernesto Geisel. The article consists of a critical review about the Brazilian industrialization process, based, theoretically, on the contributions of authors of the so-called historical-structural method and on the marxist theory of dependence. Â

Maoism, Political Violence and Terrorism in Italy

ABSTRACT When assessing political violence and terrorism in recent Western European history, the case of Italy stands out. The 1970s—the anni di piombo or “lead years”—saw an incredible level of political violence, leading certain observers to openly speak about terrorist violence. However, violence continued to a lesser extent even in the 1980s. This article deals with leftist political violence in that period and argues that Maoism was one of its triggers/inspirations. The Italian case stands out also because these high levels of leftist political violence were not linked to nationalist grievances, as was the case in Ireland (IRA) or the Basque Country (ETA). Maoism pushed many on the Italian revolutionary Left to take up arms against the bourgeois state. They did not take Mao’s proclamations of violence and revolution (“power comes from the barrel of the gun”) abstractly. As China opposed Soviet peaceful coexistence on an international level, the Italian revolutionary Left opposed it on a national ground. The pervasiveness of this Maoist call to arms in Italy can be seen looking at the example of the “new” Red Brigades at the turn of the twenty-first century.

Islam, political Islam, and the Islamic Republic: the political economy of Allah

This article argues that the Islamic Republic was the only alternative available to the international bourgeoisie in the face of the revolutionary crisis of 1979 in Iran during the Cold War. The task of the Islamic Republic was suppressing the revolution, which gave it a ‘provisional’ character in the eyes of the international bourgeoisie. However, the collapse of the Soviet Union that necessitated a re-definition of all bourgeois institutions and alliances, the defeat of the no-conservative policies in the Middle East, and the acute economic crisis of capitalist system prevent the Islamic Republic from arriving at its logical end and its replacement with an ‘ordinary’ bourgeois state.

Formation of the first mechanism of the government of the Modern Greek State during the struggle for independence (1821-1827)

The object of is the process the establishment of mechanism of the government of the newly-formed Greek State as a result of national liberation struggle of &amp;nbsp;non-Turkish population against the Ottoman yoke. The subject of this research is the problems of institution and functionality of mechanism of the government, faced by Greece in establishing the first administrative system in revolutionary period. Attention is given to the Greek communities as a form of sociopolitical structure that comprised a local primitive political system of quasi-state structure, the form and content of which were determined with the end of revolutionary process. The author examines such aspect as inability of the community to perceive drastic transformation and new functions of administrative structures in the context of the new and unified bourgeois state. The main conclusion lies in formulation of the problems that emerged in establishment of mechanism of the government in Greece during the revolutionary period: absence of solid plan of national development; prevalence of the interests of pressure groups over socially significant decisions; unproductive role of Greek communities in the process of creation of &amp;nbsp;administrative mechanism in the context of development of production resources of the society; dominance of the factional interests of Peloponnesian leaders; state of &amp;ldquo;disastrous equilibrium&amp;rdquo; that impedes adoption and implementation of the universal normative legal act, the regulatory effect of which would be aimed at establishment and consolidation of formation an d functionality of basic links of mechanism of the government.

A Educação Profissional no Brasil: Relações entre o Capital, o Estado e a Política Pública

A abordagem da temática da Educação Profissional e Tecnológica (EPT) não pode prescindir da análise dos agentes que operam a luta de classes, especialmente as organizações da classe trabalhadora e o Estado burguês. No Brasil, historicamente, o agente central da implementação de políticas de EPT foi o Estado, portanto não são neutras e precisam ser abordadas na sua totalidade. Para tanto, inicialmente faremos uma breve caracterização da sociedade de classes e em seguida um resgaste histórico dos movimentos do Estado brasileiro no sentido de desenvolver ações de EPT até o momento atual. Por fim, apresentaremos uma reflexão sobre os fundamentos, limites e potencialidades da implantação dos Institutos Federais de Educação Ciência e Tecnologia.

Carl Schmitt in the USSR

The article is devoted to the problem of the perception in the USSR of C. Schmitt and his works. It is shown that the Russian Empire paid attention to and criticized Schmitt’s 1912 work Law and Judgment. Soviet readers in the 1920s–1940s were already acquainted with the content of Schmitt’s key works such as Political Romanticism, Dictatorship, The Historical and Spiritual State of Modern Parliamentarism, Political Theology, The Concept of Political, The Age of Neutralizations and Depoliticizations, and On the Three Types of Juristic Thought, and a discussion of these works was a part of the intellectual life of the USSR in the 1920s–1940s. Moreover, Soviet Marxist-theorists of law, while criticizing Schmitt’s ideas, agreed with some of his ideas regarding the criticism of the bourgeois state and law until 1933. However, after 1933, Schmitt’s works in the USSR turned into an object of harsh criticism, and he himself was proclaimed a key fascist theoretician of state and law. Since the late 1940s, because of the so-called struggle with “cosmopolitanism”, Schmitt’s works received less attention. In the 1950s–1970s, Schmitt’s works appeared only in some critical statements, and the works of Soviet authors of the 1920s-1940s about Schmitt actually fell into oblivion. A new wave of interest in Schmitt began only in the second half of the 1980s, and his works can already be considered in the context of the intellectual history of modern Russia.

Vek i po od Lenjinovog rođenja - relevantnost Lenjinove "Države i revolucije" za teorijsku pripremu boljševika da politički organizuju novi talas kreativne revolucionarne prakse radnih masa u predvečerje Oktobarske revolucije

This paper examines the relevance of Lenin's theoretical work State and Revolution for the preparation of Bolsheviks to politically organize the new wave of creative revolutionary praxis of the working masses on the eve of the October 1917 Revolution in Russia, 150 years after the birth of the most influential Marxist of the XX century and inspiration of potential revolutionaries in the XXI century. The basic method used in this paper is the analysis of the main aspects of Lenin's State and Revolution content and placement of this analysis within the context of the historically specific social and economic circumstances of the time in which Lenin finished writing it in the summer and autumn of 1917. The main finding of this analysis is that Lenin's State and Revolution is the most relevant for the preparation of the Bolsheviks for the political organization of the new wave of revolutionary praxis of the working masses on the eve of the October 1917 revolution in Russia. In this work Lenin clarified both to himself and to his party comrades the revolutionary program of smashing the exploiting and oppressing bourgeois state as well as invention and organization of the new communal social form of semi-state withering away, without a standing army, police or bureaucracy, in which all literate citizens could take part in the administration of the common social problems.

Формы взаимодействия государства и капитализма: история и современность. Статья первая

The paper discusses the forms of interaction between the state and business in the era of the initial accumulation of capital. The thesis is advanced that the support of the bourgeoisie by the state was far from always class-determined. In the pre-industrial era, the efforts of the monarchical state in the direction of economic and political development worked for the public interest, forming adequate answers to the challenges of the time. Subsequently, the evolution of the bourgeoisie as a social group leads to the formation of a “class for itself,” with clearly defined interests and group ideology. This consolidation allowed large capitalist owners to claim political power, the result of which was the formation of a bourgeois state, based mainly on republican institutions. The guidelines of such a state were aimed at all kinds of assistance to capitalist development, and the forms of its participation were largely determined by bourgeois leaders. The main goal was the capitalist development of the economy, while exacerbations of the social issue were perceived as inevitable costs.

RUTHENIAN NOBILITY IN THE CITIES OF PRZEMYSL LAND IN THE 16TH – 18TH CENTURIES

Summary. The purpose of the research is to analyze the relationship between the Ruthenian nobility of the Przemysl land and cities and urban society. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of historicism, scientificity, verification, as well as the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and special historical (historical-typological, historical-systemic) methods. The scientific novelty is that it investigates one of the aspects of life of the Ruthenian nobility and nobility factor in the life of cities of Przemysl land. Conclusions. The Ruthenian nobility developed its model of relations with cities and urban society. They were forbidden to be engaged in trade and commerce. The validity of those prohibitions was violated since the wealthy Ruthenians were not afraid to damage their reputation by crafts and trade and joined the bourgeois state. But the magnitude of this phenomenon was negligible. Marriage contacts between the Ruthenian nobility and the burghers were also insignificant. It was also possible to settle in the cities by acquiring property within the city or suburbs. The few references from the 17th to the 18th centuries testify that some representatives of the Ruthenian nobility became owners of town houses, land plots in almost all the major cities of the Przemysl land. Cities, as centers of certain administrative-territorial units were becoming the place of deployment of government officials and representatives of the local administration. The need to fulfill their governmental responsibilities dictated their permanent or long-term residence in the city. By the middle of the seventeenth century, representatives of the Ruthenian nobility among them are extremely rare. However, in the second half of the 17th century, the situation changed and in the 18th century the Ruthenian nobility was quite well represented among the lower and middle-level officials. In particular, they were among the City Office and court officials. On the territory of the Przemysl land there were six headquarters with centers in Przemysl, Sambir, Drohobych, Stryi, Mostyska, Sudova Vyshnia. The management of each of them relied on the administration formed by «starosta» (the elder). As a rule, they resided in a local castle located in the city. Castle rulers were recruited from the midst of the Ruthenian nobility since the mid-seventeenth century.

A regra e o jogo: identidade, hegemonia e politicas públicas para as culturas populares no Brasil contemporâneo

Este trabalho tem como objetivo pesquisar a relação entre as dinâmicas das culturas populares de tradição oral, particularmente as de matriz africana, e as políticas culturais implementadas no Brasil a partir dos anos 2000, as quais trazem para a agenda pública este importante segmento. A partir da abordagem psicopolítica da consciência e participação política e da visão crítica sobre os discursos contemporâneos em torno da cultura como produto, desenvolvimento econômico, da prática tecnicista e gerencial no campo da gestão cultural, assim como por meio de pesquisa exploratória teórica e conceitual aplicada aos referenciais teóricos dos direitos culturais, conceito gramsciano de hegemonia e das teorias da reprodução cultural e pesquisa empírica entre os integrantes da Rede das Culturas Populares e Tradicionais, analisaremos o impacto de tais políticas, construídas no bojo do Estado burguês - marcadas, portanto, pela lógica do mercado e pela burocracia no acesso ao fomento - na organização e na construção da subjetividade de indivíduos e comunidades de tradição oral. Aborda-se, por fim, o problema dos critérios de avaliação de políticas culturais, profundamente marcados pela instrumentalização, refletindo-se sobre a adequação das categorias analíticas utilizadas para avaliar os processos culturais.