Bourgeois Revolution Research Articles

THE FORMATTING OF SPACE AND TIME IN TOTALITARIAN HISTORICAL DISCOURSE (ON THE EXAMPLE OF SOVIET HISTORIOGRAPHY)

The subject of this article is the influence of socio-political engagement in non-democratic societies on the formation of scientific and historical discourse and on its further functioning and use for non-historical – political and educational purposes. It is analyzed not only from the point of view of the unique features inherent exclusively to totalitarianism, but rather as a derivative of socio-political requests for history that arise and are realized in any society, constantly becoming more complex over time. For Soviet totalitarianism, a characteristic feature of such requests was the absolutization of revolutions, which were interpreted as pivotal, milestone events that signified the main content of the progress of social development at literally all its stages. Because of this, Soviet historiography and the historiography of countries dependent on the USSR was characterized by attempts to “conceptually update the status” of a number of historical events, even those that preceded revolutions in their generally accepted meaning. In addition, an in-depth study of revolutions was characterized by the introduction of new terminology into scientific circulation and the identification of new elements of the division of historical time and space within revolutions. The article examines this side of the problem, in particular, on the examples of formatting the chronological framework of the Eighty Years War for the Independence of the Netherlands (“Dutch bourgeois revolution” in Soviet terminology), as well as on the example of the officially accepted periodization of the 1917 revolution in Russia and the called “Triumphal march of Soviet power”. Since reformatting the historical time of revolutions was not the only purpose of processing the past, the article focuses on other examples of such formatting. First of all, this concerns military operations on the Eastern Front of World War II, which turned into the Great Patriotic War under the pen of Soviet scientists by analogy with the Patriotic War of 1812, which laid the foundation for its subsequent absolutization and sacralization.

Palingenetic Ultra-Nationalist Christianity: History, Identity, and the Falsity of Peripeteic Dialectics

The recent upsurge of European nationalism is partially an attempt to address the ongoing identity crisis that began with the Bourgeois revolution, which expressed itself through positivistic scientism and aggressive secularization, and culminated in the post-World War II “liberal consensus”: representative democracy and free-market capitalism as the “end of history.” Due to the needs of capitalism after World War II, coupled with the liberalization and Americanization of European societies, there has been a growing presence of “non-identical” elements within Europe, which itself is reexamining the very geography of what it means to be European. In this essay, I explore the historical context of the current identity struggles that are facing Europeans. From a Critical Theory perspective, I challenge the idea that Christianity or a Christian age can be resurrected by ultra-nationalists in their attempt to combat the cosmopolitanism of Western modernity. Moreover, I demonstrate how such attempts to return to an idealized Christian identity are rooted in a false possibility: Peripeteic Dialectics, or “dialectics in reverse.”

Innovator of Reformation Studies: Subject Matter and Style in the Works of Yu. Golubkin

The article outlines the range of problems in the history of the Reformation explored in the oeuvre of the outstanding medievalist Yuri Golubkin. Golubkin authored more than 90 academic and popular works on medieval and early modern history. He was particularly interested in the writings of Martin Luther and in Luther’s participation in the events of the Reformation. The study employs the historical-typological, historicalgenetic, and historical-comparative methods and is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity. Its originality lies in identifying the main avenues of the study of the Reformation in the work of Yu. Golubkin and in defining the principal phases of his evolution as a scholar. The authors argue that the first phase (1970s–1980s) was marked by a focus on the socio-political views of Martin Luther and his participation in the early bourgeois revolution in Germany, while in the second phase (1990s–2000s) Golubkin was primarily interested in the formation of Luther’s religious beliefs and his participation in the creation of the Evangelical Church. The scholar’s articles and translations are notable for their distinctive style, characterized by expressiveness and wide use of metaphor, epithet, and idiom. The authors further suggest that translation of Luther’s main works was central to Golubkin’s research trajectory. The need to engage with Golubkin’s innovative approach to Martin Luther’s life and work determines the prospects for further exploration of the historian’s oeuvre as a significant contribution to Reformation studies.

Modern rule of law: Basic approaches to understanding

The modern state governed by the rule of law in the Western legal tradition differs in a number of characteristics (instrumental and substantive), firstly, from its retrospective analogues (for example, the states of the Middle Ages), and secondly, from the understanding and perception of the state in other legal (and cultural) traditions, for example, Islamic. In addition, the process of globalisation and other features of the 21st century require mainly new approaches to understanding the state as a social phenomenon, the relevance of which remains despite significant improvements on this issue in Soviet and Ukrainian legal science. During the Soviet era, one of the most fundamental was the work of V. O. Tenenbaum “The State: a System of Categories” (1971), however, like other works of this period; its content was built on the opposition of the essence of the socialist and bourgeois states. The purpose of this paper is to study the phenomenon of the modern state and analyse the main scientific approaches to understanding its essence. The methodology of this study is an analysis of the main approaches to understanding the modern state, its essential features and the conditions of its establishment. The problems of state activity that are important for the current conditions of its functioning, in particular, the efficiency of the state, are also considered. The features (theories) of the state found in international law are investigated separately. The implementation of the Montevideo Convention of 1933 established the following four characteristics of a state: 1) a permanent population; 2) a designated territory; 3) own government; 4) capacity to enter into relations with the other states. The paper highlights the phenomenon of semi-sovereign states. Special attention is paid to the investigation of the phenomenon of the modern (national) state, which was formed in the era of bourgeois revolutions and how significantly different from previous types of state, such features as the foundation of the state in the territorial cultural space and the nation to which free citizens belong; the transformation of society into a civil society with the principle of equality and prohibition of privileges. Despite significant scientific developments in the study of this problem, the need for further investigation of the essence of this phenomenon is urgent, taking into account the realities of the beginning of the 21st century.

The Paradigm Shift of Political Science from Being \u201cChange-oriented\u201d to \u201cGovernance-oriented:\u201d A Perspective on History of Political Science

The history of political philosophy serves as a valuable resource for the current research paradigms in political science. In comparative terms, the paradigm of Western research is essentially “change-oriented” and tends to shift constantly with its evolving thoughts. Due to the influence of bourgeois revolutions around the world, contemporary politics has transpired as the synopsis of governance of the established order. As the “governing strategies” of the established order encounter multiple social crises, the Marxist political science or Marxism has emerged as the naturally preferred alternative research paradigm. During the Cold War period, such governing strategies were adopted as universal values in Western political science, effectuating the prediction of “the end of the history.” After the launch of the reform and opening-up campaign, “change-oriented” liberal democracy became an instrumental paradigm for Chinese political science. However, as the contemporary world order disfavored this paradigm, Chinese scholars shifted their research focus to developing an independent discourse power in democracy and governance, as well as prioritizing state governance as their primary research paradigm and methodology. Thus, political science is expected to resume its common sense nearly after a century of political chaos.

TERRITORIAL FORMATION OF THE GUIANAS REGION

For more than 9,500 years, the indigenous people reigned supreme in the construction of territorialities in the Guiana region, a part of the Amazon between the Orinoco and Amazon rivers, which borders the Atlantic Ocean. With the encounter of both worlds, a metaphor that refers to the contact of the indigenous people with the European explorers, everything changed and the last five centuries have been marked by wars, killings, and various territorial restructurings in the Guianas. Through a geopolitical perspective as a methodological fulcrum, and anchored in literature review and thematic cartography, this text examines the local-global relationship of the region over the five centuries of contacts, demarcating important facts and contexts in Europe that imprinted significant changes on the political space of the Guianas. Of the relevant moments, the great navigations, the bourgeois revolutions, and the Cold War were the most important for the transformations that occurred in the region. In addition, boundary treaties played a crucial role, with special attention to two of them: the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) and the Treaty of Madrid (1750). The text concludes that the search for riches and moments of instability in Europe, whether due to territorial recompositions there or conflicts, determined important reorganizations in the Guianas that made it what it is today, a complex region from the geopolitical point of view.

Ideas of the Philosophy of Law in the Renaissance and the First Bourgeois Revolutions (XIV–XVII Centuries).

Ideas of the Philosophy of Law in the Renaissance and the First Bourgeois Revolutions (XIV–XVII Centuries).

«ИСТОЛКОВАТЬ ЯВЛЕНИЕ ПЕТРА ИЗ ЗАКОНОВ РАЗВИТИЯ ИДЕИ…» – РАЗМЫШЛЕНИЯ О ПЕТРЕ ВЕЛИКОМ В ПУБЛИЦИСТИКЕ А.И. ГЕРЦЕНА

Herzen’s historiosophical concept in general and his attitude to the transformations of the first Russian emperor in particular were largely determined by the specifics of the Russian public dialogue in the second third of the 19th century. A.I. Herzen’s understanding of the historical role of Peter the Great changed in the course of the evolution of his historiosophical concept. From the admiration for the monarch’s transformative energy and the commitment for the Europe’s ideal through the humanistic criticism of absolutism and the skepticism towards European values, Herzen came to recognize Peter’s activities as a catalyst of social discontent and ferment, which in the future will lead Russia to a revolution of a special type, different from the bourgeois revolutions of the European model.

ЦЕННОСТИ И СМЫСЛЫ НЕНАСИЛИЯ В ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОМ ПРОТЕСТЕ

The article presents the results of a long-term study of protest as a cultural phenomenon, the transformation of values, realized in the activities of the best people of the planet and their followers. These values have absorbed the experience of many generations and the behavior of people defending the rights of an individual to dignity, equality before the law, fair attitude, freedom of thought. In the history of the development of political thought, values have formed that constitute the core of civil culture. The genesis of the birth of the nucleus of civil culture from the thinkers of Antiquity, ideologists of nonviolent resistance, leaders of the French bourgeois revolution, activists of the “new left” movement to the protests of our time is shown. The basis for updating the protection of these values is the socio-political situation, characterized by the divergence of interests of civil society and ruling political groups. The values of the core of civil culture (freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, freedom of assembly, human rights) acquire an acute urgency in situations of power crisis. This is the time of the birth of new values that will mobilize new generations of protesters. Protest, as an act of protecting the values of the individual, is a measure of the level of development of political culture in the state. The protest — it's not just a mass exit of dissent on the area. This is an indicator of the level of self-awareness of citizens and the development of the political culture of society. The symbols of political protest actions are a special text that expresses the meanings of values. The authors present the results of a sociological study, which used comparative, value-semantic, interpretive approaches, studied the meanings and values of political protests of the 20th — early 19th centuries, analyzed visual and publicistic evidence of protest actions: photo and video materials, publications in the press.

Space-planning solutions of the Quaker meetings house in Russia

Quakers are a Protestant trend in Christianity that was formed in England during the English bourgeois revolution. The peculiarities of this direction include the fact that Quakers hold prayer meetings for communion with God not in churches, but in fact, in ordinary rooms called Quaker Meeting Houses. At present, there is practically no research on the development of space-planning solutions for Quaker meetings houses, including developments in the design of engineering equipment for such types of buildings. Information was collected and analyzed on the need to design specific premises for comfortable holding of Quaker prayer meetings. The analysis was carried out according to the following criteria: the total area of the objects of the Quaker prayer meeting; availability of basic meeting rooms; availability of auxiliary premises; necessary engineering equipment; architectural and urban planning appearance of the building (including the building facades); urban planning situation, taking into account the improvement of territories. There were developed block- layout diagrams of premises for various functional purposes, a variant of space-planning solutions of a house for holding prayer meetings of Quakers in Russia, a draft proposal for its architectural appearance, as well as options for various systems of engineering equipment of buildings to ensure high comfort requirements.

The influence of the bourgeois revolution of 1932 on the national modelof statehood of Thailand

The influence of the bourgeois revolution of 1932 on the national modelof statehood of Thailand

Apresentação - Dossiê Cultura e Democracia

O dossiê Cultura e Democracia: convergências, conflitos e interesses públicos, ainda que esteja ligado a temas e problemas temporais próximos ao que estamos vivendo no imediato presente, abrange uma temporalidade mais ampla que envolve os diversos meandros que compõe a estrutura do mundo e do Estado modernos. Desde as revoluções burguesas, que marcaram o surgimento de uma nova sociedade, homens e mulheres em vários espaços geográficos passaram por diferentes tipos de instabilidades políticas, o que gerou muitos debates intelectuais além de lutas e disputas frequentes pelas formas de entendimento sobre o poder de atuação das pessoas no espaço público.

Establishment of the Greek state (1830)

At the beginning of the 19th century, under the influence of the French bourgeois revolution and nationalist ideas, the Greeks revolted to secede from the Ottoman Empire and gain independence. It was no coincidence that the main members of the Filiki Etheriya Society, which led the uprising, as well as its secret leaders were Greeks who served the Russian government. Russia, which wanted to break up the Ottoman Empire and gain a foothold in the seas, had been embroiled in various conflicts with the Austrian alliance since the 18th century, before the uprising. Russia, which managed to isolate the Ottoman Empire from the West through the Greek uprising, also acquired large tracts of land through the Edirne Peace Treaty, which was signed as a result of the Russo-Turkish War. However, although Britain, France, Austria, and Prussia agreed with Russia on granting autonomy to Greece, they did not intend to transfer control of the newly formed state to Russia. The revolt of the Greeks against the Ottoman Empire in 1821-1830 resulted in the victory of the Greeks. The revolt was organized and intensified with the help of great powers. The article discusses Greece's independence as a result of the uprising. In this regard, the London Protocol of April 3, 1830, signed by Russia, France and England, is of special importance. The newly established Greek state was revived as the Aegean state. Greece's borders have become clearer. The article also deals with the redefinition of the Ottoman-Greek borders by the Treaty of Constantinople of 1832. Although the London Protocol of 1830 formally established the Greek state, the Great Powers and the Greeks were not content with that. Russia, as during the uprising, remained a state that influenced the "Eastern policy" of European states after the uprising. This study was dedicated to all these factors.

The transition debate in Brazilian history: The bourgeois paradigm and its critique

AbstractThe origins of capitalism in Brazil have been traditionally overlooked by the literature on its developmental trajectory, either considered as an outcome of colonial exploitation or described through a broad notion of ‘bourgeois revolution’. The recent discussion between the consequentialist interpretation of bourgeois revolutions and the Political Marxist critique of the bourgeois paradigm allows for a reassessment of these narratives, with a stronger emphasis on the specific disputes of early‐20th‐century Brazil. In this paper, I engage with Florestan Fernandes as the main representative of the bourgeois paradigm within Brazil. As an alternative, I present a reassessment of the ‘capitalist transition’ understood as a set of social property relations organised around market dependency. By tracing this form of market dependency through Brazilian historiography, I present a narrative that posits the development of capitalism in Brazil through the nonrevolutionary rise of an industrial bourgeoisie during the Old Republic and the competing strategies of declining (British) and rising (US/Germany) financial imperialism in the 1920s. Therefore, it highlights the role of (geo)political disputes by pointing towards the policy changes introduced by the Vargas regime in the 1930s as a key factor in the transition to capitalism in Brazil.

V.I. Lenin’s Theory of Socialist Revolution

Lenin transposed Marx’s analysis of capitalism from the advanced capitalist economies to the dependent colonial countries. He combined political economy, geopolitics, political organisation and a sociology of social structure to form an innovative revolutionary praxis. The expansion of Western capitalism shifted the social and political contradictions to countries moving from feudalism to capitalism. Lenin was correct in his appraisal of the social forces in support of a bourgeois revolution. But he provided an over-optimistic prediction for the disintegration of monopoly capitalism and only a partial analysis of the working classes in the advanced capitalist countries. His political approach requires a redefinition of countervailing forces and class alliances and a shift of focus from the semi-periphery to the ‘strongest links’ in the capitalist chain. A ‘return to Lenin’ is not to adopt his policies but a prompt to reinvent a socialist sociological vision derived from the expectations of the Enlightenment and Marx’s analysis of capitalism.

A transfiguração da revolução permanente na América Latina: um diálogo entre Adolfo Gilly e Florestan Fernandes / The Transfiguration of the Permanent Revolution in Latin America: a dialogue between Adolfo Gilly and Florestan Fernandes

O artigo tem por objetivo dialogar com a produção de Adolfo Gilly e Florestan Fernandes sobre a pertinência do conceito de revolução permanente nas realidades capitalistas da América Latina. Apresenta-se uma descrição suscinta dos processos de revolução burguesa no México e no Brasil, ilustrando os conceitos de revolução interrompida de Gilly e de contrarrevolução permanente em Fernandes. Também se discute algumas fórmulas estratégicas derivadas de entendimentos diversos sobre a transição capitalista na região. Por fim, elenca-se algumas questões sobre a atualidade das categorias de revolução permanente, revolução interrompida e de autocracia para se analisar as realidades latino-americanas do século XXI.

Establishment of the University System in France During the Reign of Napoleon I: Goals and the Results

Introduction. In the Napoleonic era, political power set itself two tasks: to continue the traditions of the revolution in the formation of a new system of people and to make these changes correlate with the requirements of the new political system associated with the formation of the Empire. Historians have not paid enough attention to Napoleon’s educational policy and the relation of these events to his political goals. Analysis. The Great French Bourgeois Revolution completely destroyed the old educational system. All universities and academies were closed. Secondary and primary schools sought to eliminate the influence of the Church. The revolutionary government proclaimed an equal right for all citizens to receive education, and the goal of education was to form a new personality in the spirit of the Republican morality. The main problems were the lack of a unified structure and the lack of teaching staff. Only during the reign of Napoleon a coherent and effective system of education was created, which included the interrelated stages of primary, secondary and higher education, the top of which was the University. All educational institutions in France were subject to it. The goal of the University was not only to train teachers, but also to establish a new imperial ideology based on the idea of national unity. Though the creation of the educational system was certainly successful for Napoleon, his main function, according to the Emperor, was ideological education, and he could not implement it. Results. The Imperial University remained ideologically independent from the political system of the Empire, since a significant part of the teaching staff held liberal views and was in hidden opposition to the Napoleonic regime. However, the structure of education created in this era lasted until the end of the 19th century, which indicates its success in terms of organizational principles and practical implementation.

Base Nacional Comum Curricular e novo ensino médio

Este artigo apresenta resultados parciais de pesquisa de cunho documental-bibliográfico, dedicada à compreensão dos pormenores da Base Nacional Comum Curricular (BNCC) e do Novo Ensino Médio (NEM) em diálogo com os aspectos histórico-estruturantes da educação brasileira. Assume a máxima importância a mediação da categoria capitalismo dependente, aqui nos termos de Florestan Fernandes, sobretudo para entender a unidade dos aspectos educacionais, econômicos, políticos, sociais e ideológicos, presentes e passados, da formação econômico-social brasileira. Com o aporte de compreensões buscadas no arcabouço teórico deixado pelo sociólogo brasileiro, tais como aquelas referentes à especificidade da revolução burguesa no Brasil e das contradições erigidas no seio do capitalismo dependente, argumenta-se que a BNCC e o NEM apresentam traços comuns às diversas reformas e medidas de contrarreforma alavancadas pela burguesia brasileira ao longo da nossa história, sobretudo em momentos de crise. Conclui-se que, a despeito das particularidades obscurantistas da conjuntura atual, a mesma reflete em todos os âmbitos a revitalização e o aprofundamento da dependência, ao que a esfera educacional não se faz exceção: nesta também as medidas apresentam as faces exacerbadamente contraditórias, antidemocráticas e retrógradas, próprias do capitalismo dependente.

The metaphysical meaning of right force

Introduction. Right force is known as the antipode of force law. Meanwhile, the practice of relations between states and within states - between the state and its citizens, and between citizens themselves, is often replete with examples of the use of law rather than force of law (rules of law). Such vitality of the right of force gives grounds to speak of the existence of metaphysical grounds for its revival in social relations. The aim of the article. This article is dedicated to finding these reasons. Results. Philosophical science differentiates metaphysics into general and particular. The first examines all things (objectively existing), the second examines the reasons for existing. It is from the point of view of causality that the power of right phenomenon is to be considered. A retrospective analysis of the first written legal sources testifies to the fixation of the right of power in these sources by the representatives of the most powerful social groups. From this it follows that inequality arises as a result of the presence of advantages in the most able members of such groups. And we call these advantages a force that has the potential to be used by the bearers of that power. Thus, the power is understood to have any advantages in individuals who enter into communication with each other, and in the case of legal relations between them (involves the emergence of mutual rights and obligations) - the force acquires its metaphysical status - the right of force in the form the corresponding authority of the stronger side is relatively weaker. The question is: in the majority of cases, whether the exercise of the right of power by a more powerful party has been decided in favor of such a party. Slave right, serfdom - a vivid confirmation of that. Only with the first bourgeois revolutions and the introduction of the law of formal equality, the right to inequality as the official fixation of the right of power disappeared from the historical arena. But the right of force ceased to exist with the introduction of the right of formal equality. It lost its institutional forms in the form of fixation of the status of slaves, other groups of "dependent" in the first legal acts of antiquity, guilds and other restrictions of the medieval era, etc. Instead, it has taken other forms - economic, political, organizational, and so on. In other words, the power of law has become a veiled form today, where representatives of these circles exercise their power indirectly, hiding behind the “fig” piece of popular slogans of democracy, equality, and solidarity among the general public. The foregoing may suggest that the right to power is a negative factor in the development of human civilization, which every means must counteract. In the case of the open exercise of the right of force in the form of aggression, crime or other forms of abuse of the right of force, it really must be recognized as a deconstructive force that damages the normal development of the social organism. In the absence of a sign of abuse of the right force, the latter should be considered as a means of "pulling" to its level of the weaker party, which is in relations with representatives of such force. There is nothing accidental in nature, including social, and therefore the right of force should be regarded as an integral attribute of its development. We must combat the abuse of the right of power, not its overcoming, which we regard as having any advantages in various spheres of human activity. Conclusions. Based on the above, the following areas of study are promising: political and legal mechanisms for counteracting institutional manifestations of abuse of the right of force, axiological problems of self-limitation of the right of force.

Концепции гражданства и сословность в русской истории — преемственность и / или разрыв

The author studied the development of the concept “people” in contemporary history tak­ing into account its possible interpretation as a bearer of sovereignty. This concept goes back to the time of early bourgeois revolutions. The author holds that there are certain parallels between the ideology of citizenship, the development of the concept “people / nation” and the interpretation of the concept “citizenship”. Contemporary theoretical debates about citizen­ship are fully applicable to the history of the interpretation of citizenship in Russia. The Unit­ed States or Great Britain have a century-long tradition of citizenship. Unlike them, Russia has gone through several stages of radical changes associated with deep political and social transformations, hence a variety of understanding of the concept analysed. A paradoxical interpretation of the concept "citizen" in Russia became evident in the 18th century. Then a citizen and a subject tended to be used either as synonyms or “citizens” were understood as a social group related to nobility. Thus, the concept analysed was used in a variety of meanings and contexts. The same duality in the interpretation of citizenship within the class society manifested itself on the eve of the 1917 Revolution. The class-based duality of citizenship was also noticeable during the Soviet period. After the radical break with the past proclaimed by the Bolsheviks, the old class stratification system had to be changed. In the first month after the Revolution, the Bolsheviks officially abolished estates, titles and ranks. Under the 1918 Constitution of the RSFSR, the concept “class” became a legal term in Soviet Russia. Only “workers” received political rights and thus full citizenship. The official civil status or citi­zenship was an integral part of the ideology of workers and “exploited” classes as opposed to “non-working, bourgeois elements”. The idea of citizenship ceased to depend on territory and nationality. As a result, a group of people was legally deprived of citizenship while perma­nently residing in the state. Paradoxically, in Soviet Russia citizenship was defined through its absence, through what it was not. The concepts of citizenship and classhood during the Imperial and So­viet periods often coexisted, complementing each other and forming a bizarre synthesis of traditional and modern approaches to the interpretation of the concept of citizen­ship.