Bourgeois Nationalism Research Articles

The Coming of the Celts, AD 1860: Celtic Nationalism in Ireland and Wales , by Caoimh�n De Barra (review)

The Coming of the Celts, AD 1860: Celtic Nationalism in Ireland and Wales, Caoimhín De Barra (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2018), 372 pages. Caoimhín De Barra’s The Coming of the Celts is a well-considered examination of the often-ambivalent relationship between the respective promoters of Welsh and Irish language, literature and culture in the later nineteenth and earlier twentieth centuries. De Barra, a member of the History Faculty at Gonzaga University in Spokane, Washington, sees the language movements in Wales and Ireland both as part of the general development of romantic bourgeois nationalism that flourished among smaller, or divided, nationalities in nineteenth-century Europe and also as an often-failed attempt to discover political and cultural commonalities between the two countries, and the other Celtic nations, commonalities that sometimes simply didn’t exist. There were two significant fault lines separating the Welsh and Irish language movements. The first was mutual unintelligibility between speakers of the two major divisions among the six modern Celtic languages, the Goidelic languages (Irish and Scottish Gaelic, descended from a high Medieval form of Irish – two languages that are mutually understandable) and the Brittonic languages (Welsh and Breton, descended from a Celtic language spoken in Wales and West Britain in late antiquity – languages that are unintelligible both to speakers of the Goidelic languages and to speakers of the two major Brittonic tongues). Two other Celtic languages, Cornish (a Brittonic language) and Manx (a Goidelic language), died out, primarily in the eighteenth century (with remnants of Manx surviving until a few generations ago), but these languages recently have been revived as sometimes precocious hobby-languages by scholars and enthusiasts, through the examination of historic texts. While older ‘Irish’ and ‘Welsh’ thus are the primary historic progenitors of their respective modern language groups, these two languages developed mostly in isolation from one another and thus proved poor vehicles for a unified ‘Celtic’ consciousness and collective cultural/political programmes. Such programmes preoccupied a relatively small number of Pan-Celtic supporters in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, but their goals usually were hazy and unrealisable – the product of collective undefined goodwill as much as anything. Also, five of the six modern Celtic nations had Studies • volume 108 • number 431 360 Autumn 2019: Book Reviews Studies_layout_AUTUMN-2019.indd 128 21/08/2019 09:14 English as a well-established first language by the period in question, which tended to isolate the Bretons, who often were among the more enthusiastic of the Pan-Celts. Finally, while the later Gaelic League in Ireland had a political and cultural programme that was decidedly Modernist and forwardlooking , attempting to update the Irish language in contemporary settings, the Scottish, Welsh and Breton Pan-Celts too often (to the Irish, at least) seemed preoccupied with a ‘Golden’ past and too concerned with externals like Druidical ceremonies and national costumes. A second point of division, one repeatedly alluded to by De Barra but never considered in sufficient depth, was religious. Welsh speakers during the time in question were largely evangelical Calvinistic Methodist dissenters, extremely suspicious of Roman Catholicism, while members of the Irish language movement were mostly (at least cultural) Catholics. This religious division led to suspicion and a certain cultural revulsion between the two groups, more often coming from the Welsh than the Irish side of things, which sometimes proved a difficulty in efforts at mutual programmatic development. Both ‘primordial’ languages, however, survived periods of significant religious change in the twentieth century, with the Welsh national conversion from Protestant evangelicalism to the increasingly secular socialism of the Labour Party; and the general Irish detachment from Catholicism after the clerical sexual-abuse crisis of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. The development of the nationalist impulse in each of the four major Celtic nations during the last half of the nineteenthcentury went hand-in-hand with a movement toward pan-Celtic appreciation, if not unity, perhaps inspired by the example of Italian and German unification. This impulse, while recurring and popular on the surface, ultimately was a failure. While there might have been distant linguistic connections between the two primary Celtic-language groups somewhere on the continent...

„Üks võimsamaid relvi võitluses kodanlise natsionalismi vastu on kindlasti eesti ajalugu…“. Eesti vabariigi perioodi uurimisest Eesti NSV Teaduste Akadeemia ajaloo instituudis aastatel 1946–1950

„Üks võimsamaid relvi võitluses kodanlise natsionalismi vastu on kindlasti eesti ajalugu…“. Eesti vabariigi perioodi uurimisest Eesti NSV Teaduste Akadeemia ajaloo instituudis aastatel 1946–1950

ВІЙСЬКОВА КАФЕДРА ЛЬВІВСЬКОГО ПОЛІТЕХНІЧНОГО ІНСТИТУТУ НА СЛУЖБІ РАДЯНСЬКОЇ ІДЕОЛОГІЇ (1944–1991)

The Soviet military training system unfolded at the universities of Lviv during the last period of the German-Soviet war, by the order of the People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR No. 75 and by the Resolution of the People's Commissariat of the USSR No. 413 from April 13, 1944, which restored military and naval training in higher civilian educational institutions of the USSR. According to these legal documents, the aim of military training was “educating the students youth in the love to the Motherland and the devotion to the Soviet authorities”. The military department of the Lviv Polytechnic Institute was founded after the restoration of the Institute in the early 1944–1945.The main idea of the research to investigate the role of the military department in the political education of students of one of the largest universities of Lviv in the Soviet period, to comprehensively consider the ideological and political functions of the officers of the department. Author were trying to investigate methods of political influence on student’s youth, to show main ways to inform and spread communist dogmas, popularize military service and achievements of the Soviet Army.In this research author used the materials of the State Archive of the Lviv region: the fund of the Lviv Polytechnic Institute of the Soviet period, R-120 and the fund of the Party Committee of the Lviv Polytechnic Institute – P-380. The materials of the «Soviet student institute’s newspaper» were used for the analysis of the political and ideological activities of officers of the military department. To confirm author's arguments, were used interviews with graduates of Lviv Polytechnic Institute, which give us some characteristic of the political work of the department.The tasks of military department of Lviv Polytechnic Institute were not only just training the officers. It also served as a key link in the ideological and political work. In order to identify «Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists», the teachers of the department filled up so called personnel file for every student, with information about origin, parents and family.As a conclusion we need to say that the military department of the Lviv Polytechnic Institute conducted active political and propaganda work with students, who were often involved in various kinds of political events and celebrations. Military patriotic work with students led, on the one hand, to the understanding and acceptance by students their military duty, and on the other hand, the excessive political engagement influenced the maturing of anti-militaristic attitudes among young people in the late 1980s.

Forgetful Remembrance: Social Forgetting and Vernacular History of a Rebellion in Ulster by Guy Beiner

Reviewed by: Forgetful Remembrance: Social Forgetting and Vernacular History of a Rebellion in Ulster by Guy Beiner Sean Farrell Forgetful Remembrance: Social Forgetting and Vernacular History of a Rebellion in Ulster by Guy Beiner, pp. 709. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. $49.95 Milan Kundera opens The Book of Laughter and Forgetting (1979) with a famous vignette about memory politics in postwar Czechoslovakia. The scene opens in Prague in February 1948, where the Communist President, Klement Gottwald, is set to address a crowd of hundreds of thousands gathered in Old Town Square. Just before Gottwald stepped forward to speak, Vladimir Clementis, another prominent Communist leader, placed his fur hat on the president's head to help him ward off the cold and snow. A photographer snapped a picture of the men, which was widely distributed across the country to promote a message of Communist unity and purpose. Four years later, Clementis was arrested and accused of being a "bourgeois nationalist" who had conspired to overthrow the state. Found guilty at the infamous Slansky show trials, he was executed in December 1952. The government quickly removed him from the historical record, erasing Clementis from the picture of the two Communist leaders on the balcony. The fur hat, however, remained. Forgetting is always a complex and fraught process. Inspired by Ireland's "decade of commemoration" and the dynamic growth of memory studies, Irish Studies scholars have written a great deal about the history of memory in recent years. Many of these works have improved our understanding of the cultural aftermaths of the Famine and the Irish Revolution, to take two prominent subjects of inquiry. Much less has been said about the history of social forgetting in modern Ireland, the subject of Guy Beiner's pioneering new book about the myriad ways that the 1798 Rebellion has been forgotten, and remembered, in modern Ulster. This summary understates the book's ambition and impact, a sense reinforced by the monograph's rather technocratic subtitle. Surveying the landscape of memory from the 1790s to the present, Beiner charts a kind of alternative history of the North of Ireland, a narrative that simultaneously highlights the ways that local experiences defy sectarian categorization while underlining the power of nationalist and Unionist historical narratives to [End Page 155] crowd out these complex memories. The central players in this story are people like C. H. Teeling, R. R. Madden, C. E. Porter, Rosa Mulholland, F. J. Bigger, W. G. Lyttle, Ethna Carbery, Cathal O'Bryne, and Thomas Carnduff, men and women whose determined efforts to preserve and narrate memories of the 1798 Rebellion in Ulster epitomize the complexity and contingency at the heart of this study. Beiner's purpose is as much methodological as topical. As in his previous book, the award-winning Remembering the Year of the French (2007) Beiner uses what he terms vernacular sources—folklore, oral testimonies, novels, and plays—to highlight the divergence between local memories of "The Turn Out" and broader efforts to forget 1798. These are used in concert with more conventional archival and printed material to create the book's remarkable source base. If Beiner's critique of historians' lack of respect for vernacular sources seems overstated, in an era when cultural history dominates the disciplinary landscape, it is his deft and detailed analysis of such a wide array of sources that makes Forgetful Remembrance such a compelling study. The contested politics of memory predated the Rebellion itself, a complex struggle categorized here as "pre-forgetting." Beiner's detailed analysis of the story of William Orr, the Presbyterian farmer and United Irishman from County Antrim who was arrested, tried, and executed outside of Carrickfergus in October 1797, is particularly telling. Orr became a kind of Irish republican proto-martyr; a member of the national pantheon of United Irish leadership. This status was emblemized by his later appearance on silk handkerchiefs dedicated to "The Heroes of '98" alongside figures like Robert Emmet, Lord Edward FitzGerald, Henry Joy McCracken, and Theobald Wolfe Tone. Orr's rise to nationalist fame was fraught and uneven, and Beiner employs it to highlight the contingent and vulnerable nature of remembrance and forgetting. After Orr's execution, the government...

ВИПРОБУВАННЯ МІСТОМ: КИЇВ СТОРІНКАМИ МЕМУАРНОЇ СПАДЩИНИ НАУКОВЦІВ (20‒30-тірр. ХХ ст.)

In scientific research on the basis of analytical and synthetic criticism of the memoirs of Ukrainian scientists S. Yefremov, M. Hrushevskyi, K. Kharlampovych, A. Krymskyi, N. Polonska-Vasylenko is made an attempt to analyze the daily life of the scientific elite in the conditions of the establishment of Soviet power and to trace the influence of cultural transformations and the scientific atmosphere of Kyiv of 20–30s of the 20th century on the socio-legal status of scientists and their further destiny.In the brutal conditions of the Soviet system writing letters and memoirs, it was the only way of expressing a person of intellectual work that could not accept the loss of a sovereign right on free labor.Soviet propaganda had created an attractive image of Kyiv as an All-Union scientific center, attracting more and more attention to VUAN as the only institution capable of meeting the intellectual requirements of scholars. Dozens of emigre scholars had believed in the demagogy of the Bolsheviks, made a fateful step in their lives back to their homeland, because crossed the Soviet border was difficult to remain a rebellious person with preserved principles and views on morality, without losing their own lives. However, in such conditions there were people who, despite all the obstacles, tried to serve the Ukrainian people as long as possible in the bosom of science, to preserve its identity and historical heritage at the cost of their own lives. With the establishment of Soviet power, the Bolsheviks tried to "re-educate" and conquer the scientific elite as the main generator of democratic and national ideas for a totalitarian system. On the way to this goal, the Soviet authorities used any methods, starting with material domestic pressure, and ending with open repressions against the scientific elite of Kyiv, in order to destroying its authority as a sociocultural phenomenon. The result of this policy was a sharp decline in living standards and productivity of Ukrainian scientists, numerous repressions against so-called "bourgeois nationalists" as a symbol of the impoverishment of the Ukrainian idea. Thus, the transformation of the cultural and scientific atmosphere of Kyiv under the influence of the Soviet ideology turned it from the All-Union scientific center into the city of thousands of ruined fates.

The screen performance as an instrument of propaganda (on the example of Ivan Kavaleridze’s film «Koliivshchyna», 1933)

The myth-making processes in the communicative space are the «cornerstone» of ideology at all times of mankind’s existence. One of the tools of the effective impact of propaganda is trust in information. Today this come round due to the dissemination of information on personalized video content in social networks, including through converged media. New myths and social settings are creating, fate of the countries is being solved, public opinion is being formed. It became possible to create artificially a model of social installation using the myths (the smallest indivisible element of the myth) based on real facts, but with the addition of «necessary» information. In the 20–30 years of the XX century cinematograph became the most powerful screen media. The article deals with the main ideological messages of the Ukrainian Soviet film «Koliivshchyna» (1933). In the period of mass cinematography spread in the Soviet Ukraine, the tape was aimed at a grand mission – creation of a new mythology through the interpretation of the true events and a con on the public, propaganda of the Soviet ideology. This happened in the tragic period of Ukrainian history (1933, the Holodomor) through the extrapolation of historical truth and its embodiment in the most formative form at that time – the form of the screen performance. The Soviet authorities used the powerful influence of the screen image to propagate dreams, illusions, images, stereotypes that had lost any reference to reality. I. Kavaleridze’s film «Koliivshchyna» demonstrates the interpretation of historical events and national ideas, the interpretation of a relatively remote past through the ideology of the «Soviet-era». The movie is created as a part of the political conjuncture of the early 1930s: the struggle against Ukrainian «bourgeois nationalism» and against the «Union of Liberation Ukraine», the repressive policies against the peasants, the close-out of the «back to the roots» policy. The movie, on the one hand, definitely addresses to the Ukrainian ideas, on the other hand it was made at the period of the repressions against the Ukrainian peasantry. In the movie «Koliivshchyna», despite the censorship, I. Kavaleridze manages to create a national inclusive narrative that depicts Ukrainian space as multi-ethnic and diverse, but at the same time nationally colorful.

“Dobosh Case”: the Biggest Failure of ZCH OUN Security Services in Resistance to KGB Apparatus

The article carries out a research on circumstances of the arrest of Yaroslav Dobosh, who was a courier of the OUN Foreign cells (hereafter – ZCh), by the KGB authorities, using the documents of the Branch State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine as its basis. It was indicated that the mentioned arrest had a significant influence on the dissident movement in Soviet Ukraine. It was proven that the KGB bodies used the “Dobosh case” to launch their massive repressions against the anti-Soviet intelligentsia (“Block” operation), and also to undermine the OUN’s credibility among the Ukrainian diaspora environment in the Western countries. The consequences of that event were reflected in the development of the entire Ukrainian national liberation movement of the 1970s. After analyzing the personality of Yaroslav Dobosh, we discovered that he had been raised in a nationally conscious and religious environment of the Ukrainian diaspora of Belgium. From his early years he joined the Ukrainian Youth Association and agreed to conduct a dangerous mission in Ukraine solely because of his convictions. During that period the OUN Foreign cells had been trying to establish connections with the dissident movement in Ukraine and support it. The tourism was one of the most effective ways of bringing couriers to the Soviet Union. The KGB bodies regularly arrested those couriers. Nevertheless, there was no better communication means between the ZCh OUN and the dissidents. Yaroslav Dobosh had walked into a trap, previously prepared and set by the KGB employees, that was a reason why he failed to spot any danger and was arrested. During interrogations, he revealed his connections with the dissidents in Kyiv and Lviv – Zinovia Franko, Ivan Svitlychnyi, Leonid Selezenko and Stephania Gulyk. In addition to that, he agreed to publicly make a repentance. After that Yaroslav Dobosh was allowed to return home. In Belgium he immediately abandoned his testimonies and claimed that he had been forced and pressed to come out with a speech. However, those statements were of no importance. The KGB organs actively used Dobosh image as a proof of the dissidents cooperation with the Western intelligence services. Emphasizing the failure of the ZCh OUN operation, they launched a campaign to combat “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism” in Western Ukraine and made provocations to intensify disputes in the anti-Soviet camps of the Ukrainian diaspora. Keywords: dissidents, KGB, ZCh OUN, UYA, Belgium, “Dobosh case”, repressions, ”Block” operation, Kyiv, Lviv, Soviet, diaspora.

Some Sketches for the Portrait of World History Historian in Dnipropetrovsk: M.O. Yuriev in Procrustean bed of Stalin`s Repressions

In this article the biography of M. Yuriev has been analyzed. Yuriev was the head of the World History department of Dnipropetrovsk Institute of Public Education and worked at the University at the beginning of 1930-th. He graduated from Odessa University where he had studied law. His closest relatives emigrated to Europe. He worked in the museum and taught in Dnipropetrovsk University. At the beginning of 1930-th Yuriev headed the World History department. By the time he started working at the University, the most historians prepared before 1917 had been fired from the world history department. In the University there were companies against Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism. Yuriev was also involved in this ideological struggle. He criticized the teachers of the history of Ukraine for the “nationalistic bias”. He criticized them especially at the time of so called “socialist competitions” between the History and Philology Departments. Without having scholarly research works he was involved into the project of writing the history of Dnipropetrovsk plant named after Bolshevik Petrovsky The work of the most authors of this project was considered unsatisfactory. The texts were not printed, but they were seized and destroyed. During the “political cleaning” in 1934 Yuriev was expelled from the consignment and fired. In 1935 he was arrested and accused of Trotskyism. Yuriev was sentenced to 5 years imprisonment. He was sentenced again while serving a sentence in Leningrad region in 1937. The court judged him to capital punishment, in 1937 he was shot. In 1959 he was posthumously rehabilitated.

DENYING THE EXISTENSE OF THE UKRAINIAN NATIONAL STATE IN THE HISTORICAL RESEARCH OF THE UKRAINE SSR: END OF THE 60'S – 70'S OF THE XXTH CENTURY

The question of the Ukrainian national idea and processes of the Ukrainian state-building in the historical science of the Ukrainian SSR in the late 60’s – during the 70’s of the twentieth century was distorted by the Soviet ideological system. For the communist rule, Ukrainian nationalism was the subject of active speculation and correction of its content in the right direction for the ruling elit. This article examines the end of the 60's – 70's of the XX century, the time characterized by intensification of repressive management of historical science in the USSR, the establishment of censorship and harassment, forcing the Ukrainian historians to serve the needs of the Soviet totalitarian state. Rejection of historical science from ideological foundations of the Communist Party was impossible. Ideological supervision of the intelligentsia in Ukraine and total control of historical research institutions started. Ruling Communist Party fought against dissidents, media and folowers of «Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism ideology», shaped prejudice to all national. The least manifestation of patriotism of Ukrainians was regarded as anti-Soviet activity. Ukrainians were reluctantly forced to feel inferior nation without its own long history. The author of this article aims at reproducing an exact picture of the Soviet power’s struggle with the ideology of “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism” in the historical science of the USSR at the end of the 60’s – during the 1970’s of the XXth century, as well as correction of the historical memory of the Ukrainian people in favour of the formation of a new political community – the “Soviet people”, the establishment and support by administrative means of rigid ideological demands of the conceptual vision, division into periods and the interpretation of the Ukrainian past. After analyzes of the scientific literature, the subject under study remains insufficiently studied. This gives the opportunity to continue working in this promising direction.

Kuulujuttudest Nõukogude Eestis partei ja julgeoleku meelsusaruannete põhjal 1944–1953 [Abstract: On rumours described in Communist Party and state security organ reports in Soviet Estonia in 1944–1953

Abstract: On rumours described in Communist Party and state security organ reports in Soviet Estonia in 1944–1953
 The Soviet Union was characterised by total control over the expressions of opinion of its citizens. For this reason, public opinion was to a great extent expressed as rumours. The Soviet regime, in turn, treated rumours as anti-Soviet phenomena, on the one hand, because they contradicted official propaganda, and on the other hand because they also very directly hindered the implementation of Sovietisation and the ability of agitators to explain the advantages of the new regime. Thus rumours had to be combatted.
 This article does not examine rumours in Soviet society as a broader, separate phenomenon, rather it analyses how they were reflected in the period after the Second World War in state security organ and Communist Party reports, and how the effects and extent of the rumours of that time can be assessed.
 The reports of Communist Party organisers at the rural municipality level are used first and foremost in this article. These organisers were in close personal contact with rumours or heard them from their confidants. The state security organs used their network of secret agents to monitor people’s attitudes (including gathering rumours). Reports from local departments to the ESSR People’s Commissariat (Ministry as of 1946) for State Security, and reports from the latter to Moscow have also been used for this article. The attitude reports did not deal separately with gathering and analysing rumours, but rumours were presented together with other negative manifestations.
 The article focuses on four different categories of rumours for the purpose of illustration, assessing their effect primarily through the viewpoint of the Soviet regime. The first category comprises rumours that accompanied Soviet economic reforms. The article highlights the monetary reform of 1947 how alongside a short-lived period of panic buying, this reform also led to deepening mistrust of the entire Soviet economic model, including the longevity of the new rouble currency. The second category comprises rumours based on fear, in other words, rumours of an impending mass deportation that gripped people with fear for years. In direct connection with this, the Eighth Plenum of the Estonian Communist Party Central Committee in 1950, which was the culmination of the campaign to expose bourgeois nationalists, is also presented as an example. Rumours emanating from the Plenum made the concept of the ‘enemy of the people’ even more abstract and obscure. This all ultimately started hindering Sovietisation more broadly, because people awaited another deportation for years with their suitcases packed. The third category is that of rumours associated with hope, in other words, the persistent rumours of the imminent outbreak of war and Estonia’s liberation in connection with that war. The hope that the Soviet regime would prove to be a ‘temporary disruption’ was particularly negative in the eyes of the authorities. The disruptive effect of such rumours on the implementation of collectivisation was highlighted in the reports. The fourth category of rumours was somewhat exceptional, namely rumours directly fabricated by the state, with an aim to firmly establish the image of the enemy. The anti-Semitic campaign of 1953 is presented as an illustration of this category. The final example is an extraordinary event that lays claim to universality, in other words, the death of Jossif Stalin in 1953. It marked the end of an era and it remained unsurpassed in the Soviet Union in terms of the variety of rumours connected to it.
 Summing up what was presented in the attitude reports, regardless of their at times rather ideologised content and their avoidance of giving the prevailing situation a general assessment (which was expressed by the fact that anti-Soviet manifestations were as a rule presented as isolated incidents), these reports are very important sources for comprehending the
 fears and expectations of the inhabitants of Soviet Estonia of that time. Different rumours also genuinely illustrate the difficulties that the Soviet regime had to face in carrying out Sovietisation.

Raccontare Tombolo. Prostituzione di guerra e confini della cittadinanza nella transizione alla democrazia

ABSTRACTWhen Italian women were granted the right to vote on 1 February 1945, clandestine prostitutes, the so-called segnorine, were excluded from this form of active citizenship. The article explores this often-overlooked category of women, and argues that prostitution strongly contributed to the structuring of gender images in the sortie de guerre. Newspaper articles and narratives on the segnorine are used to explore their portrayal as ‘degenerate women’. Focusing on the experience of these women in the pine forest of Tombolo between 1944 and 1947, contradictions in the post-Fascist transition are highlighted: at the very moment in which women finally triumphed in gaining political rights, traditional gender roles were reinforced, built upon deep-rooted ideals of bourgeois nationalism and expiatory ethics dating back to the Risorgimento discourse.

Workers and Nationalism: Czech and German Social Democracy in Habsburg Austria, 890–1918 by Jakub S. Beneš

Workers and Nationalism: Czech and German Social Democracy in Habsburg Austria, 890–1918 by Jakub S. Beneš

Eradication of the National Element in Ukrainian Cinema in the 1960s–1970s

In this article the author studies the elimination of the national element in the Ukrainian cinema of the 1960s and 1970s. The author explores the role and place of national-patriotic issues in Ukrainian cinematography, shows the ideological enslavement of filmmakers, studies the conditions of creative self-realization in the Ukrainian SSR, and analyses the influence of social and political factors on the cultural sphere of Ukrainian people in the outlined period. The representatives of Ukrainian cinema has always tried to popularize national features of their own people, but in the specified period, for censorship reasons, Ukrainian cinema began to be prohibited. The main reason is the struggle with the so-called “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism”. For such an accusation it was enough to voice any film in Ukrainian and to fill its content with Ukrainian subjects. The characteristic features of Ukrainian cinematography of the 1960s – the early 1970s are as follows: subordination to the Soviet centralized command-administrative system, total control of the CPSU – CPU, russification, denationalization, persecution of all Ukrainian values under the pretext of forming a united Soviet nation.

Dividing Friend from Foe: Local Soviet Policy and the National Question in the Estonian Socialist Soviet Republic, 1944–53

After World War II, the Soviet leadership returned to the comparatively nationality-friendly rhetoric of the mid-1920s with regard to Estonia and the other Baltic Soviet republics. This rhetoric was taken at face value by many party workers in the republic, who believed that their national rights were supported by Moscow. In reality, however, if the Soviet leadership’s faith in the loyalty of non-Russian nationalities had been low throughout much of the 1920s and 1930s already, it was even lower with regard to the republics that had been forcefully incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1940. This is also true for Estonia. Estonians, especially those who had remained in the country during the German occupation, were distrusted from the beginning. Problems that resulted from Soviet policy were soon “nationalized” and interpreted by the new regime as a consequence of “bourgeois nationalism.” Also, resistance against the Soviet system supported a consolidation of Estonia’s national self-consciousness. Meanwhile, the regime offered a Soviet version of Estonian national identity that was diametrically opposed to the one promoted by the resistance. When the Soviet state crushed active and passive resistance by using mass terror to force the Estonian peasants onto kolkhozes in 1949, it not only presented techniques of mass terror as “class struggle in the countryside, it interpreted them as part of a conflict between bourgeois and Soviet understandings of nationality.

Historic and Archaeological Research of Post-Mongols and Cossacks Times in Ukraine

Study of the 14th—17th century sites remains to be a problem issue in home archaeology; the fact that it’s underdeveloped is explained by a series of objective and subjective reasons of the Soviet past, including the «Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism struggle», and by the scholars’ disinterest in the study of «non-archaeological period». Therefore, the historians-mediaevalists studying the written sources reached the higher qualitative standard in their developments, in comparison with the archaeologists. Nevertheless, various archaeological material is already accumulated today, and still is being accumulated; it is referred to the post-Mongols and the Cossacks times and should be comprehensively analyzed and certainly be presented in form of archaeological map. Solving of this matter in future will allow developing into other urgent issues in studying the process of development of Ukrainian nation’s material culture in the Late Mediaeval and the Early Modern Periods.

Sonata No. 1 for Violin Solo, Opus 82 ; and: Sonata No. 2 for Violin Solo, Opus 95 ; and: 24 Preludes for Violoncello Solo ; and: Three Palms, Opus 120 ; and: String Quartet No. 14, Opus 122 ; and: String Quartet No. 15, Opus 124 by Mieczysław Weinberg (review)

Reviewed by: Sonata No. 1 for Violin Solo, Opus 82; and: Sonata No. 2 for Violin Solo, Opus 95; and: 24 Preludes for Violoncello Solo; and: Three Palms, Opus 120; and: String Quartet No. 14, Opus 122; and: String Quartet No. 15, Opus 124by Mieczysław Weinberg Daniel Elphick Mieczysław Weinberg. Sonate Nr. 1 für Violine solo= Sonata No. 1 for Violin Solo, Opus 82. Hamburg: Sikorski Musikverlag, 2014. [Score, p. 1–24. ISMN 979-0-003-04040-0, pub. no. H.S. 2432. €16.] Mieczysław Weinberg. Sonate Nr. 2 für Violine solo= Sonata No. 2 for Violin Solo, Opus 95. Hamburg: Sikorski Musikverlag, 2014. [Score, p. 1–14. ISMN 979-0-003-04041-7, pub. no. H.S. 2433. €12.] Mieczysław Weinberg. 24 Präludien für Violoncello solo= 24 Preludes for Violoncello Solo. Hamburg: Sikorski Musikverlag, [2014]. [Score, p. 1–36. ISMN 979-0-003-03936-7, pub. no. H.S. 2420. €20.50.] Mieczysław Weinberg. Drei Palmen= Three Palms. Poem nach Versen von Michail Lermontow für Sopran und Streichquartett= Poem on Verses by Mikhail Lermontov for Soprano and String Quartet, Opus 120. Hamburg: Sikorski Musikverlag, 2013. [Score, p. 1–36 + 4 parts (Violino I, Violino II, Viola, and Violoncello). ISMN 979-0-003-04035-6, pub. no. H.S. 2430. €37.] [End Page 619] Mieczysław Weinberg. Streichquartett Nr. 14= String Quartet No. 14, Opus 122. Hamburg: Sikorski Musikverlag, 2012. [Score, p. 1–34 + 4 parts (Violino I, Violino II, Viola, and Violoncello). ISMN 979-0-003-03876-6, pub. no. H.S. 2414. €36.50.] Mieczysław Weinberg. Streichquartett Nr. 15= String Quartet No. 15, Opus 124. Hamburg: Sikorski Musikverlag, 2012. [Score, p. 1–40 + 4 parts (Violino I, Violino II, Viola, and Violoncello). ISMN 979-0-003-03877-3, pub. no. H.S. 2415. €38.50.] In recent years, Mieczysław Weinberg (or Moseĭ Vaĭnberg, to use the spelling adopted by the Library of Congress; the latter will be used in this review) has been celebrated as a confident voice in Soviet music, and promoted as a lyrical complement to Shostakovich’s grotesque and monumental styles. In particular, Vaĭnberg’s chamber music has proven popular among performers and audiences alike. The editions featured here lack any foreword or commentary, and as a result, some introduction to his life and times may be helpful. Vaĭnberg (1919–1996) was a Polish-Jewish immigrant to the U.S.S.R. who achieved great success during his heyday, but eventually fell into neglect toward the end of his life. His biography is certainly unique: he evaded the Nazis twice, only to suffer anti-Semitism at the hands of the Soviets. In addition, his father-in-law was murdered on Stalin’s orders in 1948, and Vaĭnberg himself was briefly imprisoned in 1953 on trumped-up charges of “Jewish bourgeois nationalism.” Despite such treatment, Vaĭnberg continued to hail the U.S.S.R. as his savior from the Nazis, since his close family remained in Poland only to be murdered in the Holocaust (for an excellent overview of Vaĭnberg’s life and works, see David Fanning, Mieczysław Weinberg: In Search of Freedom[Hofheim: Wolke, 2010]). Vaĭnberg was an extremely prolific composer, producing twenty-six symphonies, seventeen string quartets, seven operas, some two-dozen song cycles, and around thirty instrumental sonatas. While some critics prematurely dismissed him as a “little Shostakovich,” many have since come to appreciate his highly expressive voice. Vaĭnberg and Shostakovich were close friends, and they showed each other their works in progress—in some cases, ideas can be shown to have originated from the younger composer (see Daniel Elphick, “Wein berg, Shostakovich, and the Influence of Anxiety,” The Musical Times155, no. 1929 [Winter 2014]: 49–62). In a handful of instances, it is difficult to surmise where ideas first originated. As a result, a considerable number of critics now speak of Vaĭnberg as the third composer of Soviet music, after Shostakovich and Prokofiev. The revival since his death has resulted from the tireless efforts of many individuals, performers and critics alike. The biggest success in recent years has...

Assimilating Seoul: Japanese Rule and the Politics of Public Space in Colonial Korea, 1910–1945 by Todd A. Henry

Reviewed by: Assimilating Seoul: Japanese Rule and the Politics of Public Space in Colonial Korea, 1910–1945 by Todd A. Henry Vladimir Tikhonov Assimilating Seoul: Japanese Rule and the Politics of Public Space in Colonial Korea, 1910–1945. By Todd A. Henry. University of California Press, 2014. 320 pages. Hardcover $49.95/£34.95. The study of urban modernity in colonial-era Korea has expanded within both Japanese and South Korean historiography in recent decades. Since an unofficial taboo on discussions of colonial modernity was lifted in the 1980s, a number of highly informative monographs on the colonial pasts of Seoul, Pusan, and other modern Korean cities have appeared in South Korea. Particularly noteworthy are the works of Son Chŏngmok, a former Seoul city planner with colonial-era experience, and of Kim Paegyŏng, a younger historian. While Son’s books are especially rich in facts and statistics, Kim’s are valuable because of the author’s skillful use of postcolonial and postnationalist [End Page 222] approaches.1 One reason for the growth in the study of colonial-era cities in South Korea today has been the heated debates, in both academic and nonacademic forums, on how best to understand Japanese colonialism during the period 1910 to 1945 and colonial-era Korean collaboration with the colonizers. Research on colonial-era urbanization supplies evidence to those arguing from each of two different perspectives: first, those who take a more positive view of colonial-period policies and development (and are intent on emphasizing the continuity between colonial and postcolonial urban planning) and, second, those who cling to a more traditional, skeptical view foregrounding the poverty, ethnic discrimination, and exploitation seen in the colonial city space. Despite the interest in research on Korea’s colonial period among Western scholars, Assimilating Seoul is, to my knowledge, the first monograph-length study in English dealing specifically with Korea’s urban development during that period.2 As a pioneering work on an important subject so far glaringly under-researched outside of South Korea and Japan, it enriches the scholarship on Korean history in English. As mentioned above, colonialism is a controversial subject in South Korea and elsewhere. Seen from this perspective, Henry’s book deserves praise for its skillful balancing between two different views of the colonial past. There are those who have understood Japanese colonial modernization as a successful project that was able to win the loyalty of at least some middle-class Koreans owing to the universality of its underlying modernist vision, while others have taken a more traditional position emphasizing colonialist oppression, covert and overt nationalist resistance, the ethnocentric brutality of wartime attempts to “imperialize” Koreans for use as cannon fodder on the Japanese empire’s battlefields, and the utter failure of such efforts to change Koreans’ ethnic consciousness. But as Henry persuasively demonstrates to the reader, the truth, as often happens, is somewhere in the middle—albeit significantly closer to the latter position. On the one hand, both the colonial authorities and the local nationalist elites embraced the values of hygienic modernity—the apparatus of modern “biopower,” ranging from sewage collection to mass vaccination, that was designed to fight off the germs and keep modern bodies safe, sound, and useful for the sake of capital accumulation. Korean nationalist newspapers, otherwise fiercely critical of the colonial authorities’ policies, thus actively promoted government-led exhibitions and films on sanitation and hygiene, partially because outbreaks of contagious diseases continued to ravage the colonial capital throughout the 1920s. On the other hand, even the relatively moderate bourgeois nationalists saw poverty, rather than Koreans’ “lack of civilization,” as the root cause of the persistently unsanitary conditions prevalent in colonial cities and, [End Page 223] furthermore, had little doubt that colonial ethnic discrimination was the main factor perpetuating poverty and essentially premodern conditions on the Korean side of the ethnic divide in the colonial urban centers. While some Japanese-educated middle-class Koreans did seemingly acquiesce to the colonialist assimilation project, their feelings remained ambivalent. Chŏn Sŏng’uk (1877–1945), for example, was a councilman in the Korean colonial capital of Kyŏngsŏng (today’s Seoul) and a supporter of the local Shinto shrine...

Trading with the “Enemy”? Hong Kong Bourgeoisie and Chinese Nationalism during the Two Wars, 1919–1941

This paper examines the interplay between trade and nationalism in the development of Chinese bourgeois nationalism in British Hong Kong in the interwar years (1919–1941). It points out the contingent responses among the Chinese bourgeoisie to the calls of Chinese nationalism. The bourgeoisie were lukewarm to the mobilization of the Chinese anti-British strikes and boycotts in the 1920s. They however organized fundraising movements and charities to support the Chinese defence against the Japanese inroads in the 1930s. The implication of the findings is twofold: first, the operation of Chinese antiforeigner movements in Hong Kong was not “taught nationalism” dictated by nationalists in mainland China. Second, while Chinese bourgeoisie identified the Japanese expansion as a reason for the British decline, they did not attempt to interrupt the Japanese trade. The latter was crucial for the Chinese manufacturers in Hong Kong to sustain their business. The agency of Chinese in Hong Kong in the decades of high Chinese nationalism points to the importance of examining Chinese bourgeois nationalism in Hong Kong against the backdrop of the colony’s place in the inter-imperialist rivalry between the demise of the British free-trade imperialism and the rise of the Japanese East Asian New Order. (This article is in Chinese.)

Anti-National Population Policy in the Ukrainian SSR during the 1960s–1970s: The Titular Nation of Ukraine as an Example

The article studies the anti-national population policy of the USSR taking as the example the titular nation of Ukraine during the 1960s –1970s. The author investigates inner republican effects of migration (increasing the number of mixed marriages and the displacement of the Ukrainian language by Russian) and studies official statistics – Union censuses in 1959, 1970, and 1979 which allow a comparative analysis of the dynamics of the Ukrainians and territorial distribution in different regions of the republic. The author has found that in the outlined period the USSR government always created anti-Ukrainian background at all levels, which formed a widespread anti-national population policy of Russification and assimilation of the Ukrainians; there was an artificial formation of national-ethnic structure of the Ukrainian SSR and forcing international convergence to create a “single Soviet people”. Any statement or reference to Ukrainian national problems was regarded as a ground for harassment and persecution by the Soviet authorities and accusation of “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism”. It has been proved that Ukrainians were the dominant nation almost throughout the USSR in the outlined period. The number of Ukrainians increased exclusively trough natural population growth, while the number of representatives of the Russian nation increased as a result of internal migration. The article presents the idea that Ukraine was one of the centers of accumulation of immigration flows in the Soviet Union, and because of this fact the multicultural Ukrainian SSR society, which basically constituted of Ukrainians, gradually turned into a bi-national society, where the Ukrainian majority coexisted with the continuously growing Russian minority. Resettlements were carried out primarily for political reasons and their aim was to deprive the native people of their national characteristics – language, culture, and the like. Demographic, economic, and social processes that were spread under the slogan of “internationalist aid” substantially changed the proportion of native and settled populations in some regions.

“A People Forgotten by History”: Soviet Studies of the Kurds

The Russian/Soviet experience raises complex general questions concerning orientalism, conceptual hegemony, and the politics of (post-)colonial knowledge. Russia was not an empire in Said's sense, and drew much of its orientalist categories from non-imperialist German sources; the Soviet Union was explicitly anti-imperialist, and was dedicated to the emancipation of subaltern classes and nationalities. Yet Soviet orientalism in part reproduced hegemonic categories of “bourgeois” knowledge, notably concerning language and national identity. This becomes especially clear in the case of Soviet studies of Kurdish, a language subaltern with respect to Persian, Arabic, and, increasingly, Turkish. In the 1920s and early 1930s, native scholars like Erebê Shemo, Qanatê Kurdo, and Heciyê Cindî pioneered the creation of both an alphabet and a literature in Kurdish and of scholarly linguistic studies. Their work was shaped (and encouraged) by Nikolaj Marr's rejection of the idea of genetic links between Indo-Persian languages, and of the reification of “national characters.” Marr's “japhetic” linguistics dovetailed with Stalin's nationality policies in the 1920s and 1930s; it is rightly rejected as unscientific, but it did have positive emancipatory effects. It criticized ethnocentric and racist assumptions in contemporary Indo-European linguistics, and emphasized the value of spoken subaltern vernaculars like Ossetian and Kurdish against hegemonic written languages like Sanskrit and Persian. It also had the paradoxical effect of both countering bourgeois nationalism and encouraging national consciousness. The article concludes with a discussion of how the Soviet experience may affect our view of the Gramscian concept of hegemony and of the linguistic turn in later postcolonial studies.