Border Talks Research Articles

Theorising Scenarios for Resumption of Indo-China Border Talks

Border issues between India and China are complex and fundamental in nature. There were negotiations immediately after independence, but, still led to 1962 War between the two countries. Historically efforts to negotiate Borders were held 45 times from 1981 to 219 in various formats as JWG and SR talks. Further WMCC at Jt Secy level est in 2012 and met 26 times and Corps Commander level talks post Galwan met 21 times till Feb 2024. Clearly China does not wish to negotiate borders and plans to use it as a leverage at opportune moments. There is a typical stalemate since China feels that borders is a settled issue, while India’s stand is to resolve border issues before normalisation of relations. The idea of this article is to theorise scenarios is original, based on open source material and attempt to visualise contingencies that could lead towards breaking this stalemate in border talks. Currently there are no journals or books written on this subject by scholars, though, some of them are writing open source articles and discussing on these lines in some seminars. The endeavour is to connect the dots and link them to resumption of talks forstabilisation of borders between India and China.

Navigating Critical Language Education at the Crossroads of Neonationalism and Neoliberalism: The Role of Border Talk

AbstractIn this paper, we investigate the pressures placed upon English teaching by neo‐nationalist politics, particularly as it overlays existing neoliberal constraints. We focus on the experiences and perspectives of Brazilian teachers who are committed to critical language education even as it carries increasing risks to themselves. Interviews with five teachers are used to illustrate the ways in which their work is regulated through a form of power working through fear and threat of violence that has been termed (in)securitization (Rampton et al., 2022). By identifying the metapragmatic strategies adopted by teachers faced with hostile neo‐nationalist (in)securitization, including through what we are terming border talk, teachers and other agents in other settings are in a better position to strengthen critical language teaching and, as a consequence, fight for a more democratic future.

Defining the Borderlands: Sino-Soviet Border Talks and the Nationalities Issue (1987–1991)

AbstractIn the 1980s, the Soviet Union and China resurveyed their border in order to restart their long-stalemated border negotiations. These negotiations resulted in only a partial border settlement: the agreement was signed in 1991. By the end of 1989, nationalities openly expressing their wish to secede from the Soviet Union caused the Soviet government to slow down the negotiation process, and Moscow insisted on setting aside the most contentious sections. China’s nationalities issue had the opposite effect on Zhongnanhai: Chinese leaders wished to settle the entire Sino-Soviet border as quickly as possible. However, once the collapse of the Soviet Union became imminent, the Chinese saw advantages of delaying the negotiations on the disputed sections of the border. They calculated that would allow for China to negotiate with weaker, newly independent countries.

The United States and the border: Mexican children’s drawings of family separation

In the current age of border talk, border enforcement, and of draconian policies that further separate and break up families, children who remain in the country of origin are rarely asked what they understand the border and the United States to be like. Media vehicles and academic papers have reported the brutal effects of family separation at the border for children and families. In order to further understand how young children make sense of their feelings of loss and separation psychologists and members of the American Academy of Pediatrics have collected drawings done by children to understand how trauma has manifested in the minds of children during detention and separation. However, another facet of children’s perceptions of the United States, migration and family separation also exist a little farther away from the physical border that divides the U.S. and Mexico. This paper, then, addresses the questions: How do Mexican children in Mexico make sense of their family separation through their drawings? How are children’s drawings and narratives describing how they see and understand the United States? In this paper, we analyze 50 drawings from children in Puebla, Mexico who have one or more parents living in the United States. Data for this paper stems from a 3 year, multi-sited ethnography that spanned New York City and several states in Mexico.

Hesitant Realism: China–India Border Tensions and Delhi’s Deepening Strategic Ties with Tokyo and Canberra

The deadly conflict on the Ladakh border in June 2020 will force India to re-evaluate its approach to foreign policy. This dangerous turn, despite decades of mutual restraint, border talks, agreements and recent bonhomie between the Indian and Chinese leaders, has intensified the strategically tense environment of the Indo-Pacific region. China’s assertiveness in the South China and East China seas and its technology and trade tensions with a number of neighbouring Asian and Western nations have already raised political temperatures in global politics. In that light, this article considers how the June 2020 border incident may influence India’s strategic rethink, especially in relation to two key nations of the Indo-Pacific, Japan and Australia. The article suggests that forcing a re-evaluation of the strategic challenge posed by China, the June 2020 border confrontation has inspired a more realist edge to India’s security thinking. India is continuing the strategic autonomy with a multi-alignment approach it has favoured, but with a keener sense of realpolitik it is pressing ahead to deepen its defence and strategic alignments with like-minded nations in the Indo-Pacific region. This means that India is not abandoning its relations with traditional partners such as Russia to instead pursue a more formal alliance with one or a group of other powers. Rather, India is further developing strategic partnerships with the United States and its allies, while continuing strong relations with Russia and other long-standing partners to ‘balance’ its national security position. This article identifies India’s approach as ‘hesitant realism’, an explanatory term to explore India’s moves to balance its external relations through growing ties with Japan and Australia—two US allies that are key Indo-Pacific nations.

Problems of delimitation of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait

The article gradually considers the negotiation process between Ukraine and the Russian Federation on the delimitation of theSea of Azov and the Kerch Strait from 1991 to the present. It was established that according to the map of the inter-republican borderbetween the Ukrainian SSR and the Russian SSR, and according to the division of maritime waters on the basis of international law,Russia should get a smaller part of the Sea of Azov. That is why Russia was not interested in the rapid establishment of a state borderon water. It was advantageous for Russia to delay the negotiation process on this issue and use the Sea of Azov on the same terms asbefore the collapse of the USSR.The article also focuses on numerous attempts of Ukrainian diplomats to achieve legal certainty in the delimitation of the Sea ofAzov and the Kerch Strait. A total of 36 rounds of border talks about the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait, held from 1996 to 2012under the leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, showed that Russia was ready to delimit the Sea of Azov only onits own terms but not on the basis of international maritime law.After the annexation of Crimea, a new round of relations begins regarding the division of the Black Sea. Russia acted quicklyand in March 2014 announced a tender for a construction project of a bridge that would connect mainland Russia and the CrimeanPeninsula, which at that time had already been illegally incorporated into the Russian Federation. Moscow has stated that the KerchStrait should be fully controlled by them, as both shores are Russian.In 2016, Ukraine filed a lawsuit against Russia in the Hague Arbitration Court for breaking the UN Convention on the Law ofthe Sea in the Black and Azov Seas and in the Kerch Strait. For today we don’t know what decision will be made by the Hague tribunal,but there is reason to believe that the chances for winning of Ukraine are high.The problem of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait has no simple solution. For today the only option is to wait for a decisionof the Arbitration Tribunal. Only on its basis Ukraine will be able to achieve the best strategy of the relations with Russia on the delimitationthe Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait.

Problems of delimitation of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait

The article gradually considers the negotiation process between Ukraine and the Russian Federation on the delimitation of theSea of Azov and the Kerch Strait from 1991 to the present. It was established that according to the map of the inter-republican borderbetween the Ukrainian SSR and the Russian SSR, and according to the division of maritime waters on the basis of international law,Russia should get a smaller part of the Sea of Azov. That is why Russia was not interested in the rapid establishment of a state borderon water. It was advantageous for Russia to delay the negotiation process on this issue and use the Sea of Azov on the same terms asbefore the collapse of the USSR.The article also focuses on numerous attempts of Ukrainian diplomats to achieve legal certainty in the delimitation of the Sea ofAzov and the Kerch Strait. A total of 36 rounds of border talks about the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait, held from 1996 to 2012under the leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, showed that Russia was ready to delimit the Sea of Azov only onits own terms but not on the basis of international maritime law.After the annexation of Crimea, a new round of relations begins regarding the division of the Black Sea. Russia acted quicklyand in March 2014 announced a tender for a construction project of a bridge that would connect mainland Russia and the CrimeanPeninsula, which at that time had already been illegally incorporated into the Russian Federation. Moscow has stated that the KerchStrait should be fully controlled by them, as both shores are Russian.In 2016, Ukraine filed a lawsuit against Russia in the Hague Arbitration Court for breaking the UN Convention on the Law ofthe Sea in the Black and Azov Seas and in the Kerch Strait. For today we don’t know what decision will be made by the Hague tribunal,but there is reason to believe that the chances for winning of Ukraine are high.The problem of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait has no simple solution. For today the only option is to wait for a decisionof the Arbitration Tribunal. Only on its basis Ukraine will be able to achieve the best strategy of the relations with Russia on the delimitationthe Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait.

BURUNDI – RWANDA: Border Talks

Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural SeriesVolume 57, Issue 10 p. 22897A-22898C Continental Alignments BURUNDI – RWANDA: Border Talks First published: 24 November 2020 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825X.2020.09694.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume57, Issue10November 2020Pages 22897A-22898C RelatedInformation

DR Congo – Zambia: Border Talks Adjourned

DR Congo – Zambia: Border Talks Adjourned

Infesting our country: discursive illusions in anti-immigration border talk

ABSTRACTThis paper investigates how, despite the need to flee dangerous regions, online and print newspapers rely on negative portrayals of migrants and immigrants to forward nationalist positions, including the belief that so-called foreigners are a threat to the security and economic well-being of a nation. Specifically, using the Discourse of Illusion as our main analytic framework, the analysis demonstrates the ways in which dehumanization is central to forwarding ideological positions against migration. Our findings are then used to discuss larger issues of how media is transforming the ways in which political ideologies are constructed and circulated.

The Geopolitics of Travel Blogging

ABSTRACT Travel blogs are an under-utilized data repository of everyday geopolitical musings. These public, longform, generally reflexive texts allow researchers to better understand how travellers narrate their own positionality and agency within limiting state structures. Geopolitics scholars of varying theoretical and topical interests can use travel blogs as data to better understand how everyday tourists and travellers ‘live geopolitics.’ Drawing primarily from popular and feminist geopolitical insights, this paper shows how travel blogs help us to rethink questions about geopolitical authorship, especially within a digital landscape of media fragmentation. This paper also provides a case study on the geopolitical discourse of ‘border talk’ in the blogs of international volunteer teachers in Namibia.

The Inconvenient Truths of the Territorial Dispute of ‘Gando’ from the Korea-China Border Talk in 1880s: Review of A Study on the Joint-Investigations of the Korea-China Borders in the 1880s by Kim, Hyoung-chong

The Inconvenient Truths of the Territorial Dispute of ‘Gando’ from the Korea-China Border Talk in 1880s: Review of A Study on the Joint-Investigations of the Korea-China Borders in the 1880s by Kim, Hyoung-chong

Doklam Standoff Resolution: Interview of Major General S B Asthana by SCMP

Doklam Standoff Resolution: Interview of Major General S B Asthana by SCMP

Resisting behind the border talks in TTIP: The cases of GMOs and data privacy

AbstractDespite initial intentions to better align transatlantic regulation and associated practices in the negotiation of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), this was not possible for rules concerning genetically modified organisms and data privacy. By 2016 both matters effectively fell off the TTIP negotiating agenda. This paper identifies the factors responsible, specifically the critical role played by independent regulatory agencies and associated bureaucratic politics, transnational coalitions of private sector organizations, and non-government organizations and contingency. These factors are not exclusive to the two salient regulations considered here, with the implication that the identification of cross-border spillovers is at best a necessary condition for the successful negotiation of binding trade rules on behind-the-border government policies.

Can the two Asian giants reach a political settlement?

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to outline the history of the Sino-Indian conflict and to evaluate recent changes as reflected in the high level meetings between President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. It explores the evolving relationship in terms of three types of bargaining: elusive, tacit and convergent. Design/methodology/approach – By adopting a historical approach one gets a better sense of the evolving pattern of relations between China and India and the circumstances in which the evolution is occurring. Findings – China-India relations are similar to a journey where the progress is measured in terms of small steps rather than a final peace settlement. Relations have changed slowly towards a positive direction in economic relations, and there is a pattern of stability in border talks but the issue is complicated by the linkages between the Tibet question and border issues. Research limitations/implications – This topic requires considerable research because it is important for the future of Asian international relations and it is under-researched. Perhaps there could be an edited volume which brings together researchers from different backgrounds and expertise. The suggested work must be empirical but with a theoretical framework related to different types of bargaining cultures and experiences in Asia. Originality/value – As China and India evolve in their diplomatic practices and thinking, as Asian powers are readjusting their policies in the light of new circumstances, there are insights for policy analysts and practitioners in China and India among other Asian countries.

Third border talk: intersubjectivity, power negotiation and the making of race in Spanish language classrooms

Relying on narrative analysis, this article examines a case in which largely White, monolingual college students of basic level Spanish position themselves as linguistic subjects in relation to the target language. Further, in consideration of this issue's theme, in tandem with Bucholtz and Hall's (2004) work on intersubjectivity, I submit Davis's (2000) theory of the third border as an organizing tool for understanding how students construct and reaffirm race and linguistic identities within and outside of classroom walls. The application of my empirical data to Davis develops from a recent discussion contrasting students from the US Southwest with that of a private, East coast institution (Pomerantz and Schwartz 2011), of which talk about borders, boundedness and larger dynamics persist as a central theme.

Border talk: narratives of Spanish language encounters in the United States

US foreign language education is often presented as an opportunity to foster intercultural communication; yet, curricula frequently build borders between an English-speaking ‘we’ and a non-English-speaking ‘they’. Little is known, however, about how language students make sense of their changing linguistic identities as they encounter users of the language of instruction outside the classroom. This paper examines the stories those enrolled in university-level Spanish courses tell about their language learning histories and experiences. It considers how these stories construct particular, and frequently asymmetrical, social and linguistic borders.

Constructing the border from below: Narratives from the Congolese–Rwandan state boundary

This article is about the simultaneous subversion and perpetuation of political borders ‘from below’. Using the state boundary between the cities of Goma in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Gisenyi in Rwanda as a case study, this article shows how people make sense of their border-related social world. By analyzing everyday narratives and practices of people who live on both sides of the border, this article reveals popular geopolitics at work and demonstrates the inchoate character surrounding the idea of ‘the border’. Border talk is examined in key narratives and narrative clusters to emphasize the primacy of certain thematic plots and to reveal which aspects of the border people prioritize and how they attribute meaning to the idea of the border. Views of the border ranging from a desired barrier against the demonized ‘other,’ and as a means of exclusion, to its conception as an institution that may be in need of reform but is essential to economic survival, make clear that approaching the border through narratives means allowing for its historicity and relationality. Border narratives and practices reveal some neglected aspects of violent conflict in the study region and provide insights into state–society relations, an understanding of the state’s legitimacy, and an understanding of the effects of the border as a social construction that influences everyday life.

Sino-Bhutanese Relations

Historically the interaction between Bhutan and China was through Tibet. The annexation of Tibet by China and the later uprising in Tibet instilled a sense of fear in Bhutan causing it to close its northern border in 1960. However, Bhutan adopted a more open policy in the 1970s gradually increasing the contacts between the two neighbours. Border talks which started in 1984 resulted in an agreement in 1998 on maintaining peace and tranquility along border areas. While China and Bhutan neither have diplomatic relations nor any legal trade, growing Chinese interests in South Asia encompass Bhutan as well. Bhutan, therefore, faces the dilemma of not hurting the interests and sentiments of its traditional friend India while at the same time needing to respond to Chinese overtures and to solve the border problem peacefully and urgently; in the Sino-Bhutanese relationship, the Indian element remains the most important variable. The dynamics of the Sino-Indian relationship and Indian and Chinese strategic interests and activities in the Himalayas will be crucial in shaping Bhutan’s policies towards China.

Blundering Border Talk: An English Faculty Member Discusses the Writing Center at His Two-Year Campus

This article enacts the difficulties and hopes a compositionist in the English Department perceives in his attempts to establish a collaborative arrangement with the writing center at the regional campus where he works.