Book Of Chronicles Research Articles

Family Genealogies and Religious Ideology

The Chronicler starts his historiographical work with nine chapters of family and name lists. Lay readers of the book often skip these “boring” chapters to get to the “real” narrative, starting with the death of Saul in chapter 10. Scholars have indicated, however, that these genealogies actually form a portal (“Vorhalle”) through which the Chronicler’s historiography should be approached. In the genealogies, we already find the basic themes of the book, and the ideologies operative in the book, introduced. A close study of the structure of the genealogies, as well as of the sources used in the genealogies, reveals that the family lists are not merely provided as a documentation of family relationships, but rather to give clear expression of the religious and identity ideologies which form the main focus of the whole book of Chronicles.

The Voice of Skogula in ‘Beasts Royal’ and a Story of the Tagus Estuary (Lisbon, Portugal) as Seen through a Whale’s-Eye View

Patrick O’Brian inspired this work, with his 1934 book of chronicles “Beasts Royal,” where he gives a voice to animals. Therein, among other animals, we find Skogula, a young sperm whale journeying with his family group across the South Seas and his views on the surrounding world, both underwater and on land. This paper tells a story of historical natural events, from the viewpoint of a fin whale that travelled, rested and stranded in the Tagus estuary mouth (Lisbon, Portugal) during the early 16th century. It allows us to move across time and explore the past of this estuarine ecosystem. What kind of changes took place and how can literature and heritage contribute to understand peoples’ constructions of past environments, local maritime histories and memories? In the second part of this essay we present a fictional short story, supported on historical documental sources and imagery research where Lily, the whale, is the main character. Thus, we see the Tagus estuary as perceived through this whale’s-eye view. Finally, we discuss past earthquakes, whale strandings, the occurrence of seals and dolphins and peoples’ perceptions of the Tagus coastal environment across time. We expect to make a contribution to the field of the marine environmental humanities. We will do so both by addressing, by means of this literary approach, the writing of “new thalassographies,” oceanic historiographies and “historicities” and by including all intervening actors—people, animals and the physical space—in the understanding of the past of more-than-human aquatic worlds.

The Chronicler’s Vorlage, Kalimi verses Auld

ABSTRACTGraeme Auld’s argument of the “Two Houses” sharing the same vorlage is rejected by Isaac Kalimi. Kalimi insists that the Chronicler used the proto-Masoretic book of Kings as his source. However, there are a number of problems not addressed by Kalimi including chronological patterns and conflicting synchronisms. There is every reason to believe that the redacted proto-Masoretic book of Kings and the book of Chronicles shared the same vorlage as Auld has argued.

1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees

1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees Christopher T. Begg and Benedict Schöning 2112. [Chronicles; Ezra–Nehemiah] I. Marsh and Y. Levin, "Mixed Marriages in the Book of Chronicles—A Reflection of Social Atttudes in Persian-Period Yehud," Trans 50 (2018) 125-37. This article examines the attitude displayed in the Book of Chronicles toward mixed marriages between Israelites and gentiles in an attempt to clarify the difference on this issue between the Chronicler and the author of Ezra–Nehemiah. Of the 14 cases of mixed marriages mentioned in Chronicles, 9 are discussed in this article; some of these have parallels in other biblical books, while others are unique to Chronicles. Our conclusion is that in general the Chronicler did not consider such marriages to be problematic for the continued existence of the people of Israel or of the Yehud community of his time. In this he represents a stance regarding mixed marriages very different from that reflected in Ezra–Nehemiah. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] [End Page 699] 2113. [Chronicles] L. C. Jonker, "Anything New under the Sun? Exploring Further Avenues for Writing Another Commentary on Chronicles," AcTSup 26 (2018) 325-48 [see #2377]. Over the past two decades, there has been an explosion of new commentaries on the Books of Chronicles. Scholars might justifiably ask then whether there is anything new under the sun to be said in a new commentary on Chronicles. Having been contacted about writing a commentary on Chronicles in the OTL series as a follow-up to Sara Japhet's entry in that series, I am investigating some new avenues that such a work might explore. Here, I comment on three possibilities in this regard: utilization of Achaemenid royal inscriptions and written records for the interpretation of Chronicles, revisiting existing theories concerning the composition of Chronicles, and bringing Chronicles and pentateuchal studies into conversation with each other. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 2114. [1 Chronicles 28–29//1 Kings 1–2] Brian Peterson, "Did the Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon Influence the Chronicler's Succession Narrative of Solomon?" BBR 28 (2018) 554-74. The radically different perspective on Solomon's coronation scene as recorded by the Chronicler in 1 Chronicles 28–29 vis-à-vis that of 1 Kings 1–2 has often been dismissed as merely a matter of a rhetorical flourish or polemic, lacking any degree of historical veracity. Yet the question still lingers: did the Chronicler make up Solomon's coronation scene out of whole cloth, or is there some other reason for the scene's divergence from Kings' account? P. argues here that the Chronicler did not necessarily fabricate a new coronation scene that is totally out of line with the Deuteronomist's version, but rather fashioned and/or included key details concerning Solomon's second formal coronation event (cf. 1 Chr 23:1; 29:22) in order to present David and Solomon on par with other great ANE sovereigns. The Chronicler had a ready-made exemplar for his doing this in the succession scene of Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal as recorded in the Esharhaddon vassal treaties (EVT) of 672 b.c. As a historian, the Chronicler could have had access to this well-documented ANE event through his reading of the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah from the period of King Manasseh—a vassal to both Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal—or he may simply have adopted the Gattung represented by the EVT. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 2115. [Ezra–Nehemiah] Raik Heckl, "The Composition of Ezra–Nehemiah as a Testimony for the Competition between the Temples in Jerusalem and on Mt. Gerizim in the Early Years of the Seleucid Rule over Judah," The Bible, Qumran, and the Samaritans, 115-32 [see #2371]. H. presents a literary analysis of Ezra–Nehemiah that aims to identify the discourses that resulted in the literary history of the book. In so doing, he discusses the hermeneutical strategies that its final authors/redactors used to persuade their readers to accept their new text over against its Vorlagen. Thus, he emphasizes that the Cyrus edict, contextualized at the beginning of Ezra 1, represents the hermeneutical key to...

Historical Books: 1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees

Historical Books:1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees Christopher T. Begg and Thomas Hieke 420. [Chronicles; Deuteronomy] Louis Jonker, "What Was Considered to Be Apostasy by the Chronicler, and How Does It Relate to Deuteronomic Law?" JSem 26 (2017) 382-411. It is well-known that the Chronicler uses very specific terminology in relation to what he regards as apostasy. The term mʿl, e.g., is quite prominent in this regard, though it never occurs in the Vorlage of Samuel–Kings and only once in Deuteronomy, i.e., in Deut 32:51. Also prominent among the Chronicler's apostasy terminology is the expression "not to seek (with either drš or bqš) Yhwh" (which also occurs frequently in Deuteronomy and Samuel–Kings). In this paper, J. investigates the Chronicler's language for apostasy in order to determine what he regards as constituting apostasy as well as how this understanding of the concept relates to the provisions of Deuteronomic law. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] [End Page 128] 421. [Chronicles; Ezra; Nehemiah] Manoja Kumar Korada, "Seeing Discontinuity in Chronicles–Ezra–Nehemiah through Reforms," JETS 61 (2018) 287-305. The question of whether the Books of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah are the work of the same or rather different authors has been much discussed in the scholarship of the last four decades. Adopting the view that each of the three books derives from a distinct author, K. argues that a case for this emerges when one attends to the discontinuity among them with regard to the topic of religious "reform." While each book does address the topic, each also evidences a distinctive stance toward the involvement of the common people in the reforms they narrate and the impact of those reforms. While the Chronicler is primarily interested in the individual authority figures (i.e., kings) as the catalysts of reforms, and the author of Ezra exhibits minimal sympathy for the common people and their contribution to reforms, the author of Nehemiah gives a markedly democratized account of postexilic reforms according to which the degree to which the common people are involved in a given reform is directly proportional to the impact of that reform. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 422. [Chronicles] Matthias Ederer, "Ohne David kein Mose? Die Bedeutung des 'befehlenden Mose' (vgl. 1 Chr 6,34; 15,15) und sein Verhältnis zu David in der Chronik," Mosebilder, 13-34 [see #725]. The name "Moses" occurs a total of 21 times in the Books of Chronicles. In this essay, E. focuses on four of these uses, i.e., 1 Chr 6:34; 15:15; 2 Chr 8:13; and 23:18. In the first two of these references, the expression used is "as Moses commanded," a formulation that functions as an affirmation that the activities of the Levites spoken of in the context (carrying the ark, conducting liturgical music, etc.) as assigned them by David are in accordance with the cultic directives laid down by Moses that David now applies and actualizes for the situation of his own time. The third of the above texts, in which the reference is to "the command of Moses," is used in connection with Solomon's cultic initiatives and represents a prolongation of this usage, portraying Solomon as continuing the organizing and adapting of Israel's cult on the basis of Moses's and David's previous directives concerning this. Finally, in 2 Chr 23:18, at a time subsequent to the foundational David–Solomon period of Israel's history in the land, the high priest Jehoaida restores the Temple cult that had been disrupted by the usurper Athaliah, doing so "as is written in the Torah of Moses." In Chronicles overall, then, "Moses" represents the primordial authority in cultic matters, whose legacy needs, however, to be interpreted, applied, adapted, and further elaborated by Israel's subsequent royal and priestly leaders, King David in particular.—C.T.B. 423. [1 Chronicles 1–9] David Janzen, "A Monument and a Name: The Primary Purpose of Chronicles' Genealogies," JSOT 43 (2018) 45-66. The primary purpose of the genealogies of 1 Chronicles 1–9 is to...

Literary Forms, Techniques, & Methods of Study

Literary Forms, Techniques, & Methods of Study Christopher T. Begg 1837. David M. Carr, "Criteria and Periodization in Dating Biblical Texts in Parts of the Persian Period," Dating Biblical Texts, 11-18 [see #2364]. Employing literary, historical, and linguistic criteria, C.'s programmatic essay distinguishes between biblical texts produced early in the Persian period and those from later in that period. C. observes that literary texts from the beginning of the Persian period would be less likely to feature an emphasis on pentateuchal traditions (particularly Priestly pentateuchal traditions), less inclined to reflect Persian sponsorship (and perhaps more likely to feature extravagant hopes for a return to a sovereign Israel), and more likely to be written in archaic Hebrew. By the end of the Persian period and the beginning of the Hellenistic period, there appear texts with a more explicit emphasis on Persian sponsorship, links to the combined Pentateuch (with an increasing emphasis on Priestly traditions), and the occasional breakdown of archaic Hebrew literary dialect, including more mixing of Aramaic and other (especially Persian) isoglosses. Against this background, C. asks who might have been responsible for the Persian period texts found in the Hebrew Bible and finds it more likely that priests were the authors of most of the Hebrew textual materials in Persian-period Yehud (as opposed to a scenario in which both priests and non-priests shared a transferred control over major normative texts across this period). He concludes that a consistent differentiation feature across the Persian period appears to be the move from remnants of scribal diversity and old literary standards at the outset of the period to some breakdown of those scribal standards with the emergence of Priestly domination over scribalism toward the end of the Persian period. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 1838. [Matt 1:1-17, etc.] Bernard Gosse, "The 42 Generations of the Genealogy of Jesus in Matt 1:1-17, and the Symbolism of [the] Number 42, Curse or Blessing in the Bible and in Egypt," StBSlov 10 (2018) 142-51. The genealogy of Jesus given in Matt 1:1-17 features 42 generations, thereby highlighting a number, which in the ANE and in the OT symbolizes a curse which does not [End Page 603] exclude the possibility of blessing. In the OT, the number is so used in the story of the succession of the kings in the Books of Kings and Chronicles (see the 42-year "curse of King Ahaziah" in 2 Chr 22:2), the Psalter (see the 42 psalms making up the Elohistic Psalter in Psalms 42–83, which raise the question of what is to happen thereafter), and the story of Balaam in Numbers 22–24 (where there is mention of 42 sacrifices for purposes of cursing that are ultimately oriented to blessing). This feature has parallels outside the OT as well, particularly in Egypt, in the Book of the Dead and the division of Egypt into 42 nomes. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 1839. [Judges 13; 1 Samuel 1–2] Paola Mollo, "Did It Please God to Kill Them?" Hen 36 (2014) 86-105. M.'s article provides a literary comparison of the birth account of two famous and complex characters of the Bible: Samson (Judges 13) and Samuel (1 Samuel 1–2). She analyzes their birth stories in terms of their respective structures, motifs, concepts, and wording. In many cases, the two accounts directly mirror one another, while in others certain shared elements are transformed, or even stand in sharp opposition from one to the other. M. devotes special attention to the literary techniques employed in the two texts, by means of which they play with conventional elements and create intertextual allusions. M.'s final considerations about the narrative logic behind the two stories provides a comprehensive interpretation of the elements of contrast between them. Her article concludes by calling attention to a particularly intriguing parallel between them which she seeks to elucidate in light of the dynamic of similarity and difference at work in and between the two stories. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 1840. [Judges 17–18] José Luis Sicre...

“Mediterranean Religions” or Abrahamic Traditions?

Since we do not find a religion identified as Mediterranean alongside Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, we might want to conclude that it does not exist independently. Mediterranean religion is found in the complexities of the lived religion of the region rather than as a dogmatic cohesion.1 At the most basic level the term Mediterranean religion can be applied to those religions or mysticisms founded or widely practiced in the geography of the Mediterranean region.2 Today, however, the highest concentrations of practitioners of what we may call Mediterranean religion live well outside that geography. This poses the question: can the term apply to those Mediterranean religions now found outside the Mediterranean? To answer this question we must look at the unique distinguishing elements of Mediterranean religious experience versus Northern European, American, East Asian, and so forth. Mediterranean religion is deeply rooted in the long history of the region’s multiconfessional empires and competing hegemonies. One of the many important legacies of that fluctuating history reveals the most valuable distinguishing feature that the term offers, the sharing of sacred space and other sacra.3 This phenomenon does not seem to have accompanied Mediterranean religions to the various diaspora. The term is therefore relatively geographically fixed.Does Mediterranean religion have a historical period or periods? If we use the sharing of sacred space, common pilgrimages, and cross religious veneration of saints, the answer is clearly no.4 If we consider Mediterranean religion to comprise the dominant religions, then we certainly cannot date the beginning until the coming of Islam in the seventh century. This reduction, however, would erase the many religious influences and exchanges that led to the development and flourishing of Islam, so a more suitable term for this category may be Mediterranean religions—in the plural. If, however, the term is to be used to its full potential, then it must apply to those religions outside the Abrahamic faiths.I suggest using the term Mediterranean rather than Abrahamic to describe those religions defined by their interaction with one another, as it bears better witness to the long shared history of the monotheist religions. The current use of the Abrahamic nominative reduces the relationship of these religions to a shared foundation, limited and set a long time ago. The category is also helpful in that it is inclusive of the mysticisms, deviations, schisms, heresies, small cults, and polytheistic religions as well as religious orthodoxies. By shifting focus from dogmatic definitions and using this term from an anthropological and sociological perspective, shared sacra and festivals, particularly those connected with harvests and the ecology of the Mediterranean, become normalized.5Mediterranean religion should be approached with the frameworks of lived religion and with phenomenological methodology in mind. Shared sacra are found not only in the accounts of pilgrims, or architectural modifications to accommodate different faiths, but also in an institutional preoccupation with ritual conformity and segregation.6 This desire for ritual purity is expressed in Christian disciplinary canons and in pilgrimage/hajj guides.7 The preoccupation with conformity demonstrates the anxiety clerics and other officials felt regarding the syncretic habits of their coreligionists.8Mediterranean religions have been shaped by interactions with neighboring groups; Yahweh worship itself was recorded at shared “high places” in the book of Chronicles.9 With this in mind we see the value of a term that is outside historical limitation or dogmatic criteria.

History & Geography

History & Geography Isaac M. Alderman, Steven J. Schweitzer, Christopher T. Begg, Fred W. Guyette, Andrew W. Dyck, William J. Urbrock, and Thomas Hieke 1746. Sajjad Alibaiqi and Iraj Rezaei, “Bikni, Bīt ṭābti, and uqnū: Searching for Appropriate Identifications for Toponyms and Terms Mentioned in Neo-Assyrian Texts,” JNES 77 (2018) 15–30. Previous attempts at identifying the toponym “Bikni” as the Alvand and Damavand mountains are unconvincing. Rather, the authors assert that the reference is to the Karkas Mountains. Further, the Neo-Assyrian references to the “Salt Land” near the “Lapis Lazuli Mountain” can be identified as Namak Lake, in central Iran.—I.M.A. 1747. Joseph Blenkinsopp, “Bethel in the Neo-Babylonian and Early Achaemenid Period,” Essays on Judaism in the Pre-Hellenistic Period, 48–60 [see #2017]. B. examines the archaeological and textual evidence relating to the site of Bethel in the Babylonian and Persian periods, including its appearances in the Hebrew Bible and with special attention to the priesthood associated with the site.—S.J.S. 1748. Joseph Blenkinsopp, “The Intellectual World of Judaism in the Pre-Hellenistic Period,” Essays on Judaism in the Pre-Hellenistic Period, 84–100 [see #2017]. B. surveys the depiction of “intellectual activity” during the above period especially as represented in the Books of Chronicles and Ezra–Nehemiah, and in the archaeological record. B. argues for a contrast between the Hellenistic context and what can be deduced about Persian-period Yehud in light of this evidence.—S.J.S. 1749. Joseph Blenkinsopp, “The Sectarian Element in Early Judaism,” Essays on Judaism in the Pre-Hellenistic Period, 192–206 [see #2017]. B. examines the depiction of various streams of tradition within early Judaism in an effort to clarify which group or groups might reasonably be understood as “sectarian” in nature according to classic definitions of sectarianism as articulated by E. Troeltsch and M. Weber. B. addresses some preexilic examples (such as the “sons of the prophets”), while focusing on particular groups and their terminology in Ezra–Nehemiah, Third Isaiah, and Malachi.—S.J.S. 1750. [Amarna Letters] Sandra Brembs, “Die Beziehungen zwischen Ägypten und Babylonien in den Amarnabriefen,” Interkulturalität, 47–57 [see #2015]. B. investigates the relationship between Egypt and Babylonia in light of the correspondence between the two states preserved in the Amarna letters. Despite recurring tensions, that are alluded to repeatedly in the letters, the relationship between the two states was, B. concludes, largely amicable during the period in question. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] [End Page 612] 1751. [2 Kgs 19:35] Stephen Caesar, “The Annihilation of Sennacherib’s Army: A Case of Septicemic Plague?” JBQ 45 (2017) 222–28. 2 Kgs 19:35 recounts one of the most devastating and extraordinary incidents of divine intervention in biblical history. Sennacherib marched against Jerusalem, but: “That night an angel of the Lord went out and struck down one hundred and eighty-five thousand in the Assyrian camp, and the following morning they were all dead corpses.” It is certainly possible that what tore through Sennacherib’s army as it lay crowded around the relatively small city of Jerusalem was septicemic plague. Living cheek to jowl for an extended period of time, the Assyrian soldiers would have been particularly vulnerable to such a plague. The fact that they were on a war footing would have increased the likelihood of the soldiers’ succumbing to plague, since human remains and refuse attract rats, unwashed human bodies attract fleas, and the stress of war weakens the immune system. We can thus speculate that what God used, through one of his angels, to destroy the Assyrian army and save Jerusalem was an outbreak of septicemic plague, a disease so utterly virulent and lethal that its survival rate is zero and its victims perish in the span of a single night.—F.W.G. 1752. [Genesis 1–11] C. John Collins, “Inerrancy Studies and the Old Testament: ‘Ancient Science’ in the Hebrew Bible,” Presb 44 (2018) 42–66. I am not saying . . . that none of the Bible writers themselves held any such “primitive” pictures [of the cosmos...

The Metallurgical Meaning of מִקְנֶה in Biblical Hebrew

An examination of the word in four biblical occurrences (Gen 34:23; Josh 22:8; Ezek 38:12–13; and 2 Chr 14:14) reveals that it may be interpreted as "cattle/livestock" in these cases only after emendations and disregard of the structure, rhetorical pattern, and literary and historical contexts of the verses. Alternately, it is shown that inconsistencies and/or problems of translation disappear, in all four instances, after is identified as denoting raw metal. This metallurgical meaning of , explicitly evoked in Josh 22:8 and Ezek 38:12–13, is also supported by other metallurgical expressions derived from qny and its closely related roots, qyn and qnˀ. The disregard of such a meaning, evidenced from the Septuagint to modern scholarship, confirms that a part of the metallurgical terminology in the Bible was forgotten in the time interval between the redaction of the book of Chronicles and the Greek translation of the Bible.

Book Review: The Books of Chronicles and the Tribe of Benjamin: Benjamin D. Giffone, ‘Sit at my Right Hand’: The Chronicler’s Portrait of the Tribe of Benjamin in the Social Context of Yehud

Book Review: The Books of Chronicles and the Tribe of Benjamin: Benjamin D. Giffone, <i>‘Sit at my Right Hand’: The Chronicler’s Portrait of the Tribe of Benjamin in the Social Context of Yehud</i>

Historical Books: 1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees

Historical Books1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees Todd R. Hanneken 942. [Chronicles] Eugene H. Merrill, "The Theology of the 'Chronicler': What Difference Does It Make?" JETS 59 (2016) 691-700. The thesis of M.'s paper is that the unknown author or compiler of the Book of Chronicles, who lived most likely at the end of the 5th cent. b.c.e., wrote from the vantage point of postexilic Judah (Yehud), a part of the Persian Empire. His interpretation of the history of his people varied right from the start from that of the composer of Samuel–Kings, the difference between them reflecting the trauma of the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple in 586 b.c.e. and the ensuing deportation of the bulk of Judah's population to Babylonia. The small community in which the Chronicler lived was burdened with fear and hopeless despair. The book, however, offers that community hope of revival and future redemption. Evidence of that hope is the very last verse of 2 Chronicles 36 which quotes from the decree of Cyrus allowing the Jews to return to their homeland. As Cyrus had been God's instrument to deliver the exiles from Babylon, so a Cyrus yet to come would effect an eschatological deliverance. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 943. [1 Chronicles 1–9, etc.] Andrew Tobolowsky, "Reading Genesis through Chronicles: The Creation of the Sons of Jacob," JAJ 7 (2016) 138-69. Scholars are increasingly aware of the dynamic nature of the interaction between the nine-chapter long genealogy that begins the Book of Chronicles (1 Chronicles 1–9) and its source material. However, little attention has been paid hitherto to the role this interaction might have played in the creation of some key biblical ideas, particularly in the "eponymous imagination" of the tribes as literally the sons of Jacob. By way of comparison with scholarly approaches to the pseudo-Hesiodic Catalogue of Women and an investigation into the ramifications for biblical studies of ethnic theory and historical memory on the fluidity of ethnicity and memory over time, T. seeks to reassess the dynamic power of the Chronicles genealogy as an ethnic charter for the elites of Persian-era Yehud. A focus on the distinctive imagination of Israel in the crucial narratives in the Book of Genesis, as compared with those elsewhere in the Primary History, and on the contribution of the Chronicles genealogy to the re-definition of these narratives, allows us to address the Bible's dependence upon the lens the Chronicles genealogy imposes upon it. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 944. [2 Chronicles 29–31] David A. Glatt-Gilad, "Echoes of Solomon and Nehemiah: Hezekiah's Cultic Reforms in the Book of Chronicles," in Cana Nerman (ed.), From Author to Copyist: Essays on the Composition, Redaction, and Transmission of the Hebrew Bible in Honor of Zipi Talshir (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2015). Pp. xxiv + 390. $62.50. ISBN 978-1-57506-350-8, 189-200. G.-G. examines the literary analogy between Hezekiah and his two Temple-building ancestors David and Solomon in 2 Chronicles in order to portray the greatness of Hezekiah. G.-G. identifies 12 specific links between the Chronicler's account of Hezekiah's rededication and David and Solomon's building of the Temple: (1) Hezekiah's direct reference to the sorry state of the cult during the time of his immediate predecessor (2 Chr 29:6-7); (2) Hezekiah's use of the expression "I intend," stressing his dedication to the service of [End Page 296] God (2 Chr 29:10); (3) the ritual purification of the Levites as first step in preparing the Temple (2 Chr 29:14-15, 34); (4) the description of Hezekiah as carrying out the cultic legacy of David (2 Chr 35:4, 14); (5) the prostration of the entire assembly as the sacrifices are consumed (2 Chr 29:25-27, 30); (6) the large number of sacrifices at Hezekiah's rededication ceremonies (2 Chr 29:28-30); (7) the successful completion of service and rededication of the Temple (2 Chr 29:35); (8) the addition of seven days of rejoicing...

The Chronicler's Code: The Rise and Fall of Judah's Army in the Book of Chronicles

This article focuses on the numbers given in the book of Chronicles for the armies of the Judean kings, with an emphasis on the sequence of the first four kings of Judah. It argues that these numbers were inserted by the Chronicler according to a clear and systematic pattern. Specifically, they are used as a literary device to express a pattern of changes in royal power, in which power increased from the time of Rehoboam's reign until Jehoshaphat, before gradually decreasing until the reign of Ahaz.

Reformation Commentary on Scripture: Old Testament V. 1–2 Samuel, 1–2 Kings, 1–2 Chronicles ed. by Derek Cooper and Martin J. Lohrmann

Reviewed by: Reformation Commentary on Scripture: Old Testament V. 1–2 Samuel, 1–2 Kings, 1–2 Chronicles ed. by Derek Cooper and Martin J. Lohrmann Mark A. Throntveit Reformation Commentary on Scripture: Old Testament V. 1–2 Samuel, 1–2 Kings, 1–2 Chronicles. Edited by Derek Cooper and Martin J. Lohrmann. Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press Academic, 2016. 799 pp. Readers of Lutheran Quarterly will be familiar with the tedious process of retrieving commentary on Bible passages by that intrepid band of reformers in the sixteenth century. Even more irksome is the tracking down of the context in which the passage appeared. Nevertheless, what the various reformers thought about the Bible is extremely important for a proper evaluation of their contribution and impact. But how is this achieved? According to the publishers, these Reformation Commentaries on Scripture were produced with four goals in mind: (1) to renew contemporary biblical interpretation through exposure to Reformation-era biblical interpretation; (2) to renew contemporary preaching through exposure to the biblical insights of the Reformation writers; (3) to contribute to a deeper understanding of the Reformation and the breadth of perspectives represented within it; and (4) to advance Christian scholarship in the fields of historical, biblical, theological, and pastoral studies. Ambitious as these goals might seem, this volume succeeds admirably on all four fronts. In a day when reader response trumps the history of interpretation in biblical studies, the present volume provides a fascinating take on these historical books of the Old Testament. Unsullied by the frequent excesses of the post-Enlightenment hermeneutics, Reformation exegetes frequently interpret the histories as harbingers of subsequent New Testament passages. As for proclamation, the reformers tend to see models and negative examples for contemporary Christian behavior in the wide-ranging cast of characters that we encounter in these pages. The breadth of Reformation perspectives is amply attested as well. We do hear from Luther, Melanchthon, and Calvin, but the bulk of citations hark back to Luther’s pastor, Bugenhagen, Lucas Osiander and Viktorin Strigel. Reformed representatives include Konrad Pellikan and Johannes Piscator. The English reformation is well represented by Andrew Willet and John Mayer. Although the Radicals and [End Page 100] Anabaptists eschewed publishing commentaries on these particular books, we are treated to an occasional remark from Menno Simons, Hans Denck, Balthasar Hubmaier, and Dirk Philips with regard to God’s promise to David of an eternal dynasty. One might expect only Protestants to appear yet commentary from Catholic scholars Alonso Tostado and Cardinal Cajetan pepper the presentation with their rather different point of view. All of this serves to advance scholarship in the fields of history, Bible, theology, and pastoral care, not least by the unearthing and translation of little-known works. When these goals are coupled with an absolutely first-rate introduction to the historical context of the Protestant Reformation, the Reformers and how they read Scripture, and the books of Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles, the result is a delightful view of these books through the eyes of the reformers. The explicit format is a welcome guide on our journey: Following Reformation-era practice, the text is divided into pericopes or passages drawn from the English Standard Version of the Bible. These passages are then followed by very useful overviews of the subsequent comments pointing out exegetical, theological, or pastoral concerns by the editors. Finally, headings identify the nature of the comments gathered together under each pericope. The reviewer’s copy was curiously flawed in that pages 475–522 were inserted upside down and backwards right after 2 Kings 17, the description of the destruction of the Northern Kingdom by Assyria, rendering the so-called “ten lost tribes of Israel” a textual as well as a historical occurrence! Mark A. Throntveit Luther Seminary Saint Paul, Minnesota Copyright © 2017 Johns Hopkins University Press and Lutheran Quarterly, Inc.

Библейские цитаты во втором славянском переводе Исторической палеи (предварительные замечания)

-

Reading Genesis Through Chronicles: The Creation of the Sons of Jacob

Scholars are increasingly aware of the dynamic nature of the interaction between the nine-chapter- long genealogy that begins the book of Chronicles and its source material. However, little attention has been paid to the role this interaction might have played in the creation of some key biblical ideas, particularly in the “eponymous imagination” of the tribes as literally the sons of Jacob. Through comparison with scholarly approaches to the pseudo-Hesiodic Catalogue of Women and an investigation into the ramifications for biblical studies of ethnic theory and historical memory on the fluidity of ethnicity and memory over time, this article seeks to reassess the dynamic power of the Chronicles genealogy as an ethnic charter for the elites of Persian Yehud. Focus on the distinctive imagination of Israel in the crucial narratives in the book of Genesis, as compared with narratives elsewhere in the primary history, and the contributions of the Chronicles genealogy to their redefinition, allows us to address the Bible’s dependence upon the lens the Chronicles genealogy imposes upon it.

Reading Genesis Through Chronicles: The Creation of the Sons of Jacob

Scholars are increasingly aware of the dynamic nature of the interaction between the nine-chapter-long genealogy that begins the book of Chronicles and its source material. However, little attention has been paid to the role this interaction might have played in the creation of some key biblical ideas, particularly in the “eponymous imagination” of the tribes as literally the sons of Jacob. Through comparison with scholarly approaches to the pseudo-Hesiodic Catalogue of Women and an investigation into the ramifications for biblical studies of ethnic theory and historical memory on the fluidity of ethnicity and memory over time, this article seeks to reassess the dynamic power of the Chronicles genealogy as an ethnic charter for the elites of Persian Yehud. Focus on the distinctive imagination of Israel in the crucial narratives in the book of Genesis, as compared with narratives elsewhere in the primary history, and the contributions of the Chronicles genealogy to their redefinition, allows us to address the Bible’s dependence upon the lens the Chronicles genealogy imposes upon it.

Yahweh’s Promise to David in the Books of Kings

The books of Kings lack the internal consistency found in the books of Chronicles regarding rewards and punishments for the good and evil actions of Israel’s kings (i.e. the doctrine of retribution). This paper argues that the books of Kings portray all the different kings in light of their respective evaluations to emphasize the strength of Yahweh’s promise to the Davidides for a lasting dynasty. First, the text uses the reigns of bad southern kings to stress Yahweh’s abundant faithfulness when the Davidides behaved at their worst. Second, it inserts accounts of the many failed northern dynasties to demonstrate the uniqueness of Yahweh’s abundant mercy specifically for the Davidides. Third, it illustrates the fragility of the good southern kings to suggest that the continuation of their line depended not on them, but on their merciful God who remained faithful to his covenant with them.

Chronicling the Chronicler: The Book of Chronicles and Early Second Temple Historiography, written by Paul S. Evans and Tyler F. Williams

Chronicling the Chronicler: The Book of Chronicles and Early Second Temple Historiography, written by Paul S. Evans and Tyler F. Williams

The “God of the Fathers” in Chronicles

The Chronicler has a penchant for developing paradigmatic vocabulary throughout his narrative. Many scholars have noted the Chronicler’s extensive use of the divine epithet “God of the fathers” throughout the books of Chronicles (twenty-seven times), yet few have investigated its meaning there. Sara Japhet has suggested that it emphasizes the continuous relationship between YHWH and the people. I propose that the epithet goes beyond this simple connotation in Chronicles by evoking YHWH’s promise of land to the patriarchs with phraseology found most heavily in Deuteronomy. Occurrences of the appellation in the speeches of David and Jehoshaphat specifically include mention of the patriarchs in the immediate context. Several other instances show how the Israelites would either strengthen or weaken their position in the land based on their faithfulness or unfaithfulness to the “God of their fathers.” With the few remaining occurrences, the broader context can accommodate the meaning from Deuteronomy.

The Legal Blend in Biblical Narrative (Joshua 20:1–9, Judges 6:25–31, 1 Samuel 15:2, 28:3–25, 2 Kings 4:1–7, Jeremiah 34:12–17, Nehemiah 5:1–12)

In the 1980s scholars identified the “legal blend”—the phenomenon in Ezra-Nehemiah and Chronicles whereby the practice of a law is expressed as a conflation of two earlier iterations of the law as found in the legal corpora of the Pentateuch. The phenomenon is thought to reflect upheaval in Israel’s history and the need to reach a great compromise between competing strands of legal tradition. Discussions have identified legal blends in the books of Ezra-Nehemiah and Chronicles in descriptions of normative practice. This study claims that we also find the legal blend employed toward “haggadic” or rhetorical ends, whereby the law is extracted from its original focus and emerges within a new configuration of meaning. This study identifies seven narratives that blend iterations of the same law from across what are normally construed as distinct legal corpora. These examples are found in a broad range of narrative texts, most from the so-called Deuteronomic History. Trends that emerge from these examples are identified. The findings complicate the claim that the legal blend was exclusively a postexilic phenomenon.