Blind Patriotism Research Articles

Formation of patriotic values as a predictor of psychological and moral stability of young men of conscription age

Introduction. In the conditions of confronting external threats and the need to respond to numerous challenges of modernity, the problem of identifying the predictors of psychological and moral stability of an individual is characterised by special relevance and significance. The aim of the research is to study the extent of formation of patriotic values as a predictor of psychological and moral stability in young people of conscription age. Materials and methods. The research was carried out in four Russian Federation entities: Arkhangelsk-, Kaliningrad-, Murmansk- and Leningrad regions. The total number of respondents was 1,050 – young men aged 16 to 20 (conscription age). The following techniques were used in the research: theoretical methods (analysis of the research subject through investigating statutory documents, psychological and pedagogical literature; synthesis, generalisation, comparison and systematisation of the obtained data), and empirical methods (questioning, testing and interviewing). To achieve the set targets, the following diagnostic tools were used: the Constructive patriotism questionnaire; the Values materialism questionnaire; the Scale of psychological well-being by C. Ryff; the “Behaviour self-regulation style – SSP-98” questionnaire by V.I. Morosanova. Results. It was found that the number of respondents with the formed constructive patriotism prevails twice as much among young people of conscription age. At the same time, it is worth noting that in fact, one in three young men of conscription age who took part in the survey (31.8%) have formed blind patriotism (pseudo-patriotism, patriotism of obedience, ignorance and intolerance). Young people of conscription age with pronounced constructive patriotism, compared to the group of young people with blind patriotism, have more expressed significant basic values: “Independence”; “Power”; “Achievements”; “Traditions”; “Safety”; “Universalism”; “Benevolence”. Meanwhile, the group of young people of conscription age with pronounced blind patriotism demonstrate mostly two basic values: “Stimulation”; “Conformism”. Young people of conscription age with expressed constructive patriotism have statistically significant differences on the scale “Personal growth”. It was also revealed that they have a significantly higher overall level of self-regulation and the levels of individual self-control of various regulatory processes and personal regulation properties according to five indicators (“Modelling”, “Programming”, “Evaluation of results”, “Flexibility”, “Independence”), compared to the group of respondents with the formed blind patriotism. Conclusion. The study provides important data on the extent of the formation of patriotic values serving as a predictor of psychological and moral stability in young people of conscription age. The obtained results are in demand, being relevant since they make it possible to design the personality education and development processes with regard for the bilateral nature of interconditionality of patriotism relative to a person’s psychological and moral stability

Examining Indonesia’s Aggression towards Malaysia over Tari Pendet Dispute in Youtube Comments: The Role of Collective Narcissism

This study analyses themes that emerged in discussions on YouTube comments by Indonesian regarding the 2009 Pendet Dance controversy. The research uses netnography methods with a qualitative approach. Using Netlytic, corpus was collected from YouTube under 'Malaysian Pendet Dance' keyword. There are 1030 comments gathered from 4 relevant videos. The corpus was selected and eliminated to 52 comments. For comparison, the corpus is divided based on the upload period, marked by the time Discovery Channel apologized to Indonesia. Based on collective narcissism understanding, researcher frames the emerging themes and sub-themes related to the nature of collective narcissism. The themes and sub-themes of the comments were then coded, compared, and projected with the help of NVivo software. The results show that there is a development of stacking narcissism themes across periods. The collective narcissism themes found in the 2009 period were aggressiveness; desire for justification and other nations’ recognition of own culture; prejudice which causes hostility. Meanwhile, during the commentary period from 2010 to present, the same themes are found, with the addition of sub-themes and three new main themes namely the hardship of forgetting old wounds; see oneself as a tortured victim; and radicalism-to which brought another issue. The conflict between the Indonesian and Malaysian began in 1963 in the Borneo conflict and still ongoing. The collective narcissism that Indonesian society displays towards Malaysia is mediated by the ideology of blind patriotism and the perceived threat to the group by external aggression.

Identifying stories of ‘us’: A mixed‐method analysis of the meaning, contents and associations of national narratives constructed by Americans

AbstractHow do lay individuals reconstruct, appropriate or resist culturally sanctioned narratives about their nation's past? The current study examined this question through an open‐ended survey administered to a US sample, stratified by age and gender (N = 399). We identified three major historical narratives that were popular among Americans. Specifically, we identified positive narratives of the nation's progress over time and glorifying narratives of American exceptionalism, alongside a popular counter‐narrative that was critical of the nation as reproducing ongoing cycles of injustice. Representations of national origins were significantly more salient for the narratives of Progress and Glorification, while more recent and lived events were salient for Critical narratives. Progress and Critical narratives were both associated with a constructive orientation to national identity, while Glorifying narratives were associated with blind patriotism. Critical and Glorifying narratives were consistently opposed in their associated political attitudes and in their patterns of endorsement across party affiliations. Overall, it appeared that narratives of progress were most popular and least polarised. We discuss the implications of these findings through the perspective that narratives provide dynamic content for identity construction as well as the means for articulating resistance to hegemony within specific historical and political contexts.

For whom is patriotism blind? Examining the roles of moral intuitions and system justification

Patriotism defines one's attachment and identification to a broad political community. We examine how levels of patriotism are shaped by beliefs about the fairness of institutions, termed system justification, and people's moral intuitions. Using data from a 2021 YouGov survey, we find that system justification and “binding” moral intuitions that prioritize the cohesion of social groups both lead to greater patriotism. Notably, we found a moderating effect of moral intuitions on system justification. Strong binding intuitions reduced the effect of system justification, indicative of blind patriotism, where some people are patriotic even if they perceive the system as unfair. Strong “individualizing” intuitions, which prioritize fairness and protection from harm, increased the effect of system justification. This is consistent with the notion of constructive patriotism, where patriotism among people with strong individualizing intuitions is affected by whether they believe the country is living up to its fairness ideals. We extend prior research on patriotism and system justification by showing the vitally important way that moral intuitions moderate the effects of system justification.

Menata Ulang Patriotisme dan Nasionalisme Indonesia

Nationalism and patriotism must always be developed in the heartstrings of the Indonesian people as a tool to fill independence and at the same time maintain the sovereignty of the nation and state. As the world globalizes, nationalism and patriotism today are not only focused on the domestic level but must be able to counteract foreign intervention in various areas of life, especially those that harm the nation and state. The purpose of this study is to reveal the value of nationalism and patriotism towards the nation and state. This research uses qualitative descriptive method. The data sources used in this study are mostly derived from literature studies. The results showed that the concepts of nationalism and patriotism are dynamic concepts because of dialectics from domestic social, political, economic, and cultural changes as well as changes in the global level. Therefore, nationalism and patriotism need to be reorganized so as not to lead to narrow nationalism (chauvinism) and blind patriotism (djangoism). Nationalism and internationalism cannot be contested but must go hand in hand for the betterment of the nation and the state.

My country, white or wrong: Christian nationalism, race, and blind patriotism

ABSTRACT A principal concern regarding nationalist sentiment is the tendency to sanctify “the nation” and support it as chosen and pure regardless of its complicity in injustice. Building on research showing the tendency to whitewash America’s past is primarily localized to white Americans, and particularly those who stress its Christian heritage, we theorize Christian nationalism amplifies Americans’ willingness to endorse “blind patriotism” (supporting the nation even in the wrong), but only for white Americans as opposed to Blacks or Hispanics. General Social Survey data affirm the more Americans conflate Christian and American identities, the more they agree citizens should support their country even if it is wrong. As anticipated, this association is pronounced for white Americans, but virtually non-existent among Blacks and Hispanics. Stemming from American religious and national identities being deeply racialized, conflating the two sanctifies “the nation” but only among whites, whose national membership and hegemony were historically assumed.

Interpersonal bonds with fellow nationals, blind patriotism and preference for Immigrants' acculturation.

Strong interpersonal bonds between group members have been found to either increase intergroup antipathy or improve intergroup attitudes, depending on the intergroup situation. However, the question of whether close ties with fellow group members can contribute positively and negatively to intergroup attitudes at the same time remains unexplored. We explore this question in the context of a national group taking the example of Finns' acculturation attitudes toward immigrants. One adolescent sample (N = 401) and one adult student sample (N = 285) completed surveys assessing these factors. Across both studies, strong interpersonal bonds with fellow nationals showed a negative effect on acculturation attitudes toward immigrants via an increase in blind patriotism. At the same time, interpersonal bonds also had a direct and positive effect on attitudes toward contact with Finns and (among younger respondents only) attitudes toward cultural maintenance. Our results indicate that the strength of interpersonal bonds with fellow nationals has simultaneous and opposing associations with acculturation attitudes via a combination of direct and indirect pathways. Based on these results we argue that groups can be simultaneously both caring and moral communities.

COVID-19 and the Wuhan Diary –how does the overseas Chinese community react to group criticism?

We conduct an online survey to explore how Chinese people living in Germany perceive and react to group criticism in the context of the debate on the Wuhan Diary, a chronicle about life during the lockdown in Wuhan. We find that the majority rating of the book is a lukewarm “neither like nor dislike.” Most participants are open to criticism in principle and do not agree that the book only spreads so-called “negative-energy”. However, many participants were skeptical about the objectivity of the book and concerned about its potential use by so-called anti-China forces, even though the degree of blind patriotism is relatively low in our sample. The factors influencing the book’s evaluation are intriguing: perceived Western sentiment, media exposure and uncritical patriotism all affect COVID-19-related conspiracy beliefs, which in turn lead to a more negative evaluation of the book. A cluster analysis reveals two groups which differ in terms of properties like blind patriotism, belief in certain conspiracies, and also demographic parameters. Our results shed light on identity politics, motivated beliefs, and collective narcissism.

Etnički identitet i patriotizam kod adolescenata: uloga dobi, grupnoga statusa i socijalnoga konteksta

The aim of this study was to examine age differences of minority and majority adolescents regarding ethnic identity, in-group bias (as a form of ethnic attachment), and constructive and blind patriotism (as a form of national attachment). The study was conducted in four multi-ethnic contexts in Croatia: Croatian-Czech, Croatian-Hungarian, Croatian-Serbian and Croatian-Italian. The results of N = 924 students of primary (sixth, seventh and eighth grade) and secondary (second, third and fourth grade) schools were analysed. The average age was M = 14.99, SD = 2.17 years. Younger pupils express higher levels of ethnic identity and blind patriotism, whereas constructive patriotism was more expressed in older students. There were no age differences in in-group bias. Minority pupils exhibit lower levels of bias, while majority members are more prone to bias in the Croatian-Serbian and Croatian- -Hungarian contexts. Furthermore, majority pupils are more willing to express constructive, but also blind patriotism.

Victimisation-by-ingroup Consciousness: Its Antecedents and Impact on Radicalism

This study proposed victimisation-by-ingroup consciousness as a novel concept, which denotes that intragroup violence or wrongdoings by some group members victimise other members of the same group and may elicit sense of physical, material, cultural and psychological sufferings among the victim members. Applying this concept to the context of religious radicalism, this study revealed that among a sample of Indonesian Muslims ( N = 810), the perceptions of physical, material and cultural sufferings positively predicted psychological suffering. This sense of psychological suffering turned out to motivate participants to perceive intragroup violence as illegitimate. This perceived illegitimacy of intragroup violence ultimately facilitated participants to report less emotional, attitudinal and intentional radical tendencies to support terrorists. Finally, we found as expected that Islamic blind patriotism negatively predicted, but constructive Islamic patriotism positively predicted participants’ victimisation-by-ingroup consciousness. These empirical findings broadly suggest that accepting the deficiency of the ingroup may be beneficial for tackling Muslims’ radical tendencies, but this prospect depends on modes of Muslims’ emotional attachment to their own group. We close by discussing the theoretical and practical implications of those empirical findings, as well as limitations and practical implications of this study.

Using Multiple Regression Approach to Study Youth’s Patriotism Tendency

This study aims to identify the relationship scores of youth's patriotism tendencies before and after attending Ethnic Relations Subject (ERS) and analyse whether there is a relationship between the value of ethnic harmony, identity and spirit of volunteerism with students' patriotism tendencies that are blind patriotism and constructive patriotism. The study locations were at three public universities randomly selected in a group of focused universities, research universities and comprehensive universities. The research approach conducted is through a quantitative approach that uses a survey method through a questionnaire instrument and involves a total of 351 samples (N = 351). Further information obtained from the questionnaire was analysed multiple regressions. The analysis results are expressed in the form of percentages and significant values. Overall, the results of the data analysis showed that there is simple relationship between blind patriotism, ethnic harmony and volunteerism and a simple relationship between constructive patriotism, ethnic harmony and identity.

The implications of threat for blind and constructive patriots and immigration attitudes

AbstractImmigration attitudes are influenced by types of patriotism and the perceived threat that immigrants pose. Previous research indicated realistic and symbolic threat mediates the relationships between blind and constructive patriotism types and anti‐immigration attitudes in different ways. In two studies, the purpose was to replicate the mediating role of realistic and symbolic threat for the relationship between patriotism types and anti‐immigration attitudes, and to determine if inducing threat in constructive patriots would result in immigration attitudes like that of blind patriots. In both studies, hypotheses were confirmed. Blind patriotism predicts realistic threat, symbolic threat, and anti‐immigration attitudes. Realistic and symbolic threats provided moderated mediation between blind patriotism and anti‐immigration attitudes. Constructive patriotism negatively predicts anti‐immigration attitudes, but realistic and symbolic threats provide complete mediation for this relationship. The introduction of threatening information on future demographic changes had no impact on the relationship between blind patriotism, realistic and symbolic threats, and anti‐immigration attitude. However, the introduction of demographic threat modified the relationship for constructive patriots, leaving no predictive negative relationship with realistic threat, symbolic threat, or anti‐immigration attitude. The findings are important for understanding ethnic threat and the motivations to oppose immigrants in a changing United States.

Don’t burn our flag: patriotism, perceived threat, and the impact of desecrating a national symbol on intergroup attitudes

Desecration of national symbols is a recurring societal phenomenon that can lead to highly defensive reactions from some citizens, especially on the part of those expressing a strong attachment to the nation. In this paper, we investigated the effects of blind and constructive patriotism when faced with an ingroup (vs. outgroup) national flag burning on ingroup bias, taking into consideration the mediating role of perceived threat. In two studies (N = 252), the level of blind patriotism predicted stronger ingroup bias—due to more negative evaluation of visible minorities and/or more positive evaluation of the ingroup—when another ingroup member burnt an ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag. This effect was partly mediated by a greater threat to the group’s image perceived by blindly patriotic people when the ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag was burnt (Study 2). Study 2 also highlighted a main effect of the symbol: ingroup bias was stronger when the ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag was burnt. We discuss the implications of our findings with respect to the role played by modes of national attachment and the consequences of desecrating symbols.

Looking Out For (White) Australia

Abstract. We conceptualized and developed a measure of right-wing protective popular nationalism (RWPPN) – a specific form of popular nationalism where people seek to protect the national culture from outgroup influences. RWPPN is derived from a sociological analysis of right-wing popular nationalism in Australia and is theoretically related to several key psychological constructs, including right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO), and symbolic threat. We conducted two surveys using nationally representative samples of Australian citizens. In study 1 ( n = 657), participants completed measures of RWPPN and related constructs. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis resulted in a 10-item scale. Construct validity was tested and confirmed across divergent, convergent, predictive, and concurrent validation domains. Additional convergent validation with RWA and SDO was tested in study 2 ( n = 316). Together, RWPPN was found to relate to expressions of national identity, prejudice, perceived outgroup threat, opposition to multiculturalism, and aggressive tendencies toward ethnic minorities. These effects remained significant when controlling for nationalism (measured as a concern for national superiority) and blind patriotism. In study 2, the effect on aggressive tendencies held when controlling for RWA and SDO and RWPPN mediated the relationship between RWA and aggressive tendencies. Reflecting the conservative nature of Australian popular nationalism, RWPPN correlated with right-wing political alignment. The research was conducted in Australia, but given the rise in right-wing populism internationally, RWPPN may be a phenomenon in other countries. Therefore, this paper offers a new construct and scale to investigate it in Australia and internationally.

Russian Identity and School Education: Contemporary Context

The article examines the construction of Russian identity in the doctrinal space of the educational sphere. The evolution of state educational standards in the post-Soviet period is analyzed from documents that only regulate the content of school education to program documents that form the educational functions of the school, as well as the formation of Russian civic identity as one of the main goals. The results of content analysis of documents of federal state standards of primary, basic, general education of a new generation (adopted in 2009–2012) are presented. A quantitative analysis of the text showed that with the stated goal of forming a Russian civic identity, its civic component is significantly inferior to the cultural one, and with a meaningful analysis, the dominance of the emotional and normative-value components is obvious, while the behavioral aspect of Russian identity is very weakly expressed. It is concluded that this approach contributes to the formation of “blind patriotism”, hindering the development of the behavioral aspects of civic identity and the formation of public activity of schoolchildren.

My Country, Right or Wrong: Education, Accumulated Democratic Experience, and Political Socialization of Blind Patriotism

Although educational attainment has been identified as a significant factor that reduces uncritical positive attachment to one's country (i.e., blind patriotism), little is known about whether the remedial effect of education on uncritical patriotism is universal across countries with different histories of democratic rule. This article examines the extent to which democracy stock (the accumulated amount of democratic traditions, legacies, and experiences consolidated over time) conditions the relationship between education and blind patriotism. Using international data from 33 countries, the article shows that the remedial effect of education is more pronounced in countries with larger stocks of democracy than in countries with higher levels of democracy (current or recent). The results imply that the political socialization of critical patriotism is a cumulative process in which citizens internalize their potentially democratic competencies (e.g., knowledge, skills, and dispositions) and develop a sense of national attachment based on critical reflection on government policy and practice (i.e., critical loyalty) over an extended period of time.

Τυφλός και εποικοδομητικός πατριωτισμός, συλλογικός ναρκισσισμός και επιθετικότητα ενάντια σε εξω-ομάδες

The present study examines the effects of different forms of national attachment – namely blind patriotism (unquestioned attachment to one’s country), constructive patriotism (critical approach to in-group practices for the improvement of the country, Schatz, Staub, & Lavine, 1999), and collective narcissism (unrealistic beliefs about the in-group’s “greatness”, Golec de Zavala, Cichocka, Eidelson, & Jayawickreme, 2009) – on support for aggressive acts against low (immigrants) and high status (Germans) out-groups, using data collected from a sample of 124 Greek men and women. Results showed that collective narcissism had indirect effects on support for aggressive acts against both immigrants and Germans, through its effects on blatant and subtle prejudice (Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995). Blind patriotism had both direct and indirect effects (through blatant prejudice) on support for aggressive acts against immigrants only, while constructive patriotism had a direct negative effect on support for aggressive acts against Germans only. The discussion focuses on how these different forms ofnational attachment affect intergroup relations, depending on out-group status.

Who has Stolen Their Childhood?—A Comparative Study Between The Book Thief and Grave of the Fireflies from the Perspective of Trauma Narratives

Literature from the perspective of perpetrators receives less attention due to history and ethical problems, but it is our duty to view history as a whole. By comparing and analyzing The Book Thief and Grave of the Fireflies, this study claims that war and blind patriotism have stolen the childhood from the war-stricken children and that love, care, company and chances to speak out the pain can be the treatments. In the study, traumatic narratives, traumatic elements and treatments in both books are discussed comparatively and respectively.

The Patriotic Attitudes of The Prospective Teachers

The concept of patriotism can be defined as loving the homeland and making sacrifices for it. From this perspective, it can be said that the concept of patriotism has a function of uniting and integrating the people who live on the same land and gives people an understanding which is proud of its history. Patriotism is also a dynamic concept. Because it is the behavior, consciousness and understanding that we put forward in every moment of life, in every field and in all our actions. It is also the basic condition of being a good and effective citizen. With the impact of globalization and technology, while the world is rapidly becoming a big village, civil wars, migrations, economic crises, hunger, famine and confusion in various continents and countries of the world increase the need for protection of national values and reveal the importance of patriotic education. On the other hand, patriotic education is aimed to be provided to the students who will be the citizens of the future through the education programs in the schools. For this reason, determining the patriotism attitudes of the teachers who will gain the patriotism value to the students is important in determining the deficiencies and taking measures in the acquisition of this value. In this context, the aim of the study was to reveal the pre-service teachers' patriotic attitudes. In the research, screening model which is one of the quantitative research types was used. The study group of the research is composed of Social Studies, Turkish, Science, Mathematics, Primary School and Preschool teachers who are studying in the 3rd and 4th grades of a state university in the fall semester of 2019-2020 academic year. The sample type of the study was determined as purposeful sample. In the study, “Attitude Scale of Patriotism Attitude” which was developed by Schatz, Staub and Lavine (1999) and adapted into Turkish by Yazıcı (2009) was used. As a result, according to the gender of male teachers were more patriotic than famela students. According to the department variable, there is a difference between the department of social studies education and preschool education in the blind patriotism and whole scale scores, in favor of social studies education. There was no significant difference according to family income and class level.

The values predicting patriotism attitudes in Turkey

Today, most liberal democracies face a tension between promoting citizenship and social adaptation and between developing critical thinking skills and allowing opposition. The teaching of patriotism in schools is at the center of this tension. Within this context, the purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between the values and the attitudes of blind and constructive patriotism by using the Schwartz’s Values Survey. The participants consisted of 342 preservice teachers in Turkey. Results showed that achievement, conformity, and tradition predicted blind patriotism positively while stimulation and universalism predicted blind patriotism negatively. On the other hand, security and universalism positively and significantly predicted constructive patriotism while tradition was a negative and significant predictor. Based on these findings, a second model involving mediation relationships was tested. Accordingly, it was observed that power mediated the relationship between conformity and blind patriotism. Thus, the non-significant and negative relationship between conformity and blind patriotism became significant and positive via the mediation of power. Similarly, the non-significant and positive relationship between the conformity and constructive patriotism became significant and negative via the mediation of power. The reason behind these findings might be the role of non-objective oral exams in teacher appointments and promotions. Moreover, the influence of political proximity to the ruling party in the employment of teachers or education administrators might have led intense and unquestionable commitment to government by conformity towards it and its actions.