Black President Research Articles

Male twinning after the 2008 Obama election: A test of symbolic empowerment

On November 4, 2008, Barack Obama was elected the first Black President of the United States. His campaign and electoral win served as a symbol of hope for a more just future, fostering an “Obama effect” that appears associated with improved well-being among non-Hispanic (NH) Black communities. Situating the Obama election within the symbolic empowerment framework, we consider the potentially protective role of the Obama election on NH Black fetal death, an important but understudied measure of perinatal health that has stark racial disparities. Using restricted-use natality files from the National Center for Health Statistics, we proxy fetal death using the male twin rate (number of twins per 1000 male live births). Male twins have a relatively high risk of in utero selection that is sensitive to maternal and environmental stressors, making the twin rate an important marker of fetal death. We then estimate interrupted time-series models to assess the relation between the Obama election and male twin rates among NH Black births across monthly conception cohorts (February 2003–October 2008). Greater-than-expected male twin rates signal less susceptibility to fetal loss. Results indicate a 4.5% higher male twin rate among all NH Black cohorts exposed in utero to the Obama election, after accounting for historical and NH white trends (p < 0.005). The greater-than-expected rates concentrated among births conceived in the months preceding Obama's nomination at the Democratic National Convention and Obama's presidential win. These results suggest a salutary perinatal response to election events that likely reduced NH Black fetal loss. They also indicate the possibility that sociopolitical shifts can mitigate persisting NH Black-NH white disparities in perinatal health.

African women, religion and COVID-19: The bedrock of Sipiwe Chisvo’s periphery-centre leadership ascendance

Although women are the centre of African society, not much scholarly attention has been given to these conduits of human development in the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe. The stories of individual women have never formed part of Methodist historiography, ecclesiology, or theology. Methodist scholars exercised this pigeonholing even though women contribute to the life and mission of the church in a formidable way. Moreover, the ministers’ wives who are the leaders of the women’s movement that has the majority of church membership in the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe have also not received scholarly attention despite how they have dedicated their lives to supporting their husband’s ministry. As a result, lay members of the women’s movement would not be expected to be celebrated as most Methodist scholars are male ministers who have never celebrated the work of their wives. This article was motivated by the appointment of Mrs. Sipiwe Chisvo, an ordinary member of the Women’s Fellowship from the low-density suburb of Chitungwiza, Zimbabwe to be the first black President of the World Federation of the Methodist and Uniting Church Women in 2022. Chisvo actively participated in the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe’s interventions in response to the COVID-19 pandemic and presumably, this contributed towards her visibility and recognition in the international arena.Contribution: Although African women often remain in the peripheries of culture, Sipiwe Chisvo is an example of a religious African woman who gave hope to the hopeless people during COVID-19 and this role contributed immensely to her appointment as the president of the World Federation of the Methodist and Uniting Church Women. With this identity, Chisvo represents selfless services rendered by African women to communities during pandemics and these services do not go unnoticed.

The Black President: Hope and Fury in the Age of ObamaBy Claude A.Clegg, III, Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. 2021. pp. 672.

The Black President: Hope and Fury in the Age of ObamaBy Claude A.Clegg, III, Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. 2021. pp. 672.

Vivian Davidson Hewitt: A Special Librarian’s Advocacy

ABSTRACT Vivian Davidson Hewitt was the first Black librarian in the city of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and the first Black president of the Special Libraries Association (SLA). Despite these accomplishments and the recognition she received during her lifetime, her story, like those of many special librarians, has not been considered in the context of the broader movement for greater rights and representation for Black librarians. This article explores Hewitt’s path to library leadership, providing context for her autobiography and adding details gleaned from oral histories, unpublished papers, newspaper articles, and her own contributions to the library literature. The resulting narrative shows how she leveraged the successes of her career to open doors for other Black librarians. Hewitt’s biography demonstrates that, far from existing in a separate sphere from pioneers in public and academic libraries, special librarians contribute to the larger profession and their stories are part of library history.

Kehinde Wiley at the National Gallery: The Prelude

Kehinde Wiley became a household name and widely recognized as one of the most important living American artists with the 2018 unveiling of his official Smithsonian portrait of President Barack Obama. Another milestone in the nation’s halting evolution towards racial equality had been reached: The first Black president of the United States painted, in exquisitely saturated colours, by the first Black artist to have a presidential portrait added to the National Portrait Gallery’s collection (along with Amy Sherald who painted Michelle Obama’s portrait). About three years earlier, Lin-Manuel Miranda’s musical Hamilton (2015) had given us a Black George Washington, but with Wiley’s portrait, we now had an actual, heroic African-American president artistically represented, no non-traditional casting required! Allow me to add a few caveats and a bit more on Wiley’s Obama portrait before I turn to his latest exhibition ‘The Prelude’ (and the stunning and edifying catalogue thereof) that is the subject of this review since I think the contrast between his earlier portraiture and his latest foray into what art historian Sarah Thomas calls the ‘Black sublime’ (pp. 65–75) is quite interesting.1 The caveats first: I was unable to see the exhibition at the National Gallery and I am going to blame this, whether fairly or unfairly, on Covid-19. I am thus reliant on Riding’s (2021) catalogue for a second-hand experience. That said, the catalogue does reproduce all of the paintings and film stills in the exhibit in vivid colours and in a fairly large format, so this seems like the next best thing. Additionally, the scholarly and art critical essays, the interview with the artist, and the selected Chronology greatly enriched my appreciation of the works in the catalogue. But the element of ‘The Prelude’ exhibit that really intrigued me, and was not addressed at any length in the catalogue, was a striking stylistic departure that Wiley takes from his earlier portraiture, and this brings me back to the famous Obama portrait.

A tug of war: how voters balance ideology and ethnocentrism

ABSTRACT Recent literature has documented the increasing effect ethnocentrism exerts on American political behavior. In most cases, ideology and ethnocentrism point voters in the same direction, but what happens when ideology suggests one candidate and ethnocentrism a different candidate? Using data from the American National Election Studies (ANES), we analyze the voting behavior of white Americans in recent presidential elections (1992–2016) to better understand what happens when these forces pull in opposite directions. We find that among strong ideologues, the influence of ethnocentrism is minimal. But, for those who do not conceive of themselves in strongly ideological terms, ethnocentrism is a dominant factor. We also find that, while the American public is as ethnocentric today as they were three decades ago, ethnocentrism has recently become more salient in determining vote choice. This provides evidence that the election of Barack Obama – the nation's first Black President – served as a catalyst that activated these dormant racial prejudices. This research has implications for where ethnocentric elite cues can be effective, as well as backfire, and how voters make electoral decisions when their ethnocentric attitudes diverge with their ideology.

The Obama effect? Race, first-time voting, and future participation

AbstractDid the 2008 United States presidential election produce stronger future mobilization for Blacks than non-Blacks? First-time voting influences long-term political behavior, but do minority voters see the most powerful effects when the formative election is tied to their group's political empowerment? I test this hypothesis in the context of the election of the first Black president in United States history, using voting eligibility discontinuities to identify the effect of voting in 2008 on future voting for Blacks, Hispanics, and Whites. Voting in 2008 caused a greater increase in the likelihood of voting in 2010 for Blacks than for other new voters, but there is no evidence of a sustained mobilizing advantage in subsequent elections. Furthermore, 2008 was not a unique formative voting experience for new Black voters, but rather produced similar effects on future voting as other presidential elections. These results signal that group political empowerment does not drive habitual voting.

Black Awakening in Obama’s America: The End of an Illusion

Abstract The aim of this study is to present and describe the social and political situation in the United States before and after Barack Obama’s presidency regarding Black people and their position in the American mainstream society. What exactly does Obama’s election portend for race in America? This essay uses the tremendous racial disparities in the American social and political system to assess race and racism as key features of contemporary society. In America, African Americans were, and are, locked in a “racial prison”. As Blacks, their identities were defined in opposition to whites and whitness. Of course, Blacks could free themselves by changing their names, reframing their identities, and discharging their culture and heritage. To do so, as Malcolm X pointed out, required some radical action, a kind of suspension of judgement that would permit Blacks to see themselves in tension with the normative white gaze. As long as African Americans place their faith in political rightness and correctness of American democracy, they would never know what it feels like to be equal. The hope and optimism that coursed through Black America in anticipation of Obama’s victory as the first Black president in 2008 seemed a million miles away. It seems like slavery was never abolished; it was only redesigned.

Pauli Murray: Human Rights Visionary and Trailblazer

While other scholars have discussed Dr. Pauli Murray's remarkable contributions to race and sex equality law,1 few, if any, have placed her contributions within the context of the broader tradition of human rights law. And yet, she identified herself specifically through this lens, using the terminology and law of human rights, in part shaped by her friendship with First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt, a delegate to the UN Drafting Committee for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).2 This essay addresses a lacuna in legal scholarship by exploring the ways in which Murray's work fits into the Black intellectual tradition concerning the human rights idea. It also seeks to provide a greater understanding concerning contributions to human rights (and more broadly, international law) made by Howard University School of Law, where she attended law school and one of us is on the faculty. Among other linkages, Clarence Clyde Ferguson, a dean of Howard Law School and former ambassador, was the first Black president of the American Society of International Law.

The Barack Benefit? A Content Analysis of How News Coverage of America’s First African American Presidential Family Alters the Overall Presentation of Blacks in News

A content analysis of over 1-year worth of online news coverage was undertaken to assess the impact of the election of Barack Obama, America’s first Black President, on the overall portrayal of Blacks in the news. Specifically, we investigated whether the potential positive coverage of President Obama and his family displaced more stereotypic coverage of Blacks in the news than simply adding to existing stereotypical portrayals. Results indicate that Blacks achieved greater frequency in coverage compared with prior analyses. However, pervasive stereotyping and negative characterizations of Blacks persisted. Explanations for the minimal impact of the Obama family on the overall presentation of Blacks are discussed within the context of trait attribution and media stacking.

Altha Stewart, M.D., Honored With Pardes Humanitarian Prize

Altha Stewart, M.D., Honored With Pardes Humanitarian Prize

‘For Whom There Is Hope’: Imagining Freedom in Selected Post-apartheid South African Fiction

Following the election of Nelson Mandela as the first black president of South Africa and the formation of the first majority government of the African National Congress (ANC) in 1994, it was generally assumed that new bonds between South Africa’s white and black races would be forged and a new economic and social order would be established. Hence, the new government promised to lead the transition towards an all-inclusive society that would be a reflection of the linguistic, ethnic and cultural diversity of the country. This larger dream was enshrined, in part, in the formation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) that was expected to provide a sense of moral and ethical direction for the country. This article interrogates K. Sello Duiker’s The Quiet Violence of Dreams (2001), Phaswane Mpe’s Welcome to Our Hillbrow (2001), Zakes Mda’s The Madonna of Excelsior (2007) and J.M. Coetzee’s Disgrace (1999) to uncover the extent to which the different races and classes aspire towards a hopeful and inclusive ‘non-racial’ ethical future. Reading the Rainbow nation alongside its images of nation building and inclusive development, this article builds upon dominant national symbols that portray social, economic, cultural and political reforms in the country. The four texts are evaluated on the basis of the suggested intimated freedoms in those for ‘whom there is hope’ in the ‘new’ South Africa. Locating the place of ethics in contemporary South African literature, the article interrogates the images of the ‘new’ nation and the dominant tropes of sympathy, reconciliation, friendship, forgiveness, and nation building as espoused in the four post-apartheid novels. The article further evaluates the interactions between the different racial and ethnic groups forging forward a collective multicultural nationhood in the present moment.

Managing Our Fears: On Four Poems by Jaswinder Bolina

Managing Our Fears:On Four Poems by Jaswinder Bolina Mark Halliday The 44th of July, by Jaswinder Bolina (Omnidawn, 2019), 88 pp. Jaswinder Bolina's poems in The 44th of July worry constantly about power relations—between rich and poor, native and immigrant, soldier and citizen; between races, between cultures. This kind of focus produces poetry from which I often recoil, since I don't want poems that presume to inform me of obvious inequities in society, or that nag me moralistically about my privileged cooperation in an unfair society. (Everyone who is at all likely to read poetry or an essay on poetry engages in such cooperation.) Those reminders come plentifully every day from the news, which is interesting in its way but not in the emotionally layered, psychologically probing way of poetry. With this view I might not be expected to think highly of The 44th of July (even taking into account that Jaswinder Bolina was one of my doctoral students more than a decade ago), yet I admire the book, and I will try to show how Bolina can make political poems—poems aware of political evils—that are not arrogantly didactic but helpful to all of us who need strategies for managing our fears. The presence of fear underlying each poem about dangerous power is crucial to the success of these poems. Bolina's style—verbose, argumentative, cornucopic with details—expresses the anxiety and resentment a speaker who hopes to control a scary subject may feel by addressing it so abundantly. Bolina as poet is tuned in to the bitterness of anyone robbed or manipulated or ignored by capitalist culture; he knows that outsiders suffer invisibly—someone seethes beneath the exit music at the end of each mainstream cultural narrative of victory and fulfillment. In some poems Bolina finds himself also revealing his own attraction to the kinds of power he critiques or laments, creating a sense of the poem's speaker being more honest than at first he meant to be. One provisional strategy for managing fear is to imagine a world from which it has disappeared. Bolina tries this experiment in "New Adventures in Sci-Fi." The poem's title promises a set of improbable or impossible events or conditions. The speaker summarizes with cheerful complacency the safe life of inhabitants of "a bland planet" where the problems of earthly life have been solved or have never arisen. The poem's critique of earthly follies [End Page 199] comes across through a series of negations—for instance, law enforcement is nonviolent and benign (if necessary at all) on the bland planet: Everybody has a porch swing the beat cops wave to when they pass. They don't protect us bloody.They don't police the teeth out of our heads or thump us as if they are monsters afraidof the dark. A poem proceeding this way could become cheaply polemical; but Bolina avoids that playfully, not advocating changes but assuming the reader shares his sense that the desirable changes have sci-fi unlikeliness. No jingo caucusgums up our galactic congress. No bigot polemic commandeers our election cycle. Our super pacsprotect us, our lobbyists defend us, even our Republicans consider our expertise. The sharing of outlook between poet and expected reader is enjoyable, but the amusement has anxiety behind it, as in the context of The 44th of July we realize that the poem's sci-fi gambit is one strategy for finding fortitude amid dangers; poet and reader share in imagining a better world. The better world is not plagued by repressive divisions between groups of people, such as are caused on earth by nationalism or religion: There's no such thing as Americans. There are only bisexuals,all forty-six of our black presidents, all thirty-seven of them women, all of us infatuatedwith each other, and all our caliphs desire is a pride parade. All our Zions require mutual [End Page 200] consent there is no God, and there is no God so we get on with our hydroponics and barbecueso when the aliens come, they come for our cuisine. The jump from "forty-six...

Blue Notes 2.0: The Diachronic Resonance of Langston Hughes During the George Floyd Protests: A Foreword

Blue Notes 2.0: The Diachronic Resonance of Langston Hughes During the George Floyd Protests: A Foreword

OTHERNESS VS. UBUNTU: A POSITIVE DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF SPEECHES OF NELSON MANDELA

Keeping in view that discourse is a tool to construct, reconstruct, challenge and deconstruct the ideologies, and is, thus, capable of bringing socio-political changes, the present study, qualitative and descriptive in nature, intends to conduct Positive Discourse Analysis on the inauguration speeches of Nelson Mandela, the first Black president of South Africa. Taking Van Dijk’s Ideological Square as a point of departure, we have explored that Mandela used different strategies i.e. inclusive use of pronouns, positive portrayal of opponents and skillful choice of positive lexical items to challenge the Western ideology of Otherness in the country to incorporate the African philosophy of Ubuntu in his discourse to persuade his multiple layered audience to work in collaboration to attain the goal of social cohesion. The study concludes that Mandela used discourse strategically to bridge the chasm between different races of South Africa and successfully preached the lofty principles of Ubuntu, thus, emerged on the local as well as the global socio-political scene as an icon of humanity, justice and peace. Key Words: Otherness, Ubuntu, White Supremacy, Apartheid, Positive Discourse Analysis, Ideological Square.

Post-Racialism: Reality or Illusion?

Post-racialism has gained considerable attention in the last decade. The historic election of Barack Obama in November of 2008 as the first Black president of the United States initiated conversations about the beginning of a “post-racial” era. Post-racialism mimics colorblindness which was first articulated by racial progressives, and later conservatives co-opted this language. Both claim that race should no longer be considered a factor in awarding rights and resources due to racial progress. By examining the existing literature, I stress that the notion of living in a post-racial America does not respond to reality.

An Ode to Nawal El Saadawi

If you have lived an important life there is too much to say, there is no summing up, so this is a remembrance when there are too many memories.Dear Nawal,With love for everything you were and areFierce freedom fighter; courageous warrior for freedomFor all people but especially Arab women across the planet.Freedom for ourFacesOur BodiesOur heartsOur mindsOur imaginations.Unveil them all.When I first met you, you already had that gorgeous head of white hair. I always could find you in a crowd and I was always looking.I had already read your many wordsabout liberating ourselves.I loved thatyou never told me to be careful.Our dinner in Cairo was in your beautiful apartment.I was there to speak about the first Black president in the US.Everyone wanted to know what it really meant, and if it meant anything and especially for the world. You were dubious.The visit was filled with the camaraderie of political struggle.The smells of Sherif’s cooking filled the air and told me I was home.After the Egyptian revolution in Tahrir Square, 2011, you came to the States to share what was happening.We went to a meeting in New York City and the hall was jammed full with progressives and leftists and feminists.A question came to you: What could we do in the US to help?Your answer: You cannot help our revolution. You need to make your own revolution and get rid of your government and free the world.We are trying, Nawal. We love the path you have carved. I will miss you as I/we continue the struggle, imagining you by my side.Always with revolutionary love for you, Nawal, my comrade and sister.

The Black President: Hope And Fury In The Age of Obama, written by Clegg III, Claude A.

The Black President: Hope And Fury In The Age of Obama, written by Clegg III, Claude A.

Not Just Any ADVANCE Will Do: The First 20 Years Before the Next

A recession, the election of America's first Black president, Brexit, the 'Me Too' movement, an attempted political coup, a global pandemic - all amid ongoing and ever accelerating racialized violence, both outside of and within the academy- ADVANCE has seen it all. The COVID-19 pandemic and ongoing racialized violence mark areas of continuing injustice. What has also been made apparent within the academe is that contrary to many narratives, rapid pivots and change are possible with will and motivation. This special issue highlights the urgent work of racial equity with which the ADVANCE community needs to engage right now, along with the meaningful connections, unavoidable collisions, and mutually beneficial collaborations needed to shape the next 20 years.

Berry, Venise T. (2020). Racialism and the Media: Black Jesus, Black Twitter, and the First Black American President

Berry, Venise T. (2020). Racialism and the Media: Black Jesus, Black Twitter, and the First Black American President