Black Elected Officials Research Articles

Minority Representation and Order Maintenance Policing: Toward a Contingent View

ObjectiveThis article's aim is to test the impact of black political and bureaucratic representation on the rate at which blacks are arrested for order maintenance violations in U.S. cities.MethodsUsing data from the Law Enforcement Management and Administration Survey, the Census Bureau, and the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, for all U.S. cities over 100,000 population, the article first documents the continuing influence of black elected officials in promoting black representation on police forces. After establishing the appropriateness of order maintenance policing as a follow‐up focus, the article then tests hypotheses that link variation in the rate of black order maintenance arrests to black political and bureaucratic representation, contingent upon form of government.ResultsBlack political representation does constrain black order maintenance arrests, while black representation on the police force does not.ConclusionEven with a more racially representative police force in place, black political representation is what matters in constraining controversial patterns of police practice.

Race, Class, and the Neoliberal Scourge

Race, Class, and the Neoliberal Scourge

Collective Descriptive Representation and Black Voter Mobilization in 2008

Although record turnout in the 2008 election is primarily credited to Obama’s candidacy, did the presence of black elected officials in the state legislature play a role in mobilizing black voters? Did patterns of mobilization differ among black voters? Using the 2008 American National Election Study that I merged with contextual data, I find that disengaged black voters in states with a greater number of black state legislators, or what I refer to as collective descriptive representation, were more likely to be contacted, and as a result, were more likely to vote. On the other hand, neither collective descriptive representation nor being contacted influenced the political behavior of engaged black voters. This suggests that in 2008, descriptive representation and experiencing contact mattered more for mobilizing disengaged black voters than for mobilizing engaged black voters.

GEORGE DEREK MUSGROVE. Rumor, Repression, and Racial Politics: How the Harassment of Black Elected Officials Shaped Post-Civil Rights America.

GEORGE DEREK MUSGROVE. Rumor, Repression, and Racial Politics: How the Harassment of Black Elected Officials Shaped Post-Civil Rights America.

Rumor, Repression, and Racial Politics: How the Harassment of Black Elected Officials Shaped Post-Civil Rights America

The two pioneering monographs on the harassment of black elected officials written by Mary R. Sawyer (The Dilemma of Black Politics [1977] and The Harassment of Black Elected Officials: Ten Years Later [1987]) that launched the new subfield of African American politics have now come full circle with George Derek Musgrove's profound scholarly study. It is a solid work simply because it reveals the darker side of the 1965 Voting Rights Act and its subsequent renewals. In addition, this work is timely, coming out on the eve of the historic 2012 presidential election, where one political party, with its theme of voter fraud despite its nonexistence, implements the use of voter identification cards, which impacts and circumscribes the voting rights of the African American electorate, other minority electorates, the elderly, the poor, and those without transportation to the voting booth. This new technique to forestall and deny voting rights was initially designed to enable party supporters to attain realignment, and in this historic 2012 election the party hoped to defeat the first African American president in his reelection bid. Musgrove reveals how, to attain this reduction and repression of minority voters, the party politicized the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights via a conservative majority-based leadership.

Rumor, Repression, and Racial Politics: How the Harassment of Black Elected Officials Shaped Post-Civil Rights America (review)

Rumor, Repression, and Racial Politics: How the Harassment of Black Elected Officials Shaped Post-Civil Rights America (review)

Applied Black Politics and the Science of Governing Analysis

This research examines the under-studied realm of governance within Black political science literature. By reviewing significant urban scholarship, the study finds that much of such scholarship focuses on elections and public opinion, but not on the behavior of elected officials. By examining recent scholarship on the behavior of Black elected officials at the municipal level vis-a-vis the scholarship largely concerned with elections and public opinion, the article unearths how much Black political scientists have yet to study concerning why Black politicians make the governing decisions they do.

The Politics of Inclusion: Black Political Incorporation and the Use of Lethal Force

Scholarship on the incorporation of Blacks in government and politics has focused on electoral gains and representational styles, but the broad, substantive benefits of inclusion have yet to be established. Utilizing data from 1994 to 2004 for 30 of the 60 largest U.S. cities, random-effects negative binomial regressions for panel data show that the political incorporation of Black elected officials reduces the likelihood of the incidence of lethal force over time, with significance reaching the .01 level in each of 3 models. This study confirms that inclusion contributes to democratic policing by reducing enforcement costs and increasing legitimacy.

Defining Race: The Obama Phenomenon and the Voting Rights Act

These published remarks discuss the conflicting implications of President Obama’s electoral success by focusing on the growing number of electoral successes of African-American candidates in at-large elections in majority white - or at least not majority black - contests, and on what these successes might mean for challenges to the path-breaking legislation that helped to set that entire trend in motion: the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The author briefly recounts the modern narrative of Voting Rights Act successes and situates the Obama candidacy along a broader continuum of black elected officials. She then explores the predicted impact of Obama’s success on the continued protection and enforcement of the Voting Rights Act by using two recent federal court challenges as a frame: Bartlett v. Strickland and NAMUDNO v. Holder.

Race and Gender Matter: Refining Models of Legislative Policy Making in State Legislatures

SUMMARY In this article, we explore the degree to which African American state legislators have been able to translate election to office into substantive representation. We are particularly interested in the impact of race and gender on the likelihood of legislative bill submission and passage. While previous studies have focused on inter-group representation, our analysis examines intra-group representation by disaggregating race, gender, and party identification. By doing so, we are able to capture the intra-group variation between various groups such as black Democratic men and black Democratic women and white Democratic women and white Republican women. Using the case of Mississippi, the state with the highest number of black elected officials, we examine the legislator's propensity to introduce and pass progressive legislation. We employ logistic regression using cluster standard errors. The results reveal that a progressive bill is more likely to be introduced when a black woman serves as the primary sponsor, as compared to other members in the state legislature. However, contrary to our expectations, African American women are not significantly less likely to get their bills passed when compared to their colleagues. These findings point out the need to build more defined models of legislative policymaking that are attentive to the intersections of race and gender as political categories of significance.

Black Political Power Reassessed: Race, Politics, and Federal Funds

An increase in the number of black elected officials and community need did not result in more resources for the black community. Instead, there was a decrease in Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) funds allocated to the black community in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. African-American council members did not vote as a racial bloc and they supported using CDBG funds to pay for city services instead of neighborhood projects. The biracial political coalition that Blacks counted on to help them was often time divided. The city bureaucracy that controlled CDBG funding used practices that often worked to the disadvantage of black community.

Is Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act a Victim of Its Own Success?

With the 2007 renewal date for Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act now approaching, the question must be addressed whether the legal and practical preconditions for this extraordinary statute still exist. This Essay suggests that there were four preconditions necessary for the striking successes that Section 5 had in transforming politics in its covered jurisdictions: the urgency of swift intervention to counteract the complete exclusion of black citizens from political life in the South; the ease of the administrative remedy; the absence of political competition in the one-party covered jurisdictions; and the lack of any incentive toward partisan manipulation of the preclearance powers exercised by the Department of Justice. Each of these factors has been changed by the creation of a robust political environment in the jurisdictions covered by Section 5, particularly by the establishment of an important core of influential black elected officials. This leads to the question of whether the success of Section 5 has compromised its mission, as reflected in the major decisions under Section 5 following the post-2000 reapportionment. The Essay concludes by questioning whether Section 5 has served its purpose and may now be impeding the type of political developments that would have been a distant aspiration when the Voting Rights Act was first passed.

The Birth of the Citizenship Schools: Entwining the Struggles for Literacy and Freedom

In a 1981 interview, civil rights leader Andrew Young commented, “If you look at the black elected officials and the people who are political leaders across the South now, it's full of people who had their first involvement in civil rights in the Citizenship Training Program.” Informally known as Citizenship Schools, this adult education program began in 1958 under the sponsorship of Tennessee's Highlander Folk School, which handed it over to the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) in 1961. By the time the project ended in 1970, approximately 2500 African Americans had taught these basic literacy and political education classes for tens of thousands of their neighbors. The program never had a high profile, but civil rights leaders and scholars assert that it helped to bring many people into the movement, cultivated grassroots leaders, and increased black participation in voting and other civic activities.

Breaking The Ice: The Story of Mary Ann Shadd

Breaking The Ice: The Story of Mary Ann Shadd, directed by Sylvia Sweeney; produced by Peter Raymont, Lindalee Tracey, and Maria Pimentel. Distributed by First Run/Icarus Films, 1999. 23 minutes, color. $225, video Reviewed by Jane Rhodes, Ethnic Studies, University of California-San Diego. This short documentary, made by Canadian filmmaker Sylvia Sweeney, tells the story of Mary Ann Shadd Cary the first African American woman to publish a newspaper in North America and a colorful figure in 191 century African Canadian history. The film is part of a series on unknown Canadian immigrants called A Scattering of Seeds: The Creation of funded by several Canadian media agencies. This fact bears keeping in mind as one considers the content of the video. Shadd Cary (1823-1893) was born in Delaware to a family of prominent freeborn abolitionists. She was educated by Quakers and taught Black children across the northeastern United States before crossing the border into Canada in 1851 as part of the growing Black emigrationist movement. She set up a school for the children of fugitive slaves and became an influential figure in the communities established by expatriated African Americans. In March 1854 she began publishing the Provincial Freeman, which became the main voice for Canada's Black communities and a forum for debate over abolitionist strategies. Eventually, much of Shadd Cary's immediate family joined her in Canada, and her father Abraham Shadd became one of that nation's first Black elected officials. In an era in which free Black Americans were haunted by the Fugitive Slave Act, barred from attending school, and limited to the most menial jobs, life in Canada offered the promise of freedom and opportunity. Mary Ann Shadd Cary, however, left Canada after the outbreak of the Civil War, and resettled in Washington, D.C. during Reconstruction. This documentary focuses on the 10-year period when Shadd Cary lived in Canada, and it uses her life to illustrate the experiences of African Canadians in the 1850s. Translating this story onto film is a difficult task as there are few photographs to illustrate the narrative, and limited documentary sources. Thus, this filmmaker resorts to historical reenactment to create some visual impact. Actors portray Shadd Cary and her associates, while a narrator tells the story. The film does a good job of explaining some of the issues confronting these Black communities established by missionaries and settled by former slaves. …

U.S. Senator Edward W. Brooke and Governor L. Douglas Wilder Tell Political Scientists How Blacks Can Win High-Profile Statewide Office

The number of black elected officials has increased steadily since the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Prior to that time, less than 150 blacks had been elected to public office. By 1993, there were over 8,000 black elected officials. Of these 8,000, over 300 were mayors (Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies 1993). By contrast, blacks have not experienced the same kind of success at the state level. The number of blacks who have been elected to statewide office is a mere one-tenth of the number elected to mayorships. The number of black high-profile statewide office holders, those being governors and U.S. senators, is even smaller. Only three blacks have been elected to these offices since Reconstruction.Holding high-profile statewide office is important for a number of reasons. First, issues such as funding for education, health care, housing, and social services are decided at the state level and these resources have traditionally been distributed disproportionately. Second, blacks elected to high-profile statewide offices would have the ability to bring other blacks into government through appointments and hiring. Third, blacks holding these positions would serve as symbols and role models for all of a states' citizens. It is important that whites see blacks as capable of governing and making intelligent decisions that affect white people's lives. It is equally important for young blacks to see people with faces like their own in positions of power. Finally, holding a high-profile statewide office is an important step on the career path of those wishing to occupy a national office. Candidates who are fortunate enough to win their party's nomination for president are usually former governors or U.S. senators, as are many vice presidents (Schlesinger 1966, 1991).

U.S. Senator Edward W. Brooke and Governor L. Douglas Wilder Tell Political Scientists How Blacks Can Win High-Profile Statewide Office

The number of black elected officials has increased steadily since the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Prior to that time, less than 150 blacks had been elected to public office. By 1993, there were over 8,000 black elected officials. Of these 8,000, over 300 were mayors (Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies 1993). By contrast, blacks have not experienced the same kind of success at the state level. The number of blacks who have been elected to statewide office is a mere one-tenth of the number elected to mayorships. The number of black high-profile statewide office holders, those being governors and U.S. senators, is even smaller. Only three blacks have been elected to these offices since Reconstruction.Holding high-profile statewide office is important for a number of reasons. First, issues such as funding for education, health care, housing, and social services are decided at the state level and these resources have traditionally been distributed disproportionately. Second, blacks elected to high-profile statewide offices would have the ability to bring other blacks into government through appointments and hiring. Third, blacks holding these positions would serve as symbols and role models for all of a states' citizens. It is important that whites see blacks as capable of governing and making intelligent decisions that affect white people's lives. It is equally important for young blacks to see people with faces like their own in positions of power. Finally, holding a high-profile statewide office is an important step on the career path of those wishing to occupy a national office. Candidates who are fortunate enough to win their party's nomination for president are usually former governors or U.S. senators, as are many vice presidents (Schlesinger 1966, 1991).

A Look at the Second Generation of Black Elected Officials in Florida

A Look at the Second Generation of Black Elected Officials in Florida

THE MAYORAL CAMPAIGNS OF HARVEY GANTT: PROSPECTS AND PROBLEMS OF COALITION MAINTENANCE IN THE NEW SOUTH

Recent United States Supreme Court rulings suggest that future gains in the number of black elected officials will likely derive primarily from districts which are predominantly white. The series of mayoral races (1979 primary and the 1983, 1985, and 1987 general elections) run by Harvey Gantt in Charlotte, North Carolina illuminates the problems and prospects of coalition maintenance in the New South. Specifically, these races suggest that in order to win in non‐black majority districts, it is imperative for black office seekers to formulate a biracial coalition which by its very nature consists of disparate social groups. Although deracialized electoral strategies can facilitate the formation of biracial coalitions by emphasizing issues which transcend racial boundaries, such strategies are not foolproof given the complexity of modern racism. This research addresses a significant void in the political science literature resulting from the lack of scholarly attention to these campaigns, and more generally to biracial political contests and coalition maintenance in the southern region.

The Impacts of Social Movements on the Political Process: The Civil Rights Movement and Black Electoral Politics in Mississippi

In this paper, the author examines the relationship between social movements and political outcomes. He begins by assessing the existing social movement literature and identifying key areas in which further theoretical development and additional empirical research will advance current knowledge. Building on the issues raised by this assessment, he examines the civil rights movement in Mississippi from the period of widespread mobilization in the early 1960s through the early 1980s. Specifically, he examines the impacts of local movements on four political outcomes : (1) number of black voters registered, (2) votes cast for black candidates in statewide elections, (3) the number of black candidates running for office in the late 1960s and early 1970s, and (4) the number of black elected officials. The strategies used by white to defeat or minimize the impact of the movement are critical pieces of the analysis. The evidence indicates that local movements have continued to play a central, though complex, role in the transformation of local politics long after the civil rights movement peaked. This suggests that, while mobilization plays a key role in the short run, its long-term consequences must be considered as well

The Influence of African American Representation on State AFDC Policy

Since the Civil Rights era of the 1960s, the numbers of African Americans elected to public office at the na? tional, state, and local levels of government have increased substantially. However, this increase in black representation is of little importance if policy outcomes remain un? altered?especially policy outcomes that af? fect a large segment of the African American population. Because of a set of socioeco? nomic factors associated with the black pop? ulation (e.g., low income, high unemploy? ment, and a high number of female-headed households), the Aid to Families with De? pendent Children (AFDC) program provides benefits for many African American families. State AFDC eligibility guidelines and state implementation of the program largely deter? mine the accessibility of AFDC benefits to needy individuals. The political values of state legislators could shape the statutory parameters and the implementation of the AFDC program. Does the presence of Afri? can American legislators, therefore, create a more generous, accessible state AFDC pro? gram? Although there is a large body of literature that addresses the issue of black political rep? resentation, the link between representation and substantive policy is often tenuous. When policy is examined in relation to minority representation, the unit of analysis is more likely to be a local government (e.g., a mu? nicipality or school district) than a state. By applying a model of minority representation that has been tested at the local level to state politics, this study advances our understand? ing of general theories of public policy. While minority representation in an ur? ban area may constitute a majority or near majority of a legislative body, such as a city council or school board, this is not the case at the state level. In 1991, the mean percent of state house seats held by blacks was 6 per? cent, and the state with the highest propor? tion (Alabama) had only 18.1 percent black representation in its state house. A state study allows an examination of the impact of mi? nority representation at levels far below ma? jority control. Furthermore, existing studies often ad? dress issues of concern to middle-class Afri? can Americans (e.g., appointment of minori? ties to administrative positions and other public service jobs), ignoring the influence of black elected officials on policies that directly benefit poor African Americans. Given the current debate over devolution of public as? sistance programs, the linkage between black representation and state poverty policy is of