Bilateral Partners Research Articles

African Political Elites and the Making(s) of the China Model in Africa

States in Africa are labeled “system ineffectual,” inconsequential to global politics, and lacking material and ideational capabilities to structure their foreign relations. The result is a portrayal of a passive Africa at the whims of its bilateral partners—be they China, the United States, or Russia. Contra this impolitic framing of Africa, this article explores how states in Africa are strategically shaping the norms of development paradigms promoted by foreign powers and influencing external actors to legitimize their preferred norms. Empirically focusing on China's development model in Africa, the article examines how norms related to the model are being shaped and diffused; and how through the ingenuity of political elites, China is making the China model “on the go.” The main argument is that political elites in Africa are strategically reconstructing the China model, creating their own multifaceted versions that delicately balance their own domestic interests and their bilateral relations with China while deriving maximum benefits from the People's Republic of China.Related Articles (in this Special Issue)Duggan, Niall. 2020. “China—The Champion of the Developing World: A Study of China's new Development Model and its Role in Changing Global Economic Governance.” Politics & Policy 48 (5).Ganda, Willie D. 2020. “The China Model in Zimbabwe: The Belt and Road Initiative and Beyond.” Politics & Policy 48 (5).Hodzi, Obert, and John H. S. Åberg. 2020. “Introduction to the Special Issue: Strategic Deployment of the China Model in Africa.” Politics & Policy 48 (5).

Greening Surabaya: The City’s Role in Shaping Environmental Diplomacy

Abstract In the last decade, Surabaya city has reinvented itself through a rapid greening development concept. The emergence of cities in diplomacy represents the multi-centric world rather than state-centric world in post-Westphalian diplomacy. By using Surabaya as a case study and examining how it overcomes environmental challenges, we will show how a city can play a crucial role in the realization of responsible development. We will focus on the mayor’s efforts to decentralize Surabaya by making the city’s diplomacy down-to-earth and people-oriented, especially in environmental-related issues. This overturns the idea that diplomacy is the reserve of diplomats and political elites, with little connection to the welfare of the people, especially those at the grassroots level. This article suggests that Surabaya, as a secondary city, has been successful in creating green living spaces and achieving sdg targets through active environmental diplomacy via multilateral engagement, bilateral partnership, and local community involvement.

Navigating the COVID-19 Pandemic: Lessons From Global Surgery.

Many hospitals in HIC rely on just-in-time inventory management, which can be an effective method to cut down on costs, as it calls for minimal reserves of healthcare supplies However, the widespread use of such strategies, which are reliant on consistent and tightly controlled supply chains, have made HIC vulnerable to PPE and supply shortages should demand sharply increase, as has been seen with the COVID-19 pandemic In some HIC hospitals, healthcare workers facing PPE shortages have already had to adopt common practices from LMIC, such as using bin liners instead of gowns and wearing reusable cloth masks HIC providers have also implemented evidence based adaptations, such as creating reusable elastomeric respirators, the development of open source ventilators, and reprocessing N95 masks using the hydrogen peroxide vapor sterilization technique Learning how LMIC providers manage resource limitations through global surgery collaborations can give surgeons working in HIC valuable perspective that has become increasingly relevant during the COVID-19 pandemic The rapid expansion of social media has facilitated such collaborations, and is a valuable tool for networking, mentorship, and information sharing Additionally, the rapid sharing of research findings via social media is enhancing our ability as a global health community to respond to this pandemic in a strong evidence based manner However, it is essential that social media be used responsibly, and that precautions are taken to prevent the spread of misinformation The most vulnerable populations, often linked to the underlying social determinants of health such as poverty, food security, literacy, sex, and racial and ethnic factors, are most at risk of adverse outcomes during these health and social shocks There is already data demonstrating that racial and ethnic minorities in the US and UK are at increased risk of death from COVID-19 Difficulty in accessing care for emergent conditions exists at baseline for these populations, and extensive backlogs for essential operations are commonplace, especially in LMIC This is likely only to get worse during the current crisis and underscores the importance of our professional commitment to health equity - regardless of geography New estimates of the "collateral damage" caused by the pandemic are very concerning and also illustrate the urgent need to mitigate this impact through local and global coordinated action

Strategic partnership between Japan and New Zealand: foundation, development and prospect

There is an increasing proliferation of bilateral strategic partnerships in and beyond the Indo-Pacific region. Yet such a partnership between Japan and New Zealand is underexplored. The central aim of this article is to fill the gap. This article first clarifies the definition of, and then provides an analytical framework for, a ‘strategic partnership’. The article then analyses how these countries laid the foundation of their strategic partnership and how they have since built upon that foundation. In the implementation process of the strategic partnership, this article examines three elements: 1) the consolidation of their strategic partnership in official documents; 2) the institutionalisation of regular meetings; and 3) participation in defence and security exercises. Although the Japan-New Zealand strategic partnership is still in the early stages, this article argues that it has the potential to grow further given bipartisan support and positive perceptions in civil society in both countries. This article also analyses three factors that exert an impact on the development of their strategic partnership: China’s continued assertive maritime presence, the rejuvenation of the US-New Zealand bilateral relationship, and Japan and New Zealand’s ongoing commitment to the South Pacific region.

A process approach to understanding multiple open source innovation contests – Assessing the contest structures, execution, and participant responses in the android developer challenges

As organizations recognize the importance of open innovation, understanding emerging mechanisms for soliciting outside participation is a growing area of academic interest. Strategies can be as diverse as hosting innovation contests, sponsoring open source software (OSS) communities, or engaging in bilateral partnerships. While these have been studied as distinct strategies, more recent work has identified the possibility for combining these approaches, or deploying different methods at different times. Because each of these open innovation strategies are characterized by different incentive systems as well as different work and social practices, the combination of these can reveal unexpected participant responses (e.g., collaboration in innovation contests, competitive behavior in OSS communities). This study examines an explicit attempt to combine these strategies, to host an open source innovation contest. Through the case of Google's Android Developer Challenge, a series of multi-million dollar innovation contests used to launch an OSS community over several years, this study utilized a process approach to understanding open source innovation contests to understand how participants responded and also how the contest conditions changed over time. We found several practices of competition and collaboration that worked around the short term and long term incentives and constraints posed by the contest. We also followed the contest through various transition phases and found that participants reacted strongly to changes in structure, execution, and shifting conditions over time. Through this case, we extend our understanding of innovation contests as a process and specifically the promises and pitfalls of open source innovation contests.

Re-(Modi)fying India’s Israel Policy: An Exploration of Practical Geopolitical Reasoning Through Re-representation of ‘India’, ‘Israel’ and ‘West Asia’ Post-2014

Narendra Modi became the first Prime Minister of India to undertake a stand-alone visit to Israel from 4 to 6 July 2017. Although India–Israel relations had been normalised in 1992, the nature of this bilateral relationship remained murky as India avoided any explicit recognition. However, with Modi’s visit, the policy of ‘equidistance’ or ‘de-hyphenation’ of ‘Israel’ and ‘Palestine’ was formally operationalised proclaiming that India’s relations with one country will have no impact on relations with the other. Conventional academic wisdom attributes causal determinants to Indian foreign policy vis-à-vis Israel as guided by international and domestic factors. This article contends that a constitutive approach to understanding India’s foreign policy towards Israel and the Middle East offers a viable alternative. Adopting Gearoid O Tuathail’s theoretical framework of practical geopolitical reasoning, this article critically explores the geopolitical representations of ‘India’, ‘Israel’, ‘Palestine’, ‘West Asia’, ‘South Asia’ and ‘Middle East’ in the National Democratic Alliance government’s foreign policy discourse through an analysis of ‘grammar of geopolitics’, ‘geopolitical storylines’ and ‘geopolitical script’. The article demonstrates that re-representation of ‘India’ as a ‘global actor’ and re-representation of ‘Israel’ as a country in ‘West Asia’ have enabled the Modi-led government to implement India–Israel bilateral partnership which underscores strategic cooperation in full visibility via overt normalisation.

Deliberation on the risks of nanoscale materials: learning from the partnership between environmental NGO EDF and chemical company DuPont

ABSTRACT While Deliberative Policy Analysis primarily focuses on the role of public agencies in deliberative practices, this paper extends the analysis of deliberative platforms to industry-civil society deliberations. More in particular, the paper examines deliberation processes that took place within a three-year bilateral partnership between a non-governmental organization, Environmental Defense Fund and a large multinational chemical company, DuPont, to develop a joint risk framework for engineered nanoscale materials. I will show that the deliberative space created by EDF and DuPont did not meet the ideal of communicative rationality, i.e. the possibility of those affected by a particular problem having the opportunity to participate in the deliberative platform and share their issues and concerns. However, the outcomes of this bilateral partnership did become part of the public sphere, i.e. the open space in society supported through a diffuse media infrastructure. As such, opportunities were created for those excluded to share concerns and raise questions. Inspired by this case study I will argue that to gain insight into problematic situations evoked by the development of newly emerging science and technology, deliberations in the public sphere are just as important as face to face deliberations in concrete, tangible spaces.

Polish-German Cooperation in the Field of Cultural Heritage: the Case of the European Park Association of Lusatia

The article aims at assessing the possibilities of developing network cooperation at the Polish and Ger-man border, where cross-border bilateral partnerships dominate. The solution to this specific fact is analysed in a case study regarding a trans-border project dedicated to the protection of Polish-German cultural heritage, and using it to the advantage of the development of tourism within the border region. Based on this example, the authors analysed the factors contributing to the development of cross-bor-der network cooperation, the barriers which hinder it, as well as benefits of such cooperation forms. This article also touches on the role of the Euroregion “Sprewa-Nysa-Bóbr/Spree-Neiße-Bober” and the INTERREG VA Brandenburg - Poland Cooperation Program 2014-2020 in supporting the development of cross-border partnerships across the Polish-German border.

Zróżnicowanie formalnych podstaw współpracy gospodarczej Unii Europejskiej z państwami Partnerstwa Wschodniego a wzajemna wymiana handlowa

The economic relations of the European Union (EU) with the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries are diverse in terms of their formal basis, scope and size. All EaP countries were already covered by the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) in 1993/1994 and some by the additional GSP+ scheme in 2005, and bilateral Partnership and Cooperation Agreements (with the exception of Belarus) in 1998–1999, replaced in 2016–2018 by an Association Agreement with a DCFTA for Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, and in Armenia by a comprehensive and strengthened Partnership Agreement. However, the analysis of trade flows between 2007 and 2017 did not reveal a clear link between the volume of trade and the type of agreement governing economic relations. Although for most Eastern Partnership countries, the EU is the most important export market (except for Belarus) and the most important supplier (except for Armenia and Belarus), for the EU as a whole, the EaP countries remain second and third tier partners.

Strategic Foreign Aid Competition: Japanese and Chinese Assistance in the Philippine Infrastructure Sector

This study examines the Sino-Japanese strategic foreign aid competition in the Philippine infrastructure sector. It argues that the practice of geoeconomics in East Asian affairs has intensified as a result of China's rise as a great-power competitor and the growing nexus of security and economics in the region. In order to make their foreign aids attractive, Japan has adopted a set of normative principles that are encapsulated in its “Quality Infrastructure” as a strategy, while China continues to emphasize the principles of Chinese aid and the adoption of the BRI. The article found, among other outcomes, that the existing maritime dispute between the Philippines and China affects the legitimacy and attractiveness of Chinese assistance. On the other hand, due to their deepening bilateral relation, Japan remains the Philippines's most important bilateral development partner.

Next Frontiers in Philippine Oncology and Development in the Entire Cancer Care Continuum from Prevention to Management

Abstract The master plan of our newly strengthened National Integrated Cancer Control Program is the offshoot of our newly enacted National Integrated Cancer Control Act. Our vision for the program is Comprehensive Cancer Care and Optimized Cancer Survival by 2025. We hope to achieve the vision of our country, that is, the Filipinos will live long, healthy and productive lives by 2040. The portfolio of investments and strategies to attain our vision will be incorporated and consolidated in the soon-to-be-developed Cancer Control Strategic Action Plan 2020-2030. The action plan will map out, prioritize and sustain (especially by funding) all our whole-of-government, whole-of society, whole-of-system, equity-based and life-course approaches and efforts across the entire cancer care continuum to attain our vision. The portfolio will include the following initiatives: establishment of cancer care centers such as the Philippine Cancer Center, Specialty Cancer Centers, Comprehensive Cancer Care Centers, Regional Cancer Centers and Cancer Treatment Satellites; development of local clinical practice guidelines for priority cancers; establishment of the strengthened Philippine Cancer Registry, including surveillance and data analytics; strengthening of cancer research and development; institutionalization of multidisciplinary team approach to patient care; and use of artificial intelligence and precision medicine. The entire cancer care continuum starts from primary prevention such as vaccination and risk factor assessment; screening or early detection such as genetic testing and counseling and use of artificial intelligence for cancer detection and precision medicine screening; patient navigation and palliative care will start from cancer diagnosis and precision medicine will be utilized for both diagnosis and treatment;and opioid analgesics access program will be strengthened for palliative and hospice care. We are also open to bilateral partnership in this cancer journey.

Міжнародні військові навчання країн-членів НАТО за участю підрозділів Збройних сил України та програми Альянсу з підтримки миру в Україні

У статті розглянуто питання анексії РФ в Україні Кримського півострова та подальшого розгортання сепаратистського руху в південно-східних областях, який згодом переріс у збройний конфлікт на Сході України. Проаналізовано напрями і характер співпраці між Збройними силами України та військовими підрозділами Альянсу. Визначено ступінь практичної взаємодії в межах діючих програм двостороннього партнерства на рівні Україна – НАТО, включаючи військово-навчальну підготовку. Досліджено хронологію трансформації організаційних форм присутності української армії на Сході України від Антитерористичної операції до Операції Об’єднаних Сил і роль НАТО в цьому процесі. Безпосередньо вказано на складові елементи впливу Північноатлантичного Альянсу на реформування українського війська відповідно до вимог і стандартів, визначених Організацією. Відображено роль розташованого у м. Києві Офісу зв’язку НАТО та Центру захисту й обробки інформації. Окрему увагу приділено питанню боротьби з кіберзлочинністю та захисту інформаційних систем держави від впливу ззовні. Зокрема, мова йде про захист об’єктів критичної інфраструктури держави (атомні електростанції, стратегічні державні підприємства тощо), електронних реєстрів виборчих списків громадян, баз даних банківської системи держави. Зазначено про діяльність операційних центрів НАТО з протидії кіберзлочинам та створення подібних установ в Україні. Відмічено морську складову взаємодії у співпраці України та Організації Північноатлантичного договору, особливу актуальну на тлі загострення ситуації в Азово-Чорноморському регіоні протягом 2018 року, пов’язаної з проходом українських військових кораблів Азовської флотилії Військово-морських сил України Керченською протокою, яка перебуває під контролем окупаційних військ Збройних сил Російської Федерації, і викликаних цим так званих «прикордонних конфліктів», останній із яких у листопаді минулого року призвів до захоплення росіянами українських військових суден та полону українських військових моряків.

Tax reform and fiscal space in developing countries

This paper investigates empirically the effect of tax reform on fiscal space in developing countries. The analysis has used an unbalanced panel dataset comprising 99 developing countries (of which 37 Least developed countries—LDCs) over the period 1980–2015. It has shown empirical evidence that tax reform is associated with greater fiscal space in developing countries, with this positive impact being particularly higher for LDCs than for the set of other countries in the full sample. Furthermore, the higher the degree of openness to international trade, the greater is the positive effect of tax reform on fiscal space. In light of the importance of securing greater fiscal space to finance development needs, policymakers in developing countries should pursue their tax reform in the context of greater trade openness, notably with the assistance of both bilateral partners (developed countries) and relevant international institutions.

Turkish Domestic Actors’ Role in Foreign Policy Making: Case of Turkey – KRG’s Strategic Bilateral Partnership

This paper aims to describe the role of Turkish domestic societal actors in the state policy making in the case of strategic bilateral partnership between Turkey and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG); a quasi state within the Iraqi federal state. The rareness of literature describing domestic forces within Turkey and the consequence for the state’s policy in building a strategic partnership with the KRG was the gap that this research would be expected to narrow. The paper argues that Turkish domestic actors like the individual, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the Turkish military and business people had an important role; shaping Turkey’s preference and national interests strongly determined by their views on nation and economic regulation which occupied its legitimate preference. The research applied the ideational liberal theory proposed by Andrew Moravcsik emphasizing the primacy of domestic actors. The research was qualitative with descriptive analysis model. The paper represents a perspective that identity or values well embedded in domestic actors’ views do matter to understand the state behavior either cooperation or conflict.

EU-UK Security and Defence

The UK’s departure from the European Union poses many challenges, not least in the field of security and defence. This paper assesses the implications of this for both parties and tries to outline options for a new bilateral partnership. The paper opens with a reminder of the headline contribution that the UK has made and continues to make to European security and defence and its significance as an actor within the Union. It goes on to suggest that Brexit is a lose-lose scenario for both partners, notwithstanding a shared set of security threats and an overall common approach to meeting them. The paper outlines the significant advances in the development of CSDP since the Brexit referendum result and the importance of the Commission’s proposal of new funding to the development of EU member state defence capacities. The paper then reviews options, which have surfaced in the EU and UK respectively to define a new bilateral partnership. The challenges to involving a third-country in EU policy development and execution are examined and the urgent need for the Union and the UK to devise a new – necessarily weaker – relationship is underlined.

Political Interaction between the Central Asian Participants of the EAEU and the European Union

Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan combine their membership in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) - the most large-scale and dynamically developing integration association in the Post-Soviet space -with an active participation in projects and programs of the European Union (EU). This economic and political alliance is aimed at the regional integration of its 28 member countries located mainly in Europe. The EU is simultaneously actively involved in the economic and political processes in the Post-Soviet space, including its Central Asian segment. The EU strategy in the Central Asian region is aimed at bilateral and regional cooperation with its partners, among which Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan occupy an important place. The bilateral partnership and cooperation agreements concluded between them and the EU have become the main instruments providing the European Union with influence in these countries. The EU accession in the Central Asian region and the promotion of a united Europe’s interests combine with the attention of the EU institutions and structures to important areas of Central Asia development. Among these areas are transport networks, energy, security, government, education and human rights. Although the integration in the EAEU and the EU, as well as the terms of trade and economic agreements concluded by the participants of the EAEU with the EU, has a number of distinctive features, this does not become an obstacle to the aspirations of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan for in-depth cooperation with the EU -both in politics and economics. The EUs tactics of distancing itself from the EAEU, positioning the united Europe as a kind of an alternative to this integration union becomes a serious geopolitical challenge both for the EAEU and for the prospects of integration in Central Asia while maintaining Russia’s leading role in this process.

US-Australia-Indonesia Trilateral Security? Conditions for Cooperation

ABSTRACTSince the 1950s, US strategic architecture in the Indo-Pacific has been premised on its hubs-and-spokes model of bilateral alliances and security partnerships. Since the 2000s the US began working toward forging deeper interrelationships between its regional allies and partners. The emerging strategy ultimately aims to interlink long-standing allies like Japan and Australia, and also non-traditional partners in the development of a security network capable of maintaining the regional ‘rules-based order.’ In analysing the US-led triangular Indo-Pacific geometry, this article considers the prospects of an evolving and substantive US–Australia–Indonesia security trilateral. It does so by utilising Miller’s ‘conditions for cooperation framework’ to test the likelihood of greater cooperation between these three states. These conditions include cultural similarity, economic equality, habits of international association, the perception of common danger, and greater power pressure. It concludes that while there remain strict limitations on any formal alignment between the ANZUS partners and Indonesia, there are convergent interests in key sub-strategic areas in the maritime space and thus a viable path toward greater trilateral cooperation but not, as yet, formal arrangements.

The Erosion of German Elite Trust in the United States of America

In this article, I address two salient issues in IR trust research: first, I introduce a longitudinal, content analysis to measure foreign policy trust. Second, I provide an in-depth analysis of how recent crises affected German political elites’ trust of the United States. I begin with a brief conceptual sketch of foreign policy trust and argue that treating it as a trusting discourse is a useful way to bridge the micro–macro gap. Next, I introduce a content analysis to measure trust, present coding rules and discuss advantages and problems of the approach. The empirical section consists of data generated from coding German Bundestag speeches and newspaper op-eds from 2000 through 2014. By disaggregating the data to specify who trusts whom and regarding which issues, I propose the following: First, there is a significant decline in trust among the traditionally pro-American German center-right politicians. Second, there is a steady decline in trust in the United States as a state entity, as opposed to strongly fluctuating trust in different U.S. presidents. Third, the NSA crisis directly affected German elites’ trust in the bilateral security partnership, an area where trust was stable even during the Bush presidency.

The Right to be Forgotten—The EU and Asia Pacific Experience (Australia, Indonesia, Japan and Singapore)

This article explores the right to be forgotten or otherwise known as the right to erasure in the EU and Asia Pacific. The right to be forgotten has quickly become an important concept of data protection law. It allows a person to request that their personal data and information be deleted or removed from an internet website. Subsequently, from the application of this right, a person has a level of their personal privacy protected over the internet. However, the acceptance and implementation of this right by Australia, Indonesia, Japan, Singapore and the EU varies. With the implementation of the EU General Regulation on Data Protection in May 2018, the right to be forgotten is well entrenched in the EU. This article investigates an issue of growing significance because of Australia’s engagement with these countries, accentuated by the use of the internet. First, one of Australia’s closest neighbours, Indonesia, has the largest Islamic population. Secondly, Singapore being a Commonwealth country along with Australia, has also adopted the common law, and has strong trade and other bilateral partnerships. Thirdly, of all the Asian nations, Japan, that recently obtained equivalency from the EU in data protection law, has seen the right emerge in that state. The right, in many respects is also in conflict with other rights and freedoms (right to expression) and other areas of the law. It is an area of law that may never be settled, as technology continues to evolve. This article will highlight the current status of the right to be forgotten across these jurisdictions, with what can be considered three models of data protection and privacy law. These laws have been developing separately throughout the EU, South East Asia and the Pacific.

Irish Diplomacy in a Time of Crisis and the Evolution of a ‘European’ Diplomatic Service

The foreign policies of several European states have been centrally engaged in national crisis management subsequent to the crisis in the euro-zone. In several instances this has included determined efforts to rebuild national credibility, intensively to engage with bilateral partners and multilateral agencies both in Europe and internationally and actively to contribute to trade promotion and the attraction of foreign direct investment as part of a programme of national economic recovery. In such a context, where a national diplomatic service is tasked with roles that can be seen to be addressing a near existential crisis for the state, what if any role does foreign policy coordination at EU level play? If such coordination played a marginal role or was non-existent, what does this say about the utility and purpose of EU foreign policy? To what extent does this necessarily delimit or define the potential added-value of the EEAS to national diplomatic services? The proposed paper will conduct a detailed analysis of Irish diplomacy in a time of crisis (2008-2014), assess its response to that crisis, evaluate the role of EU-level foreign policy coordination and finally offer conclusions as to what this may suggest for the future of EU foreign policy.