Police Bias Research Articles

Anatomy of Moral Panic: The “List of 88” and Runaway Constructionism

This article explores a high-profile review of cases of alleged historical investigatory police bias in New South Wales (NSW), Australia, referred to in The New York Times article, “When Gangs Killed Men for Sport: Australia Reviews 88 Deaths.” The title of the article contains the terms of a well-known feature of moral panic—a discovered crime fact and demand for an enforcement response disproportionate to the fact. Our analysis explores the response to the review of the list of cases, Strike Force Parrabell, as an illustration of runaway constructionism. Demand group-interest in the positive designation of the cases (as bias crime) was a means of acknowledging the prejudicial conduct of police during a time of wider attitudinal change. In spearheading the verification of this list of cases, demand groups and crusaders placed a high semiotic burden beyond its capacity as a comparable objective measure. The fitness of the list of 88 cases as a totem for police and societal wrongdoing requires evidence regarding disproportionality based on valid and reliable measures. Despite worldwide interest in NSW for its comparative high ranking in gay bias homicides, however, such ranking does not exist. Nonetheless, despite the impossibility that it stands in as proof of decades long prejudice, corruption or criminal negligence, the list of cases appears to do so anyway. As such, it is illustrative of the occupation of media frames and formats by weak data or of the runaway character of crime stories in an era of “fake news.”

Assessing Police Violence and Bias Against Black U.S. Americans: Development and Validation of the Beliefs About Law Enforcement Scale

ABSTRACT Measurement of U.S. American community members’ perceptions of police historically has failed to assess police bias, violence, and accountability in Black communities. Rooted in critical race theory, conflict theory, and a substantial corpus of self-reported survey research methodology, the present study describes the development of the Beliefs About Law Enforcement (BALE) scale. Guided by a multidisciplinary and multiracial panel, whose members possess the requisite substantive and methodological expertise, BALE scale items were constructed and factor analytic techniques were performed using a purposive sample of 288 MSW, BSW, and undergraduate child and family study students. Exploratory factor analysis was used to assess the factor structure of the original 18-item BALE scale (Model 1). A subsequent confirmatory factor analysis yielded indexes indicating that the fit for the second order 15-item model was improved (Model 2) as compared to Model 1. The BALE scale achieved good internal consistency reliability (α=.87, composite reliability=.96). Limitations of the study are delineated and the utility of the BALE scale in developing and furthering knowledge in social work education and research is discussed.

A Few Bad Apples? Racial Bias in Policing

We estimate the degree to which individual police officers practice racial discrimination. Using a bunching estimation design and data from the Florida Highway Patrol, we show that minorities are less likely to receive a discount on their speeding tickets than white drivers. Disaggregating this difference to the individual police officer, we find that 40% of officers explain all of the aggregate discrimination. We then apply our officer- level discrimination measures to various policy-relevant questions in the literature. In particular, reassigning officers across locations based on their lenience can effectively reduce the aggregate disparity in treatment.

Exploring the Dark Figure of Hate: Experiences with Police Bias and the Under-reporting of Hate Crime

Hate crimes are notoriously under-reported, and the present research explores possible etiological factors for this phenomenon in a national Canadian sample. Controlling for demographic and offence characteristics, the research shows that victims who had prior experiences with police discrimination were significantly less likely to report hate crimes to police compared to victims of non-hate-based crimes. Additionally, victims experienced hate crimes in a more intersectional way than is typically reflected in police reports, as victims tended to interpret the offence as targeting multiple overlapping identities rather than a solitary hate motivation. These findings reflect the unique nature of hate-motivated offences, whose victims may find it futile to report bias-motivated offences to a police force whom they believe is itself biased. These results suggest possible opportunities to improve reporting of offences and relations between police and marginalized communities.

Racialized, Gendered, and Sensationalized: An examination of Canadian anti-trafficking laws, their enforcement, and their (re)presentation

AbstractIn Canada, there are persistent allegations and some empirical evidence suggesting racialized police bias; certain (non-White) groups appear to face over-enforcement as criminal suspects and under-enforcement as victims. Yet, it is challenging to prove or disprove these claims. Unlike other countries, where governments routinely publish police-reported crime and criminal court data identifying the race/ethnicity of criminal suspects and victims, Canada maintains a ban on the publication of such data. In this article, using an intersectional and critical analysis, we examine 127 prosecuted (predominantly domestic sex) trafficking cases and explore related claims of racial and gender bias together with sensationalism in the enforcement of Canadian anti-trafficking in persons laws. Our findings align with other empirical research observing the racially selective identification and prosecution of sex trafficking cases through a heteronormative and gender binary lens. Whether real or perceived, racial—alongside gender, sexuality, economic, citizenship, and occupational—bias has significant adverse consequences for the equality, liberty, security, mobility, labour, and access to justice rights of the Indigenous, Black, Arab/Muslim and other racialized communities being policed. Our data reveal a clear and pressing need to publish race-disaggregated crime and criminal court data and to challenge deeply ingrained stereotypes using various means.

Supplemental Material for Implications of Youths’ Perceptions of Police Bias and the Code of the Street for Violent Offending

Supplemental Material for Implications of Youths’ Perceptions of Police Bias and the Code of the Street for Violent Offending

Do Advanced Information Technologies Produce Equitable Government Responses in Coproduction: An Examination of 311 Systems in 15 U.S. Cities

This article seeks to answer the following primary research question: Do governments respond differently to citizen service requests depending on where those requests originate in the city? This study is particularly salient in the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests in response to police violence or the gross neglect of infrastructure in Flint, MI. Although numerous studies have been able to demonstrate bias in policing, few (if any) have looked at biases that may be present in other types of general government services. Empirical evidence has supported the claims by some that some cities were responding slower to service requests made in poor and minority neighborhoods than they were in the richer, whiter neighborhoods, but these earlier works were from an era before 311. The article seeks to fill this gap in the modern coproduction literature to evaluate whether advanced information technologies enable equitable responses by governments. The results of our 15-city study of 311 systems (nonemergency service requests made by city residents) demonstrate no systematic differences in how the cities respond that would indicate a bias against minorities and poorer residents. Unsurprisingly, the effects are not consistent across all of our sample cities. Although some cities have statistically significant differences showing slower responses for these neighborhoods and others show quicker, the practical differences are so small as to be of little concern during our study period (2007–2016).

Do Advanced Information Technologies Produce Equitable Government Responses in Coproduction: An Examination of 311 Systems in 15 US Cities

The primary research question we seek to answer in this article is: Do governments respond differently to citizen service requests depending on where those requests originate in the city? This study is particularly salient in the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests in response to police violence or the gross neglect of infrastructure in Flint, MI. While numerous studies have been able to demonstrate bias in policing, few (if any) have looked at biases that may be present in other types of general government services. Anecdotal (Davis, 2013; Meyer, 2013) and empirical (Jones, Greenberg, Kaufman, & Drew, 1977; Thomas, 1982; Thomas & Streib, 2003; Vedlitz, Dyer, & Durand, 1980) evidence has supported the claims by some that some cities were responding slower to service requests made in poor and minority neighborhoods than they were in the richer, whiter neighborhoods. We sought, in this article, to examine if there was empirical evidence to support these claims. The results of our 15-city study of 311 systems (non-emergency service requests made by city residents) demonstrate no systematic differences in how the cities respond that would indicate a bias against minorities and poorer residents. Unsurprisingly, the effects are not consistent across all of our sample cities. While some cities have statistically significant differences showing slower responses for these neighborhoods and others show quicker, the practical differences are so small as to be of little concern during our study period (2007 – 2016).

In-group Bias and the Police: Evidence from Award Nominations

This paper examines the impact of in-group bias on the internal dynamics of a police department. Prior studies have documented racial bias in policing, but little is known about bias against officers due to lack of available data. We construct a novel panel dataset of Chicago Police Department officers, with detailed information on officer characteristics and work productivity. Exploiting quasi-random variation in supervisor assignment, we find that white supervisors are less likely to nominate black officers than white or Hispanic officers. We find weaker evidence that male supervisors are less likely to nominate female officers than male officers. We explore several theories of discrimination that can explain our main findings. Requiring interaction between supervisors and officers reduces the minority nomination gap, but white supervisors still exhibit in-group favoritism. Our findings suggest departments should focus on policies that address in-group bias due to its effect on career advancement.

Os determinantes da prisão preventiva na Audiência de Custódia: reforço de estereótipos sociais?

Resumo A proposta deste artigo é identificar os fatores determinantes das decisões proferidas no âmbito das Audiências de Custódia, expediente inserido no sistema de justiça criminal brasileiro em 2015. A partir da perspectiva da sociologia jurídica, procuramos compreender as disjunções existentes entre a lei nos livros e sua prática, tendo como foco essa audiência, para desvelar quais são os fatores que aumentam a chance do uso da prisão enquanto medida cautelar. Partindo de dados qualitativos e quantitativos, coletados em Belo Horizonte entre setembro de 2015 e abril de 2016, constatamos que, apesar de o discurso oficial ser o da tecnicidade, dimensões como o sexo e a cor da pele aumentam a chance de prisão em detrimento da liberdade provisória. Logo, as Audiências de Custódia reforçam a seletividade policial e os estereótipos sociais do “elemento suspeito”.

Reporting victimisation to the police: the role of racial dyad and bias motivation

ABSTRACTMultiple theoretical perspectives suggest that the racial minorities may be less likely to report victimisation to law enforcement. Likewise, the literature on racially-motivated offenses highlights the importance of the victim’s race in whether the crime is reported. While both bodies of literature suggest that perception of racial bias may be a particularly salient factor in decisions to not report, they have been largely divorced from one another. Using data from the National Crime Victimization Survey, the present study extends the literature on reporting decisions by assessing whether the relationship between victim race, as well as different offender-victim racial dyads, varies by type of crime (hate crime v. non-hate crime). Furthermore, among incidents that are not reported to the police, the importance of attitudes toward police are explored descriptively. The results indicate that crimes against White victims are more likely to be reported if they are not motivated by racial animus, and non-hate crimes are more likely to be reported when the offender is Black. Perception of police bias is not a strong factor in the non-reporting of crimes. Implications of the research and directions for future investigation are discussed.

After Exoneration: Attributions of Responsibility Impact Perceptions

AbstractGuided by Weiner’s (1993,Am Psychol48:957-964) attribution theory of social motivation, we examined perceptions of exonerees. Specifically, we examined whether biased police procedures impacted perceptions of responsibility, emotional reactions, and willingness to assist exonerees. Participants read a vignette involving an exoneration due to either a false confession or an eyewitness misidentification with police practices (biased vs. unbiased) manipulated across participants. Findings corroborate that participants hold more negative views of exonerees who falsely confess than exonerees who were mistakenly identified by eyewitnesses. Moreover, when police bias was high, participants were angrier at the police and less likely to perceive the exoneree as responsible for the wrongful conviction—especially when false confessions were involved. The findings are discussed in light of Weiner’s social motivation theory, and in regards to improving attitudes towards individuals who have been wrongly convicted.

THE ACADEMIC SWOON OVER IMPLICIT RACIAL BIAS

AbstractIn recent years, there has been a surge of discussion, debate, and research on the topic of implicit bias. Implicit bias has become the go-to form of racial bias that many academics, practitioners, and policy makers have identified as important and timely to study (Eberhardt et al., 2004; Levinson and Smith, 2017). Interventions to address implicit racial bias in policing have been particularly popular (Fridell 2008). Arguably, combatting implicit racial bias presents itself as a tool for protecting civil rights. This essay examines the emergence of the implicit bias paradigm as a way to address racial bias in justice system outcomes. The first part provides an overview of implicit bias, including how it is defined, how it is measured, and how it impacts the justice system. The second part examines the term “implicit bias.” This section assesses implicit bias as a social problem and considers whether the label illuminates or obscures the reality of racial bias in the criminal justice system. The discussion considers whether “implicit bias” is viewed as a more appealing approach for dealing with racial bias because it does not assign racial blame. The third part considers the contours of the relationship between implicit bias and explicit bias. The discussion highlights the interconnectedness between the two forms of racial bias. Is the implicit bias approach a signal of racial retrenchment? The final section considers how elementary and secondary education could be used as a proactive strategy for addressing implicit racial bias.

Diversity Course Effectiveness Among Criminal Justice Students

Most universities today require their students to learn about diversity as a part of their degree. Research has examined the effectiveness of diversity courses at changing attitudes toward groups, focusing on sexism or racism, within psychology and women’s studies disciplines. Given the increasing concern over bias in policing, however, this diversity training may be of importance to the study of criminal justice. The current study aims to examine the effectiveness of a diversity course within a criminal justice program at changing perceptions of groups using a survey based on validated measures of attitudes toward women, homosexuality, and symbolic racism. Change in attitudes between the pre-test and post-test are examined. Results suggest that the course is effective at changing attitudes toward homosexuality, but not race or sex. The results also suggest that these perceptions are dependent on group characteristics.

Perceptions of Police, Racial Profiling, and Psychological Outcomes: A Mixed Methodological Study

AbstractWhile scholars have documented the contentious relationship between law enforcement and communities of color, most studies tend to compare perspectives of specific communities of color (e.g., Black Americans, Latina/os, Asian Americans) to White Americans—without examining between‐group differences of the historically marginalized racial groups. In Study 1, 543 participants of diverse racial/ethnic groups (e.g., Black, Latina/o, Asian, White) completed the Perceptions of Police Scale (POPS)—a measure of general attitudes toward law enforcement and beliefs about police bias. Findings demonstrate that Black participants were more likely than Whites and Latina/os to view police negatively. While there were no significant gender differences in participants’ perceptions of police, Black men were more likely to have negative perceptions of police than White and Asian men. In Study 2, we extracted 222 participants from the larger sample who were asked about the number of times police had unlawfully stopped them, while providing a guided narrative to explore their reactions to these experiences. A total of 61 participants (or 27.8% of the total sample) reported being unfairly stopped by police officers. Using the Consensual Qualitative Research method, three domains emerged: (a) Perceived Reasons for Police Stop, (b) Types of Responses, and (c) Perceived Characteristics of Multiple Stops. Implications for community relations and improving the relationship between law enforcement and communities of color are discussed. We also explore the psychological implications for participants who perceive being mistreated or discriminated by the police, particularly for those who are racially profiled. Finally, recommendations are provided to address systemic ways that racial bias can be monitored or minimized in training and hiring processes in police departments.

A flaw in the pre-crime system

Predictive policing that aims to work out when and where a crime will take place promises a future of data-driven law enforcement. But a flaw found in the design of the software used suggests that instead of fixing biases in policing, predictive algorithms are to blame for a whole new set of problems. Pre-crime tech is catching on in the US. PredPol--a market-leading system--is already used by police departments in places such as California, Florida and Maryland. Their hope is that such systems will bring down crime rates while simultaneously reducing human bias in policing. What this means, says Matt Kusner at the Alan Turing Institute in London, is that the PredPol system seems to be learning from arrest rates--which are higher in areas where there are more police--rather than from underlying crime rates

Financing the War on Drugs: The Impact of Law Enforcement Grants on Racial Disparities in Drug Arrests

We estimate the effectiveness of the Edward Byrne Memorial State and Local Law Enforcement Assistance Program, a grant program authorized under the 1988 Anti-Drug Abuse Act to combat illicit drug abuse and to improve the criminal justice system, on racial bias in policing. Funds for the Byrne Grant program could be used for a variety of purposes to combat drug crimes, as well as violent and other drug related crimes. The event-study analysis suggests that implementation of this grant resulted in an increase in police hiring and an increase in arrests for drug trafficking. Post-treatment effect implies a 107 percent increase in white arrests for drug sales compared to a 44 percent increase for blacks 6 years after the first grant is received. However, due to historical racial differences in drug arrests, the substantial increase in white drug arrest still results in large racial disparities in drug arrests. This is supported by weighted least squares regression estimates that show, for every $100 increase in Byrne Grant funding, arrests for drug trafficking increased by roughly 22 per 100,000 white residents and by 101 arrests per 100,000 black residents. The results provide strong evidence that federal involvement in narcotic control and trafficking lead to an increase in drug arrests; disproportionally affecting blacks.

When Sexism Leads to Racism: Threat, Protecting Women, and Racial Bias

The stated goal of protecting White women from harm has been used, historically and contemporarily, as a pretext for racial violence. Two studies explored the relationship between protective paternalism (the belief that men should protect and care for women—part of benevolent sexism; Glick and Fiske 1996) and anti-minority racial attitudes. In Study 1 (n = 474, 61% women, 61% White), survey data found that protective paternalism was related to anti-Black bias, but only for White respondents. Study 2 (n = 242, 52% women, 74% White) experimentally manipulated feelings of threat to test for increases in protective paternalism and its corresponding effect on three anti-minority racial attitudes. For male participants only, threat (i.e., reading about recent increases in violent crime) increased endorsement of protective paternalism, which was in turn associated with a more negative view of immigration, and, for White men only, less support for policies that benefit racial minority groups and greater denial of racial bias in policing. Threat did not increase protective paternalism in female participants. For White men in particular, news of crime and danger increases racial bias by first increasing the desire to protect women. Policymakers should be aware that framing policies around safety concerns or appealing to the protection of women might unintentionally bolster anti-minority racial prejudices.

Police Bias, Social Identity, and Minority Groups: A Social Psychological Understanding of Cooperation with Police

The present study uses Social Identity Theory as a framework to investigate the collective effects of perceived police bias, ethnicity and self-identification with different groups on respondents’ intentions to cooperate with police in general crime control efforts and in counter-terrorism policing. Drawing on survey data collected from 1,272 individuals from three ethnic minority backgrounds in Australia, the present study reports findings including: (1) significant and large direct positive associations between superordinate identity and willingness to cooperate with police, (2) small-to-moderate significant associations between perceived police bias and cooperation with police (positive for Vietnamese subsample; negative for Indian and Arab subsamples), and (3) significant interaction patterns between subordinate identity, perceived police bias, and ethnicity. Findings are discussed with respect to community-engaged prevention and prejudice reduction.

Police Bias, Use of Deadly Force, Public Outcry

Criminology & Public PolicyVolume 16, Issue 1 p. 305-308 EDITORIAL INTRODUCTION Police Bias, Use of Deadly Force, Public Outcry Vicious Cycle? Hyeyoung Lim, Corresponding Author Hyeyoung Lim hyeyoung@uab.edu University of Alabama at BirminghamDirect correspondence to Hyeyoung Lim, Department of Justice Sciences, University of Alabama at Birmingham, UBOB 215, Birmingham, AL 35294-4562 (e-mail: hyeyoung@uab.edu).Search for more papers by this author Hyeyoung Lim, Corresponding Author Hyeyoung Lim hyeyoung@uab.edu University of Alabama at BirminghamDirect correspondence to Hyeyoung Lim, Department of Justice Sciences, University of Alabama at Birmingham, UBOB 215, Birmingham, AL 35294-4562 (e-mail: hyeyoung@uab.edu).Search for more papers by this author First published: 08 February 2017 https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12293Citations: 12Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume16, Issue1February 2017Pages 305-308 RelatedInformation