Wishing is a favorite pastime in our culture and is allowed considerable latitude. Children are permitted, even encouraged, to make and express wishes beyond the limits of allowable actions and demands, and beyond the limits of probable attainment. Wishes are goal-directed and express values. They indicate areas of dissatisfaction and levels of aspiration in the life-space of the wisher. They constitute an as yet insufficiently exploited resource for knowledge of child and adolescent development. Most studies of children's wishes been based on an essentially unstructured form of request in obtaining responses. The child is asked, in somewhat varying ways, to state what he would wish if his wishes could come true. In general, the analysis of responses has shown a high frequency of wishes for material objects and possessions, decreasing with age and being replaced by wishes for more general and inclusive benefits for self and others; a tendency for wishes to be predominantly extrovert rather than introvert, with a low incidence of wishes relating to personal shortcomings (4, 5); and a tendency for wishes to be concrete and realistic rather than abstract and irrealistic, but becoming more general with increasing age (4, 5, 9, 10, Ii). Sex differences been found indicating a higher interest among boys in personal achievement and possessions, and among girls in social and family relationships (4, Ii). It may be suspected, however, that wish responses are influenced by the form of request and by conditions under which responses are obtained. Boynton (i) and Gray (2), for example, asked the children what they would ask for if they could have anything they wanted. The responses were overwhelmingly in terms of material objects and possessions. Children's birthday wishes for their friends were collected by Wilson (6, 7), who interpreted these as projected wishes for self. His findings yielded significantly higher frequencies of wishes relating to vocations, activities and general benefits for self and fewer wishes for specific objects and possessions than were obtained from comparable groups in other studies (e.g., see Jersild, 4). Furthermore, the low frequency of some responses (e.g., relief from personal shortcomings, to be smarter, better looking, etc.) may not be indicative of the strength of these interests, but a function of the form of the request. This might hold in general with respect to the intro-