Belgian Parliament Research Articles

Explaining the Success of Neo-Liberal Populist Parties: The Case of Lijst Dedecker in Belgium

Neo-liberal populist parties, like Forza Italia or Lijst Pim Fortuyn, aim to reverse the trend towards big government and state intervention while at the same time defending the ‘ordinary people’ against an allegedly ‘corrupt elite’. While it is possible to distinguish neo-liberal populism from the populist radical right, it is less clear whether the causes of their electoral successes might be differentiated as well. This article attempts to explain the unexpected breakthrough of the neo-liberal populist Lijst Dedecker (LDD), a new party which gained representation in the Belgian parliament in 2007. It is argued that LDD profited from an electoral opportunity structure – that is, an ideological gap between the mainstream parties, which had converged to the centre, and the Vlaams Belang on the radical right – and the populist appeal from its charismatic leader. Both the populist radical right and neo-liberal populism seem to profit mainly from the same breeding ground.

Towards a B2B Model for Online Gambling Operators in Belgium: Is the New Business Model Viable for all Stakeholders?

On December 3, 2009 the Lower Chamber of the Belgian Parliament adopted the New Belgian Gaming Legislation (hereinafter referred to as the “Gaming Law”). The Gaming Law has been passed without any substantial amendments, notwithstanding the EU Commission’s objections with regard to some of the core provisions of the Gaming Law. The Gaming Law has been published in the Belgian Official Gazette on February 1, 2010: it should enter into force by January 1, 2011 at the latest, although Implementing Regulations (Royal Decrees of Execution) may provide for some provisions to enter into force earlier. The latter option seems highly unlikely to materialize since the Belgian Government has resigned and parliamentary elections have been held on June 13… This contribution will briefly discuss both the Gaming Law’s main features and the current regulatory framework with respect to sports betting (whether fixed-odd or mutual) and will draw some conclusions as regards the Gaming Law’s application to new entrants on the Belgian online sports betting market.

Suicide prevention in Belgium: from scientific field to politics

In Belgium, suicide is still a public health problem. Until recently, there was no real public policy of prevention. However, it has been demonstrated that for injury prevention, actors must...

When the media matter for politics: Partisan moderators of the mass media’s agenda-setting influence on parliament in Belgium

In this study, we investigate which factors moderate the agenda-setting influence of the mass media on the Belgian parliament during the period 1993—2000. Based on elaborate codings of the media, parliamentary questions and interpellations, party manifestos, government agreements and ministerial meetings, we employ a multi-level time-series model. The results indicate that especially party characteristics (party size, incumbent or opposition party, issue ownership) and the government agenda influence the dependency of parliament on media coverage. Furthermore, we find an increase in the extent of media influence through time, suggesting an increasing presence of ‘media logic’ in the behaviour of Belgian MPs. Irrespective of all those contingent factors, the mass media determine the Belgian parliamentary agenda to a considerable degree.

Substantive Representation of Women: The Representation of Women's Interests and the Impact of Descriptive Representation in the Belgian Parliament (1900–1979)

ABSTRACT Based on empirical data, speeches from the budget debates of the Belgian Lower House (1900–1979), this article explores the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation of women. The article concludes that women members of Parliament (MPs) were women's most fervent representatives and contributed in a unique way to how women were represented; they stretched the borders of the political definition of women's interests and made them fit better with the way women themselves defined their interests. The research contributes to the development of the concepts “substantive representation” and “women's interests” and of the methodology of empirical research in this field.

Lumumba. De Complotten? De moord. Onderzoeksrapport of historische studie?

Lumumba. The conspiracies? The murder. Research report or historical study?Written by four historians, ’Lumumba. The conspiracies? The murder’ is based upon the official report of the Belgian parliamentary commission of inquiry in which they participated. The commission of inquiry was set up to investigate whether the then Belgian government bore any responsibility for the murder of Patrice Lumumba, the first democratically elected Prime Minister of the Congo after the country gained independence from Belgium. The official report concluded that the Belgian government of that time bore a moral responsibility for the assassination. The fact that the federal Belgian parliament deemed it necessary to set up a commission of inquiry to establish the official truth suggests that the country has still not come to terms with its colonial past. The book adds little to the report, largely because the authors behaved more like judges intent on passing a verdict of guilty or innocent than independent historians who are obliged to analyse and interpret the facts without necessarily appropriating blame.

The political responsibility for Royal pardons in Belgium during the 19th century (1830–1900)

AbstractIn Belgium, the Royal Prerogative of pardoning convicted criminals was legally embedded in the Constitution of 14th February, 1831. It allowed the King to reduce a sentence or to grant a discharge of a sentence given by a court. Any Royal decision to pardon had, however, to be countersigned by a member of the Government, who took on the political responsibility of the decision towards Parliament. In most cases, the task fell upon the Minister of Justice. During the 19th century, in both Houses of the Belgian Parliament, the Minister of Justice was repeatedly questioned about the way the prerogative of pardoning was exercised. This usually occurred when a death sentence had been commuted to a lesser sentence. In such cases, members of the Chamber of Representatives or of the Senate would ask for an explicit justification of a particular pardon. Only exceptionally would a Government Minister be challenged about the legality of a decision either granting or refusing a pardon. Because of the constitutional convention which prevents exposing directly the political position of the King, Jules d'Anethan (Minister of Justice 1843–1847) defended the Minister's right to refuse to give any reasons for a decision regarding a pardon. He only acknowledged Parliament's right to question a Minister about his general policy on pardons. In his view, it was not within Parliament's powers to ask a Minister of Justice why a pardon had been granted or refused in a specific case. That view tended to limit considerably a Minister's responsibility for Royal pardons: it became no more than an empty shell. Another Minister of Justice, Théophile De Lantsheere (1871–1878), took an opposite view. He refused to state his general policy on pardons, but he accepted to explain the specific reasons why a Royal decision granting or refusing a pardon had been made. In his view, a pardon was in the first place a matter for the Minister's conscience. Parliament was therefore entitled to assess his particular actions. However, in the line of his predecessors' and successors' view, he believed that the reasons why the King had insisted on a pardon or refused to grant a pardon should not be mentioned to Parliament. Pardon was an issue between King and Government, not between King and Parliament. As the saying goes in Belgian constitutional law: The Crown should never be laid 'bare'.

Elevated prevalence of arterial hypertension in the Belgian parliament

van de Borne, Philippea; Persu, Alexandreb; Andries, Alexisc; Demedts, Stevenc; Van der Niepen, Patriciad on behalf of the Belgian Hypertension Committee Author Information

'Een schadelijke instelling'. Kritiek op het parlement in België in het interbellum

A harmful institution. Critique of the Belgian parliament during the interwar periodTwo key features that characterise the interwar period are the crisis within the parliamentary system and the rise of fascism. The wave of criticism directed at the Belgian parliament can be attributed to this overall climate, although it also has its own peculiarities that originate from Belgian’s political culture, particularly its strong parliamentary tradition. The First World War acted as a catalyst for this strong antiparliamentary critique through the outburst of nationalism and the cult of violence it unleashed along with the temporary suspension of parliamentary activity and the concomitant process of democratisation. The criticism that had been confined to extremist groups from both the left and the right during the 1920s reached a crescendo and became endemic after 1933, particularly among the younger generations. Abuse of power, acting as a front for shady practices, unable to deal with economic issues, disrupting national unity, unrepresentative, and mediocre MPs; these were just some of the recurring themes in the anti-parliamentary debate, which was not so much the result of carefully balanced arguments as the reflection of a popular trend. The Belgian parliament acknowledged its shortcomings, but was unable to turn back the tide. The scope of the anti-parliamentary criticism can be measured by the power shift at the end of the 1930s which favoured the monarchy at the expense of parliament. This article is part of the special issue 'Parlementen in de Nederlanden'.

Eclectisch en toch nieuw. De uitvinding van het Belgisch parlement in 1830-1831

Eclectic yet still new. The creation of the Belgian parliament in 1830-1831The Belgian Constitution of 1831 consisted mainly of clauses borrowed from older constitutions. Besides, most members of the Constituent Assembly were guided by the British parliamentary model, which was also promoted by French liberal authors as a welcome alternative to republicanism. Nevertheless, it departed from the British liberal model on some crucial issues and reverted to the French republican model once again. In this sense, the Belgian Constitution was indeed eclectic. Nevertheless, the combination was both refreshingly innovative and explicit in that it excluded the holistic concepts of ‘nation’ that were present in both the British and the French models. This article is part of the special issue 'Parlementen in de Nederlanden'.

The ICC Statute and Belgian Law

The Act passed by the Belgian Parliament on 25 May 2000 ratified the Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC Statute), signed in Rome on 17 July 1998. In passing this enactment, Belgium recognized its obligations under international law to bring its domestic law into line with the provisions of the ICC Statute. This paper shall first attempt to set out the established principles of Belgian legislation in the field of international humanitarian law, as in force when the Statute was ratified. It shall then go on to address the question of the conformity (or non-conformity) of the offences provided for under Belgian law with those outlined in the ICC Statute, making particular reference to the subsequent statutory amendments introduced with the entry into force of the Act of 23 April 2003 (the 2003 Act).The various grounds for defences shall be examined in a similar manner. Attention will also be drawn to the provisions of the 2003 Act, by which the Belgian Parliament expressly tried to combine the principle of universal jurisdiction, which is enshrined in Belgian law, with the principle of complementarity provided for by the ICC Statute. Finally, the provisions of the Draft Bill on cooperation with the ICC, recently placed before the Belgian Parliament, will be examined.

Trust as a central paradigm for advisory science: the case of the Belgian nuclear phase-out

The Belgian parliament has decided to phase out the existing nuclear power plants as part of the government's strategy to achieve sustainable development. According to the authors, this nuclear phaseout can be regarded as belonging to a class of unstructured problems in science for policy-making, i.e. problems where there exists a debate on the scientific facts as well as on the values at stake. When society is confronted with unstructured problems, insights from recent risk research literature point at the overriding importance of trust in arrangements at the cutting edge of science and policy. We investigated the Belgian science–policy interface from the point of view of trust building, also guided by insights from interviews with members of the Belgian Federal Council for Sustainable Development. The results were analysed on three levels of discourse: the cognitive, the reflective and the design or planning discourse. On each level, flaws in the trust-building fabric could be demonstrated.

Current Developments

Belgium has now become the second jurisdiction worldwide, after the Netherlands,1 to allow same-sex marriages. The bill opening marriage to persons of the same-sex and modifying certain provisions of the Civil Code2 was adopted by a large majority and without modification by the Belgian parliament on 30 January 2003. While the new law was promulgated by King Albert II on 13 February 2003 and published in the third edition of the Moniteur beige on 28 Febuary3, it did not enter into force until 1 June 2003. This somewhat unusual time delay was required to ensure that all officials with competence to celebrate marriages (officiers de I' état civil) had sufficient time to become familiar with the scope of the new rules.4

As cotas fazem diferença? Ações positivas no parlamento Belga

A Bélgica tem a peculiaridade de ser o único Estado-membro da UE a ter introduzido cotas em sua legislação. O tipo de cota que foi implementada prioriza o número, sem dar atenção a como candidatos masculinos e femininos estão posicionados nas listas dos partidos. Neste artigo, a autora examina a evolução do número de mulheres no Parlamento belga ao longo do tempo. Fazem-se comparações dentro dos partidos e entre eles, antes e depois da lei sobre cotas. A análise mostra que, em larga medida, o efeito das cotas depende da vontade dos partidos de obter mais representantes do sexo feminino. Assim, se o principal objetivo de uma legislação sobre cotas é impor uma estrutura de gênero equilibrada na assembléia de representantes, a legislação precisa considerar as posições dos homens e das mulheres nas listas.

Do Quotas Matter ? : Positive Actions in the Belgian Parliament

Belgium has the particularity ofbeing the only EU Member State to have introduced quotas to its legislation. The type of quota which has been implemented is prioritizing the number, without paying attention to how male and female candidates are positioned on the parties' lists. In the article the author examines the evolution of the number of wamen in Belgian Parliament across time. Comparisons are made within and between parties, before and after the law on quotas. The analysis shows that the effect of quotas to a large degree is dependent on the will of parties to obtain more female representatives. Thus, if the major aim of a legislation on quotas is to impose a balanced gender structure in the representatives' assembly, the legislation ought to consider men's and women's positions on the lists.

Het Parlement op het einde van de twintigste eeuw : Mogelijkheden en begrenzingen

The Belgian constitutional system is based upon the classic principle of the trias politica, which means that there is a separation of powers, but also a balanced cooperation between them. This article focuses on the Belgian federal Parliament, which bas been, together with the reform of the state from a unitary to a federal state, radically reformed.The Belgian Parliament nowadays is much better equipped to fulfil the function of checks and balances than thirty years ago. The number of staff and the material equipment has increased considerably. At the same time, the emphasis in parliamentary activity bas shifted from the plenary session to the committees. The control upon the budget was long time a nearly empty box. Since the reform of 1989, it has become a much stronger instrument to hold the government to account. The annual debate on the budget is rather a genera/political evaluation of the government policy and is always ended by a vote of confidence.As for the law-making function, the share of the government in adopted laws is much higher than that of Parliament. Parliament bas still the power to amend government bills, but this power is limited because there is often already an agreement between the government and the parliamentary party of the coalition-parties. Nevertheless, several important amendments have been adopted in the last legislature.The control function bas evolved in different directions. Due to an enormous increase in the number of interpellations, they have lost a great part of their importance. They constitute no langer a real threaten to the survival of the government. On the other hand, there are more oral and written questions than before and the use of parliamentary inquiry committees has augmented considerably. Despite their inherent shortages, these committees play, an important role in preparing and correcting policy.The new challenges for Parliament in the future are serving as forum of the nation and the evaluation of laws. The core business of the trias politica, namely budgetary, law-making and controlling duties, also remain to befulfilled by Parliament.

Het voorzitterschap van Kamer en Senaat in België (1918-1974) : Van parlementaire autonomie naar partijdige afhankelijkheid

This article analyses the election of the Speakers of both houses of the Belgian parliament, the House of Representatives and the Senate, in the period 1918-1974. According to the Belgian constitution, the election of the Speaker is a competence of each house. As can be expected in a system of parliamentary government, the Speakers belong to the government majority, as they did already before 1914. But with the disappearance of a homogeneous majority and the need for cabinet coalitions after 1918 - result of the proportional representation - someeffects which tended to erode parliamentary autonomy more substantially occurred. At several occasions the election of the Speakers was postponed until the result of cabinet formation was known. In addition, the coalition parties had to make an agreement for the partition of the two Speakers' positions. The coalition practice also affected procedure. Since agreements were less easily implemented in a secret ballot, the provisions of the parliamentary statute were put aside for an election by acclamation to strengthen party discipline. In this context a further shift in the election process occurs: from the parliamentary groups to the party leadership. Eventually, the appointment of the Speakers becamepart of the cabinet formation itself. This practice appears to be firmly established in the 1970' and has been criticized severely. It can be considered one aspect of the decline of parliaments in this period.

Flander's radical nationalism: How and why theVlaams Blokascended

Abstract Unlike most West European countries, a nationalist party has been represented in the Belgian parliament for over 40 years. This body, the Volksunie, has at one stage held the position of being the third party in Flanders. During the 1980s, when nationalist parties gathered strength in other parts of Europe, the radical right nationalism in Flanders did not anchor itself to the existing Volksunie. Instead, the Volksunie's first electoral successes spurred into existence a a new party, the Vlaams Blok. After a slow start, the Vlaams Blok overtook the Volksunie in 1991. By 1995, it has won the support of over 12 per cent of the Flemish voters. The two nationalist parties together account for almost 20 per cent of the Flemish votes. Unlike the Volksunie, the Vlaams Blok holds radical views on issues such as migrant workers, political refugees, the status of Islam, the defence of family values. Its electoral successes can so some extent be compared to those of pre‐war Flemish nationalist parties such ...

The Belgian parliament and European integration

(1995). The Belgian parliament and European integration. The Journal of Legislative Studies: Vol. 1, National Parliaments and the European Union, pp. 75-91.

Nationalisme et parlementarisme : La percée complexe du nationalisme flamand au Parlement belge (1873-1914)

This article is related with the linguistic conflict in Belgium and the role of the parties and parties factions in the Parliament during the period 1873-1914. As a contribution to the history of the belgian Parliament, it illustrates the way the flemish claims for more autonomy were transformed in complex agreements in which non-linguistic matters, related to the system of cleavages of the belgian society, somestimes played a crucial role.