Basis Of Race Research Articles

Good For the Goose but Not for The Gander: Biden’s Promise to Appoint a Black Female to The Supreme Court and Title VII Principles

The 2022 retirement of Justice Stephen Breyer and President Joe Biden’s promise to exclude all non-Black females from consideration for his replacement has sparked controversy. Some have praised the decision as essential to ensuring diversity on the Court and point out that there are more than enough qualified Black women to select from. And some believe the decision will result in corporate leaders making similar calls for equity in their own companies. Others have criticized the decision, expressing a belief that discriminating on the basis of race and gender is “not a great start in selecting someone sworn to provide equal justice under the law.” Even some commentators on the left have criticized Biden’s promise due to how it might “needlessly tokenize[]” the eventual candidate and “doom[] them to racist and sexist skepticism before they even [get] the nod.” A survey found that over three-fourths of respondents believe Biden should consider all possible nominees. Biden’s promise was initially made at the 2020 Democratic primaries. It was likely a wise strategic move by then-candidate Biden, as the pledge prompted the loudest cheers of the night at the Democratic debate where it was announced. It was also a powerful signal to those who doubted Biden’s treatment of Black women after his role in the 1991 Anita Hill hearings. The pledge may also have been a response to how Democrats underperformed among the Black female demographic in the 2016 presidential election. Indeed, Biden improved among that demographic in 2020. Regardless of the practicality of Biden’s pledge, refusing to consider people for a job based solely on their race and gender typically implicates Title VII employment discrimination protections. Title VII employment discrimination protections do not apply to the position of Supreme Court Justice due to its classification as an employee in the excepted service and not the competitive service.[12] This Article looks beyond that fatal determination to analyze what the result of Title VII principles would be if applicable. This analysis provides valuable insight into the purpose of Title VII protections and the significance of discrimination in one of the highest government positions. Part II of this Article provides a brief historical context of Presidents who have either expressed or implied that race or gender was a motivating factor for their Supreme Court nominations. Part III explains why Title VII does not apply to Supreme Court Justices. Part IV evaluates whether Supreme Court Justices are “hired” under Title VII. Part V looks at whether liability under the expansive employment-agency rule is applicable. Part VI examines the difficulty of identifying a harmed party. Part VII considers whether Supreme Court Justices are employees or independent contractors. Part VIII assesses whether gender could qualify as a bona fide occupational qualification. Parts IX and X likewise assess the related issues of whether customer preference or the authenticity exception are applicable. Part XI looks at the overall spirit of Title VII, which creates a heavy burden for those attempting to defend discriminatory hiring practices. Part XII analyzes whether such actions could be allowed under an affirmative action theory. Part XIII transitions away from legal implications and instead considers practical and ethical issues. Part XIV concludes by considering the legal and ethical implications of Title VII protections on other governmental positions.

Striving and Thriving: A Life Course Trade-Off?

Striving and Thriving: A Life Course Trade-Off?

Spatial Variations in Exclusionary Criteria from Online Rental Advertisements

Although the Fair Housing Act prohibits discrimination in the rental housing market on the basis of race, color, or religion, there exist ample opportunities for landlords to restrict their rental units to individuals with various backgrounds using exclusionary screening practices. These criteria, such as minimum credit scores, criminal history, source of income, or prior evictions, for instance, are often correlated with race and thus hold the potential to perpetuate spatial patterns of racial and income segregation. In this article, we analyzed online rental listings from Zillow and Craigslist in a case study of Charlotte, North Carolina, to examine the proliferation and spatial variation in exclusionary criteria by neighborhood race and income. Overall, we found criminal background, credit score, housing voucher, eviction, and minimum income restrictions to be greater in poorer and minority neighborhoods. When distinguishing by platform, however, we found the presence of corporate landlords, who did not advertise on Craigslist, to be a significant driver of these results. Corporate landlords represented nearly 60 percent of advertisements on Zillow and were more common in poorer and minority neighborhoods; they also systematically included nearly all restrictions. Craigslist, by contrast, had fewer criteria that correlated with race and income. Key Words: housing discrimination, natural language processing, online rental listings, spatial analysis, Web scraping.

How to Build a Feminist Internet and Why It Matters

Despite being run by algorithms and data, the technology we use every day, often discriminates on the basis of race, gender, and even age. It is increasingly difficult to tell the extent to which the internet intersects with and amplifies male-centred technological innovations (AKA Big Tech), heteronormativity, and intervenes in the functioning of democracy.<br/>As technology's reach extends further into our everyday lives, we ask, what would a feminist internet look like?<br/> Feminist by Design offers methodological frameworks for feminist internet research, creating a diverse platform for engagements, with reflections mainly from the Global South. These essays and analyses are steppingstones to a feminist internet—one that 'works towards empowering more women and people of diverse and marginalised sexualities and genders—in all our diversities—to fully enjoy our rights, engage in pleasure and play, and dismantle patriarchy.'<br/> In this issue and more broadly in the field of feminist internet research, there is growing interest and trust in the rigour of feminist methodological inquiry and ways of knowing to challenge a false narrative of the 'objectivity' of knowledge, especially in relation to science and technology. Placing the voices of those who were formerly margin- alised front and centre of internet research practices, this issue promises transforming and transformative accounts of the world.

“We Are All Suffering Equally”: The Impact of the War on Muwalladin in Yemen

Abstract This article focuses on the impact of the war on people of mixed Yemeni-African descent in Yemen. These so-called muwalladin have been the target of discriminatory practices for decades. Since the start of the civil war in Yemen, stigmatization and discrimination on the basis of one's family background has increased. Based on a qualitative study among muwalladin in Yemen we argue that discrimination on the basis of race and gender is highly prevalent in Yemen, even though many interviewees were of the opinion that differences between Yemenis had decreased as a result of the war because “everyone is suffering equally.” Indeed, the daily lives of the Yemeni population are affected on many different levels, yet those who are considered second class citizens based on the intersection of their gender, race, lineage, and skin color, are suffering more than others.

Developing a Novel Fair-Loan Classifier through a Multi-Sensitive Debiasing Pipeline: DualFair

Machine learning (ML) models are increasingly being used for high-stake applications that can greatly impact people’s lives. Sometimes, these models can be biased toward certain social groups on the basis of race, gender, or ethnicity. Many prior works have attempted to mitigate this “model discrimination” by updating the training data (pre-processing), altering the model learning process (in-processing), or manipulating the model output (post-processing). However, more work can be done in extending this situation to intersectional fairness, where we consider multiple sensitive parameters (e.g., race) and sensitive options (e.g., black or white), thus allowing for greater real-world usability. Prior work in fairness has also suffered from an accuracy–fairness trade-off that prevents both accuracy and fairness from being high. Moreover, the previous literature has not clearly presented holistic fairness metrics that work with intersectional fairness. In this paper, we address all three of these problems by (a) creating a bias mitigation technique called DualFair and (b) developing a new fairness metric (i.e., AWI, a measure of bias of an algorithm based upon inconsistent counterfactual predictions) that can handle intersectional fairness. Lastly, we test our novel mitigation method using a comprehensive U.S. mortgage lending dataset and show that our classifier, or fair loan predictor, obtains relatively high fairness and accuracy metrics.

Perceived Racial/Ethnic Discrimination and Depressive Symptoms among Adolescents Living in the Cherokee Nation.

The objective of this study was to examine the longitudinal relationship between perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and depressive symptoms among adolescents living in the Cherokee Nation, as well as the potential moderating roles of race and social support. Self-reported survey data were analyzed from a sample of high school students (n = 1,622) who identified as American Indian only, American Indian and White, and White only. Compared to students who reported no discrimination on the basis of race, those who reported ever having experienced discrimination scored, on average, 1.62 units higher on the depressive symptoms scale six months later (p = .0001, 95% CI: 0.90, 2.33), while adjusting for age, race, gender, baseline depressive symptoms, enrollment in a free/reduced-price lunch program, and social support. Discrimination intensity did not significantly predict depressive symptoms among those reporting some frequency of discrimination. Race and social support did not modify either effect. These findings may inform development of interventions to promote mental health among American Indian adolescents.

Impact of COVID-19 on Medical Education: Perspectives From Students.

This article provides an overview of issues facing medical students in such key areas as communication, preclinical and clinical education, increased isolation, disruption to time-based curricula, inequities in virtual learning, racial trauma, medical student activism, increased conversations surrounding race and racism, LGBTQIA+ students, dual-degree students, and the virtual residency cycle. This article described challenges navigated by medical students during the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as triumphs resulting from the disruption and actionable recommendations in key areas. While the pandemic presented new challenges for medical students, it also uncovered or exacerbated long-standing problems. The intent is for medical schools and institutions to use these recommendations to create learning environments that do not depend on medical student resilience. The main takeaways for medical schools are to: (1) maintain an individualized and learner-centered ethos while remaining dynamic, flexible, and ready to embrace both immediate and incremental changes; (2) maintain open lines of communication; (3) implement policies and practices that support students’ academic, physical, and mental well-being; (4) engage and support students who bear historically disadvantaged identities on the basis of race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender, or disability; and (5) support creative and collaborative partnerships between medical institutions and students to ensure the ongoing evolution of medical education to meet the needs of learners and patients.

Review: Justice, Justice Thou Shalt Pursue: A Life’s Work Fighting for a More Perfect Union, by Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Amanda L. Tyler

Review: <i>Justice, Justice Thou Shalt Pursue: A Life’s Work Fighting for a More Perfect Union</i>, by Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Amanda L. Tyler

3 - Remaking from Below: The Political and Policy Implications of Subaltern Experiences in Postcolonial Freetown

This article deals with the archaeology of violence and urban exclusion in postcolonial Freetown. It argues that subalterns underwent a double exclusion – from the colonial to the postcolonial: first as natives on the basis of race, and then subsequently, as a marginal economic category. Their dogged resistance to structuration from above compels us to rethink the city and the citizenry in new ways that challenge our conception of urbanization, citizenship and the nation state in contemporary Africa. The article is divided into three sections. The first section discusses colonial restrictions from above and the exclusion of natives in the colonial city based on race. The second section examines the postcolonial divide and the reinvention of the natives as subalterns within the prism of class. The third section deals with the monumental changes that continue to make and remake post-war Freetown and the travails of the urban poor.

Automating Judicial Discretion: How Algorithmic Risk Assessments in Pretrial Adjudications Violate Equal Protection Rights on the Basis of Race

Automating Judicial Discretion: How Algorithmic Risk Assessments in Pretrial Adjudications Violate Equal Protection Rights on the Basis of Race

Ethics and Law.

Ethics and Law.

Public Purpose in the Evolution of American Higher Education

Public Purpose in the Evolution of American Higher Education

Political Participation Amid Mass Incarceration

Contact with the carceral state—ranging from police stops to prison time—is a frequent experience in the United States, particularly in communities marginalized on the basis of race and class. In recent years, political scientists have sought to measure the impacts of these encounters on individuals’ and communities’ political engagement. This review describes the main sources of evidence in this literature and what we learn from them. I present a series of stylized facts about the carceral state and political behavior, highlighting places where we know a great deal (such as the relative underrepresentation of people with criminal convictions among voters) and places where more work is needed (such as nonvoting participation and community spillovers). Then, I discuss policy proposals that seek to mitigate the political impacts of the carceral state, and what is and is not yet known about what they might accomplish.

Intolerance predicts climate skepticism

While there is almost unanimous consent among scientists that climate change is real and has detrimental consequences, there is a sizable number of people who are skeptical towards these propositions and who are not worried by climate change. In an attempt to understand the basis of climate skepticism, we look at the role of intolerance, a culturally transmitted attitude to the effect that people with certain characteristics are not to be respected. The theoretical link from intolerance to climate skepticism is driven by two elements: insufficient or biased knowledge formation and a value of not caring very much about the welfare of others. Our empirical analysis confirms that intolerance on the basis of race, ethnicity, immigration status, religion or sexual orientation predicts climate skepticism. By using the epidemiological method, relating the views on climate change of second-generation immigrants in Europe to cultural values in their countries of origin, we are able to rule out reverse causality – a novelty in the literature trying to explain climate skepticism. To get a feeling for the importance of intolerance, an increase in the share who are intolerant towards people of a different race in the individual's country of origin by 10 percentage points implies a reduced probability of the individual considering the consequences of climate change extremely bad of 4.3 percentage points (21.5%). An important implication of our findings is that to influence climate skeptics, it may be necessary to go beyond argumentation about the facts as such and to find ways to affect more basic individual characteristics.

Whiteness and the Rainbow: White LGBTQ+ College Students’ Racial Identity Development

LGBTQ+ communities and spaces on college campuses are often known as white-centered spaces, implicitly or explicitly excluding students of color. While White LGBTQ+ students may experience marginalization and exclusion on the basis of their sexual orientations and/or gender identities, they may unwittingly perpetuate oppression on the basis of race. Utilizing Helms’ (1990) white racial identity development model, this study explored how White LGBTQ+ college students understand their racial identity and white privilege. The sample of 12 White LGBTQ+ college students was drawn from a larger four-year longitudinal qualitative study of LGBTQ+ college student success. In early interviews, students either did not discuss their white racial identity or did not view their white racial identity as a salient aspect of their identity. However, students increasingly spoke about their white identities, race, and racism in later interviews. Interpersonal experiences, academic engagement, and national events provided access points for White LGBTQ+ students to talk about race and their white identities. Implications for research and practice with White LGBTQ+ college students and in LGBTQ+ campus spaces are discussed.

Harvesting a Forest

Harvesting a Forest

Asking the Menstruation Question to Achieve Menstrual Justice

&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; Menstruation is a situs of discrimination, oppression, harassment, and microaggression. Employers fire workers for bleeding and experiencing period pain. Schools control menstruating students’ access to bathrooms, products, and menstrual education. Prisons control their residents’ free access to menstrual products. There are both “obvious and non-obvious relationships” between menstrual discrimination and discrimination on the basis of race, gender, class, gender identity, and disability. This Essay suggests we ask the “menstruation question” as part of our examination of all forms of intersectional oppressions and to achieve menstrual justice. For example, if we see something racist, we should ask “where is the menstrual oppression in this?” So too, if we see menstrual oppression, we should ask, “where is the racism in this?” Through this process, we discover the multidimensionality of menstrual injustices and how they operate as structural intersectionality. We learn that “dismantling any one form of subordination is impossible without dismantling every other.” Therefore, asking the menstruation question is critical to achieve menstrual justice.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D;

A Boss Like Me*

There is extensive evidence of hiring decisions being biased with respect to applicant race and gender. We look at the other side of the hiring transaction, presenting what we believe to be first systematic investigation of bias in labor supply. In a choice experiment we examine decisions of job seekers faced with 14,544 pairs of job offers, with varying characteristics. White job seekers are around 11% more likely to choose a job offered by a white manager than an otherwise identical job offered by a black, while black respondents are 17% less likely. Estimates of intensity of preference, measured by willingness to accept a lower hourly wage, over employer attributes are reported. We find little evidence of bias with respect to gender. The results suggest a mechanism for disadvantage on basis of race in a competitive market for managerial or entrepreneurial roles

November 2021 Placement Ads

November 2021 Placement Ads